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FROM THE 

PERSONAL LIBRARY OF 

JAMES BUELL MUNN 

1890- 1967 






BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY 


1 






H 



THE 

Harleian Mifcellany: 

O R, A 

COLLECTION 

O F 

Scarce, Curious, and Entertaining 

PAMPHLETS and TRACTS, 

As well in Manufcript as in Print, 

Found in the late 

EARL of OXFORD'S LIBRARY. 

INTERSPERSED 

With Historical, Political, and Critical Notes. 

with 
A Table of the Contents, and an Alphabetical Index. 



VOL. I. 



LONDON: 

Printed for T. S B R N E, in Gray\-hi7i. Mdccxliv. 



Ace 1%- H«07»vo».l 
DA 3°°. tt*& v4t ' ' 



T O 



His moft Gracious MAJESTY, 

GEORGE II. 

O F 

Great-Britain, France, and Ireland, 

KING, Defender of the Faith, &c. 

This First Volume 
o f t h e 

Harleian Miscellany, 

Is moft humbly infcribed, by, 
Tour MAJESTY'* 
Mofl faithful, and 

Moft obedient SubjeB, 



Thomas Osborne. 



L 



I 



[>] 



S 



T 



O F T H E 



SUBSCRIBERS. 



The KIN G's moft gracious Majefty. 



THE RightHon. the Earl 
of Ailefbury, Vifcount 
Bruce 

Sir Thomas Allen, Bart. 

The Hon. Mr. Afton 

Lancelot Allgood, Efq; 

Thomas Amory, Efq; 

Edward Afh, Efq-, 

George Armftrong, Efq; 

Michael Anne, Efq; 

John Tracey AtkinF, Efq; 

The Rev. Dr. Ay fcough, Clerk 
of the Clofet to his Royal 
Highnefs the Prince of 
"Wales 

John Andree, M. D. 
B. 

The Right Hon. John Boyle, 
Lord Boyle, of Marflon, 
Earl of Orrery, in Ireland 

The Right Hon. and Reve- 
rend Lord James Beauclerk 

Sir John Beard, Bart. 

The Hon. George Berkley, 
Efq-, 

William Berkley, Efq; 

Oliver Baron, Efq; 

Jofeph Burch, Efq; 



Hodgkinfon Banks, Efq; 
Henry Barham, Efq; 
Benjamin Bayley, Efq; 
Roger Blunt, Efq; 
Stephen Beckingham, Efq; 
Francis Bernard, Efq; 
Arthur Bernard, Efq; 
Edmund Bull, Efq; 
Thomas Bonner, Efq; 
Miles BrantKwaite, Efq; of 

Norwich 
John Bois, Efq; 
John Brittle, Efq; 
John Bacon, Efq; 
Felix Buckley, Efq; 
Jofeph Beachcroft, Efq; 
William Bafill, Efq; 
Robert Briftow, Efq; 
William Burton, Efq; 
Henry Richmond Brome, Efq; 
William Banks, Efq; 
Robert Bull, Efq; 
William Berniers, Efq; 
Thomas Beft, Efq; 
William Brocketr, Efq; 
Miles Barnes, Efq; 
Thomas Bowdler, Efq; 
Thomas Plumer Byde, Efq; 
Charles Barnes, Efq; 



Luke Bennett, Efq; 

Baird, Efq; 

Edmund Barker, Efq; 

John Bedingfield, Efq; 

The Rev, Dr. Bridges 

The Rev. Mr. Barrow 

The Rev. Mr. Barton, Reftor 
of St. Andrews, Holborn 

Mr. John Buckholm, Mer- 
chant 

Mr. William Broomfield, Sur- 
geon 

Mr. Berkley 

Mr. William Bayntun 

Mr. John Brome 

Mr. John Briftow, Jun. of 
Lifbon 

Mr. Henry Binfield 

Mr. Jofeph Berry 

Mr. Paul Bertrand 

Mr. Blenman, Junior 

Mr. George Barnes 
C. 

The Right Hon. John Lord 
Carteret, Principal Secre- 
tary of State 

The Right Hon. the Earl of 
Chefterfield , and Baron 

Stanhope 



VI 



A Lift of the Subfcribers Names. 



Stanhope of Sheffield, one 
of his Majeity's molt Hon. 
Privy Council 
The Right Hon. the Earl of 
Cholmondeley, Vifcount 
Mai par, Lord Privy Seal 
The Right Hon. the Ear] of 
Cardigan, Baron Brudenel, 
Chief Juftice in Eyre, be- 
yond Trent 

The Right Hon. the Lord 

Colraine 
The Hon. Sir Lawrence Car- 
ter, Knt. one of the Barons 
of the Exchequer 

Sir William Courtney, Bart. 

Sir John Cuft, Bart. 

Sir James Creed, Knt. 

The Hon. Col. Charles Ingram 

The Hon. Alexander Hume 
Campbell, Efq; 

Captain Le Cheaux 

William Cowper, Efq; 

Arthur Collins, Efq; 

Kenrick Clayton, Efq; 

Ralph Congreve, Efq; 

Jofhua Cox, Efq; 

Thomas Corbett, Efq; 

Cuthbert Conftable, Efq; 

Robert Crammond, Efq; 

Francis Capper, Efq; 

John Clarkfon, Efq; 

John Crafter, Efq; 

John Comyns, Efq; 

Nathaniel Chambers, Efq; 

John Clarke, Efq; 

John Carr, Efq; 

William Ciayton, Efq; 

Dennis Clark, Efq; 

John Crawford, Efq; of Croy- 
land 

Thomas Carew, Efq; Mem- 
ber of Parliament 

John Coxe, Efq; of Lincoln's 
Inn 

The Rev. Mr. Arch-Deacon 
Chapman 

The Rev. Dr. Cowper 
Charles Chauncey, M. D. 



Matthew Clarke, M. D. 
Mr. Samuel Claggett, A. M. 
Mr. Courtail, Fellow of Clare- 
Hall, Cambridge 
The Rev. Mr. Coftard 
Mr. Edward Cole, of St. 

Mary Hall, Oxford 
Mr. John Coppendale, of 

Lifbon 
Mr. John Chambers, of Lewis, 

in SufTex 
Mr. Cave 
Mr. Jofhua Cox 
Mr. Will. Clarke, Merchant 
Mr. Thomas Crew, Jun. 
Mr. Mendez Da Cofta 

D. 
The Right Hon. the Earl of 

Dyfart 
The Right Hon. the Lord 

Duplin 
Sir Francis Drake, Bart. 
TheHon. Mr. Juftice Denifon 
James Ducarel, Efq; 
Arthur Dobbs, Efq; 
John Dyneley, Efq; 
George Delaval, Efq; 
Davy Durrant, Efq; 
Richard Dawfon, Efq; 
The Rev. Dr. Drake 
The Rev. Mr. Dean, of Mer- 

ton College, Oxon 
The Rev. Mr. Dyer 
The Rev. Mr. Dixon 
The Rev. Mr. Delafont 
The Rev. Mr. Daintry of 

Leek in Staffordfhire 
Richard Daniel], M. D. 
Mr. Chriftoph. Denton, Gent. 
Mr. John Dixon, Merchant, 

in Leeds 
Mr. Dickenfon 
Mr. Dobyns 
Mr. Draper 

Mr. John Debonair, of Lif- 
bon 



The Right Hon. the Earl of 



Effingham, Deputy Earl- 
Marfhal of England, and 
Lieutenant Colonel of the 
fecond Troop of Guards 

The Hon. Colonel Earl 

The Hon. George Evans, Efq; 

Sir Robert Eden, Bart. 

Sir John Evelyn, Bart. 

Humphrey Edwin, Efq; 

Francis Eyles, Efq; 

John Edwards, Efq; 

Archibald Edmonfton, Efq; 

The Rev. Mr. Entick 

Mr. Daniel Eagland 

Mr. Elliot 

Mr. Thomas Evans 
F. 

Sir Cordeli Firebrace, Bart. 

Sir Andrew Fountain, Bart. 

Henry Foot, Efq; 

Coulfton Fellows, Efq; 

Matthew Frampton, Efq; 

Charles Frederick, Efq; 
John Fuller, Jun. Efq; 
Fletcher Fleming, Efq; 
Sydenham Fowke, Efq; 
John Frederick, Jun. Efq; 
Col. Thomas Fowke 
Capt. William Fleming 
The Rev. Mr. Fountain 
Mr. Francis 
Mr. Franks 
Mr. Alexander Forbes 
Mr. Bernard Frederick 

G. 
The Right. Hon. the Lord 

Gower of Sittenham 
Sir Charles Gilmour, Bart. 
Lady Betty Germain 
Jofeph Gulfon, Efq; 
Samuel Gale, Efq; 
Waterhoufe Gibbon, Efq; 
Thomas De Gray, Efq; 
James Gibbon, Efq; 

Gilbert, Efq; 

Nathaniel Gilbert, Efq; 
William Gardener, Efq; 
John Gore, Efq; 

Thomas 



A Lift of the Sitbfcribers Names. 



vn 



Thomas Goddard, Efq; 
George Gough, Efq-, 
Charles Gray, Efq; of Col- 

cheller 
James Garland, Efq; of Lewes 

in SulTex 
Edward Green, Efq; 
James Gordon, Efq; 
Thomas Gape, Efq; 
Jofeph Gape, Efq; 
Mr. John Gibbon, Jun. 
Mr. Goram 
Mr. Grimftead 
Mr. Thomas Green 
Mr. Green 
Mr. Richard Griffiths 
Mr. Fenton Griffiths 
Mr. Ralph Griffiths 
Mrs. Garth 
Mifs Betty Griffiths 

H. 
The RightHon. Lady Hervey 
The Right Hon. the Lord 
Vifcount Hatton, and Baron 
Hatton 
Sir Henry Harpur, Bart. 
The Hon. Mr. Haftings 
Paggen Hale, Efq; 
James Han not, Efq-,. 
Benjamin Hyett, Efq; 
Robert Holdman, Efq-, 
Robert Harper, Efqv 
John Hedworth, Efq; 
John Hawkins, Efq; 
Charles Holzendorf, Efq; 
• Hanmer r Efq; 

Samuel Heathcote, Jun. Efq; 
Edward Horn, Efq; 
James Hayes, Efq; 
John Hill, Efq; 
Thomas Hunt, Efq; 
John Haggard, Efq; 
James Huftler, Efq; 
Mr. Serjeant H <yward 
Thomas H nzell, Gent. 
Mr. Charts Hore, Gent. 
Mr. Ifaac Hughes, Merchant 
James Hibbins, M. D. 
The Rev. Mr. JofhuaHill, of 



Chrift-church, Oxford, now 
of Watford 
The Rev. Mr. Howard, Chap- 
Jain to his Royal Highnefs 
the Prince of Wales 
Mr. Mann Horner 
Mr. William Hutton 
Mr. William Hayward 
Mr. Houghton 
Mr. Hamerfley 
I. 
Sir Edward Imam, Bart. 
Steph. Theod. JanfTer), Efq; 
Jofhua Iremonger, Efq; 
Nicholas JefFerys, Efq; 
The Rev. Mr. Innet, Preben- 
dary of Worcefter 
Mr. Harry Johnfon 

K. 
Sir John Kaye, Bart. 
Francis Knollys, Efq; 
William Kynafton, Efq; 
Thomas Kymer, Efq-, 
Matthew Kendrick, Efq; 
The Hon. Mrs. Knight 
Will. King, LL.D. Principal 
of St. Mary's Hall, Oxford 
Robert Key, M. D. of Letk, 

in Stafford (hi re 
Mr. William Knight, Banker 

L. 
The Right Hon. the Earl of 

Londonderry 
The Right Hon. Sir William 
Lee, Knt. Lord Chief Juf- 
tice of England, one of his 
Majefty's mod Hon. Privy 
Council 
The Hon. Col. Tho. Lafcelles 
Sir Thomas Lowther, Bart, z 

Sets 
Sir Harry Lyddall, Bart. 
Sir Berkley Lucy, Bart. 
Richard Llo.yd, Efq; 
William Lvnbton, Efq; 
William Lowes, Efq; 
Willn m Lock, Efq; 
The Rev. Mr. Herbert Leek 
The Rev. Mr. Lewis 



The Rev. Mr. Charles Lid- 
go id 
Mr. Lacon, G:nt. 
Mr. Lees, Merchant 
Mr. Lupton 
Mr. Lawrence 
Mr. John Lee 
Mr. John Landon 
Mr. John Long 
Mr. Charles Lowth 
Mr. Robert Lambe 

M. 
His Grace the Duke of Marl- 
borough, Marquis of Bland- 
ford 
The Right Hon. John Lord 
Monfon, fir it Commifiioner 
of Trade and Plantations 
The Hon. Dr. Monfon 
TheHon. Mr. Charles Monfon 
The Hon. Mr. William Mon- 
fon 
Sir William Milnar, Bart. 
Sir Richard Manningham, 

Knt. M. D. 
Matthew Mills, Efq; 
Edward Mills, Efq; 
Edward Medley, Efq; of Cc- 

neyboroughs, 2 Sets 
Edward Mar ton, Efq; 
Alexander Maccartney, Efqv 
Richard Morley, Efq; 
Henry Mufgrave, E 
John Manley, Efq; 
Jimes Morgan, Efq; 
Richard Maurice, Efq; of 

Ofweftry, in Shropshire 
Captain Millar 
Charles Morton, M. D. c 

Kendall 
John Martin, F. R. S. Prcfcl- 
forof Botany in Cambridge 
Mr. William Mark ham, 

Chrift-Church, Oxon 
Mr. Montgomery 
N. 
HisGracetheDukeofNorfo-k, 
EarlMarfhaJ and heredtary 



vm 



A Lift of the Subfcribers Names, 



Ea r 1 I\ 1 a r f! i a 1 o f E n gla r d 

The Right Hon. the Lord 
North 

John Nichols, Efq; 

Co firms Nevill, Efq; 

John Nay lor, Efq; 

Mr. Alclerrnan Nutting, of 
Cambridge 

Mr. John New- 
Mr. Robert New 
O. 

The Right Honourable Arthur 
Onflow, Efq-, Speaker of the 
Houfe of Commons, and 
one of his Majefty's mod 
Honourable Privy Council 

Samuel Ongley, Efq; 

Mr. Nathaniel Owen 

Mr. Oldys 

P. 

The mod Noble the Marquis 
and Earl of Powis, Vifcount 
Montgomery 

The Right Rev. the Lord Bi- 
fhop of Peterborough 

The Right Hon. Henry Pel- 
ham, Efq; firft Commiffio- 
ner of the Treafury, Chan- 
- cellorof the Exchequer, and 
one of his Majefty's moft 
Hon. Privy Council 

The Right Elan. Sir Thomas 
Parker, Knt. Lord Chief 
Baron of the Court of Ex- 
chequer 
■ Sir Gregory Page, Bart. 

Hon. Robert Penny, Efq; 

John Probyn, Efq; 

George Procter, Efq-, 

Thomas Place, Efq; , 

Thomas Pincke, Efq; 

Confcancine Phipps, Efq; 

William Plummer, Efq; 

E J ward Pauncefort, Elq; 

Edward Palmer, Efq; 

Ralpe Palmer, Efq; 

Philip Parfons, Efq; 

William Phillips, Efq; 

Dormer ParkhurfV, Elq; 



John Price, Efq; 

John Pitt, Efq; 

Thomas Putteyne, Efq; 

Richard Page, Efq; 

George Putland, Efq; 

Dr. Pepufch 

Samuel Pye, M. D. 

The Reverend Mr. Pickering 

Mr. Power 

Mr. Popham 

Mr. Robert Packer 

Mr. Price 

Mr. Phelps 

Mrs. Poultney 

R. 
Henry Rolle, Efq; 
Samuel Reynardfon, Efq; 
Jofeph Radcliffe, Efq; 
Lytton Robin fen, Efq; 
William Robinfon, Elq; 
Willey Reveley, Efq; 
Chriftopher Rawlinfon, Efq; 
The Rev. Mr. Arch-Deacon 

Reynolds 
Richard Richardfon, M. D. 
The Reverend Mr. Rothery 
The Rev. Mr. Richardfon, 

Curate of St. Swithin, and 

Under- matter of Chrift's 

Hofpital 
Mr. Alexander Reid, Surgeon 
Mr. Henry Reade 
Mr. John Rayner 
Mr. William Rawlinfon 
Mr. Samuel Richardfon 
Don Pedro Rahmeyer, of 

Lifbon 

S. 
The Right Lion, the Earl of 

Shaftfbury, Baron Afliley 
Sir Hugh Smithfon, Bart. 
The Hon. John Spencer, Efq; 
Mr. Serjeant Skinner, Chief 

Juftice of Chefler 
William Strahan^Efq; 
Wjlliam Southwell, Efq; 
Wavell Smith, Efq; 
Miles Sandys,- fify 




Thomas Shepherd, Efq; 

Matthew Swinburne, Efqi 

Arthur Sturt, Efq; 

Francis Sitwell, Efq; 

Robert Salkeild, Efq; 

John Smith, Efq; 

George Scott, Efq; 

John Short, Efq; 

John Spencer, Efq; 

Thomas Scrope, Efq; 

George Shelvock, Efq; 

Stephen Soame, Efq; 

George Spareman, Efq ; 

Lawrence Shirley, Efq; 

John Smith, Efq;ofSufTex 

William Sheldon, Efq; 

Thomas Streatfeild, Efq; 

John Selwyn, Efq; 

Harry Spencer, Efq; 

John Archer Shifh, Efq; 

Thomas Strickland, Efq; 

The Rev. Mr. Sone, A. M. 
Chaplain to his Royal High- 
nefs the Prince of Wales 

The Rev. Mr. Swinton 

The Rev. Mr. Simpfon 

Jofeph Stanynought, Gent. 

Mr. John Shipton, of Wat* 
ford, Merchant 

Mr. William Shirley, of Lif- 
bon, Merchant 

Mr. Sweeting 

Mr Spencer 

Mr. John Swale 

Mr. William Short 

Mr. George Sherwood 

Mr. Charles Sayer, of Watford 

Mr. Sandys 

T. 

The Right Hon. the Lord 
VifcountTorrington, Baron 
Byng, one of the Vice- 
Treafurers of Ireland, and 
one of his Majefty's moft 
Hon. Privy Council 

The Right Hon. the Lord 
Vifcount Tyrconnel 

The Hon. Mr. Juftice Trevor 

The 



A Lift of the Subfcribers Names. 



IX 



The Hon. Mr. Charles Talbot 

Chriftopher Towers, Efq; 

Robert Thompfon, Efq; 

John TwiQeton, Efq-, 

John Theede, Efq-, 

John Taylor, Efq; 

Thomas Towers, Efq; 

William Turner, Efq; 

William Tully, Efq; 

William Turton, Efq; 

George Thompfon, Efq; 

Peter Thomfon, Efq; 

The Reverend Dr. Taylor 

The Rev. Timothy Thomas, 
D. D. Rector of Prefteigne 

The Rev. Mr. Will. Thomp- 
fon, A. M. 

The Rev. Mr. Tomlinfon 
Boulter Tomlinfon, M. D. 
John Twynam, Gent. 
Mr. Chriftopher Tilfon 
Mr. Tregagle 
Mr. Richard Toll, Gent. 

U. 
The Right Hon. Lord Vane 
Thomas Uthwaite, Efq; 

Vivian, Efq; 

Thomas Vaughan, A. M. late 
of Lincoln College, Oxon. 



The Rev. Mr. Villette 
Mr. Ubank 

W. 

The Right Hon. the Earl of 
Warwick and Holland, Ba- 
ron Rich 

The Right Rev. Lord Bifhop 
of Worcefter 

Hon. Mr. Jufiice Wright 

John Woodley, Efq; 

William Woodley, Efq; 

James Wed, Efq; 

Ifaac Wittington, Efq; 

Lee Warner, Efq; 

Robert Williams, Efq; 

Philip Webb, Efq; 

James Wallis, Efq; 

Andrew Wilkinfon, Efq; 

Lewis Way, Efq; 

W T illiam Whitehead, Efq; 

John Warburton, Efq; So- 
merfet Herald F. R. S. 

John Windham, Efq; 

Daniel Willion, Efq; 

David Willaume, Efq; 

James Wallis, Efq; 

Wadham Wyndham, Efq; 

George Williams, Efq; 



John White, Efq; 
William Wynne, Efq; 
Taylor White, Efq; F. R. S. 
Thomas Waters, of Haye«, 

Efq; 
Peter Wyche, Efq; 
Francis Wingate, Efq; 
The Rev. Dr. Whalley, Maf- 
ter of Peter-Houfe, Cam- 
bridge, and Regius Pro- 
feflfor of Divinity 
The Rev. Dr. Wright 
The Rev. Mr. Williams 
The Rev. Mr. Warren 
The Rev. Mr. Langhorn 

Warren 
The Rev. Mr. Edward Wal- 
mefley, Rector of Fal- 
mouth 
Mr. Robert Waftfield 
Mr. Bliffett Woodefon 
Mr. Williams 
Mr. Wenman, at Rockholt- 

houfe 
Mr. William Wilfon 

Y. 
S. S. Yeamans, Efq; 



A LIST of the Bookfellers in London. 



MR.Auften 
Mr. Atkinfon 
Mr. Aftley 

B. 
Mr. Browne 
Mr. Birt 
Mr. Brotherton 
Mr. Buckland 
C. 
Mr. Clark 
Mr. Cox 
Mr. Chapel le 
Mr. Cummins 



Mrs. Cooper 

D. 
Mr.Dod 
Mr. Dodfley 
Mr. Davis 

H. 
Mr. Hitch, 15 Sets 
Mr. Hawkins 
Mr. Harris 
Mr. Hodges 

K. 
Meffrs. Knaptons 

L. 
Mr. Longman, 25 Sets 

a 



M. 

Mr. Millar 

Meff. Manby and Cox 
Mrs. Mansfield 
N. 
Mr. Needham 

O. 
Mr. J. Ofborn 

P. 
Mr. Payne 
Mr. Parker 
Mr. Pemberton 
R. 
Mr. Robinfon, 250 Sets 

Mr. Rivington 



A Lift of the Subfcribers Names. 



Mr. Rivingtor, 10 Sets 

S, 
Mr. Shropfhire, 4 Sets 
Mr. Strahan 
Mr. Stagg 



Mr. Shuckburgb, 5 Sets 

T. 
Mr. Samuel Trimmer 
Mr. Trye 



W. 

Mr. Wickfteed 
Mr. Withers 
Mr. Waller 
Mr. Ward 



A L I S T of the Country Bookfellers. 



MR. John Broadfoot, of 
Afhford, Kent 

Mr. Lancelot Wilkinfon of 
Appleby, Weftmoreland 

Mr. John Dagnal of Ayles- 
bury, Buckmghamfhire 

Mr. William Cranfton of Al- 
ton, Hampfhire 

Mr. Richard Hale of Ando- 
ver, Ditto 

Mr. Thomas Miles of Arun- 
del, SufTex 

Mr. Hugh Smerdon, of Afh- 
burton, Devonfhire 

Mr. Robert Farquahar, of A- 
berdeen, Scotland 

Mr. David Angu, of Ditto 
B. 

Mr. Edw. Radnall, of Bewd- 
ley, Worcefterfhire 

Mr. Benj- Hickey, of Briftol 

Mr. John Wilfon, of Ditto 

Mr. Will. Lewis, of Ditto 

Mrs. Martha Lewis, of Ditto 

Mr. Paul Stevens, of Bicefter, 
Oxfordfhire 

Mr. Robert Taylor, of Ber- 
wick upon Tweed 

Mr. Benjamin Haflewood, of 
Bridgenorth, Shropfhire 

Mr. Codrington, of Bridge- 
water, Somerfetfhire 

Mr. James Leake, of Bath 

Mr. Frederick, of Ditto 

Mr. Goadby, of Ditto 

Mr. Thomas Ferrours, of Bo- 
lton, Lincolnfhire 

Mr. William Calcott, of Ban- 
bury, Oxfordfhire 



Mrs. Elif. Thorp, of Ditto 
Mr. John Smithes, of Bedford 
Mr. Jofeph Smith, of Barnef- 

ley, Yorkfnire 
Mr. Dudley Rocket, of Brad- 
ford, Ditto 
Mr. Thomas Aris, of Bir- 
mingham, Warwickfhire 
Mr. Robert Luke, of Ditto 
Mr. Francis Woliaflon, of 

Ditto 
Mr. Tho. Warren, of Ditto 
Mr. John Clench, of Bland- 
ford, Dorfetlhire 
C. 
Mr. George Hill, of Ciren- 

cefter, Gloucefterfhire 
Mr. John Flacton, of Canter- 
bury 
Mr. William Smith, of Can- 
terbury 
Mr. John Wright, of Chat- 
ham, Kent 
Mr. Henry Hall, of Carlifle, 

Cumberland 
Mr. Richard Cooke, of Ditto 
Mr. William Ratten, of Co- 
ventry 
Mr. Jof. Trimmer, of Ditto 
Mr. James Jobfon, of Ditto 
Mr. John Lewis, of Carmar- 
then 
Mr. Charles Darby, of Col- 

chefter, EiTex 
Mr. Jof. Burnham, of Ditto 
Mr. JohnPilborough, of Ditto 
Mr. John Kendall, of Ditto 
Mr. Henry Bead 
Mr. Job Bradley, of Chefter- 
field 



Mr. Jonathan Slater, of Ditto 
Mr. Jofeph Lee, of Chichefter 
Mr. William Wall, of Ditto 
Mr. Thomas Merrill, ofCam- 

bridge 
Mr. Rich. Hopkins, of Ditto 
Mr. William Thurlborne, of 

Ditto 
Mr. Will. Bonner, of Ditto 
Mr. Crown, of Ditto 
Mr. John Clay, of Daventry, 

Northamptonfhire 
Mr. Sam. Trimmer, of Derby 
Mr. Jeremy Roe, of Ditto 
Mr. Fox, of Ditto 
Mr. Godfrey Inman, of Don- 

cafter 
Mr. John Sanderfon, of Ditto 
M. Thomas Stokes, of Dud- 
ley, Worcefterfhire 
Mr. William Colchefter, of 

Dedham, ElTex 
Mr. James Smith, of Darking, 

Surrey 
Mr. Tho. Holoway, of Dover 
Mr. Lancelot Gill, of Ditto 
Mr. John Gould, of Dorche- 

fter 
Mr. James Arfley of Durham 
Mr. JohnRichardlbn, of Ditto 
Mr. Beniamin Shuckforth, of 

Difs, "Norfolk 
Mr. John Glafs, of Dundee, 

Scotland 

E. 
Mr. Aaron Tozer, of Exeter 
Mr. Edward Score, of Ditto 
Mr.BarnabasThorne, of Ditto 
Mr. Jofeph Pole, of Eton 

Mr James 



A Lift of the Subfcribcrs Names. 



XI 



Mr. James Hayhow, of Ely, 

Northamptonfhire 
Mr. Elias Andrews, of Evef- 

ham, Wcrcefterfhire 
Mr. Hamilton and Balfour, of 

Edinburgh 
Mr. Yair and Beveridge, of 

Ditto 
Mr. William Sands, of Ditto 
Mr. Alex. Symmer, of Ditto 
Mr. Alex. Kinc^id, of Ditto 
Mr. Crawford, of Ditto 

F. 
Mr. Stephen Keeping, of 

Froome, Somerfetfhire 
Mr. Richard Toes, of Folk- 
ftone, Kent 
G. 
Mr. Chriftopher Rawlinfon, of 

Garftang, Lancafhire 
Mr. Henry Thompfon , of 

Gainsborough 
Mr. William Jackfon, of Gif- 

borough 
Mr. Thomas Price, of Glou- 

cefter 
Mr. Gabriel Harris, of Ditto 
Mr. W. Harris, Jun. of Ditto 
Mr. Samuel Parvifn, of Guild- 
ford, Surrey 
Mr. Andrew Stalker, of Glas- 
gow, Scotland 
Mr. John Barry, of Ditto 
Mr. Alex. Carlifle, of Ditto 

H. 
Mr. Miles' Catten, of Hun- 
tingdon 
Mr. George Ferraby, of Hull 
Mr. John Munby, of Ditto 
Mr. John Mace, of Ditto 
Mr. Abraham Milner, of Ha- 
lifax 
Mr. Nathaniel Bir.ns, ofDitto 
Mr. Philip Hodges, of Hercf. 
Mrs. Elizabeth Wild, of Ditto 
Mr. Tho. Randall, of Harle- 

ftone, Norfolk 
Mr. James Lewis, of Haver- 
ford, Weft 



Mr. Robert Curtis, of Horf- 

ham, SufTex 
K. 
Mr* Thomas Afhburner, of 

Kendal, Weftmcreland 
Mr. John Leach, of Knutts- 

ford, Chefhire 
Mr. John Hewet of Ditto 

L. 
Mr. Jofeph Ogle, of Leeds 
Mr. Samuel Howgate, Ditto 
Mr. John Swale, Ditto 
Mr. Dan. Farmer, ofLeominft. 
Mr. Jofeph Cooper, of Lynn, 

Norfolk 
Mr. Thomas Hollingworth, of 

Ditto 
Mr. Will. Samuel, of Ditto 
Mr. Edward Venal, of Lewis, 

SufTex 
Mr. James Reed, of Leith, 

Scotland 
Mr. Bryan Macreth of Lan- 

cafter 
Mr. Jam. Anfdale, of Liverp. 
Mr. James William fon, of 

Liverpoole 
Mr. Rob, Fleetwood, of Ditto 
Mr. James Wild, of Ludlow, 

Herefordfhire 
Mr. John Wood, of Lincoln 
Mr. Tho. Smalley, of Ditto 
Mr. George Brice, of Leicefter 
Mr. Tho. Martin, ofDitto 
Mr. Thomas Hartihorne, of 

Ditto 
Mrs. Sarah Johnfon, of Litch- 
field 
Mr. John Bailey, ofDitto 

M. 
Mrs. Ann Gorham, of Maid- 

ftone, Kent 
Mr. Walter Gil more, of Marl- 
borough 
Mr. Robert Whitworth, of 

Manchefter 
Mr. John Hodges, ofDitto 
Mr. Newton, of Ditto 
a 2 



Mr. John Higginfon, Jun. of 

Macclesfield, Chefhire 
Mr. Jof. Rathbone, of Ditto 
Mr. William Davis, of Mon- 
mouth 
Mr. Caleb Ratten, of Market 
Harborough, Leicefterfhire 
Mr. Thomas Abraham, of 
Midhurft, SufTex 
N. 
Mr. John Fergufon, of Nor- 
wich 
Mr. Jonathan Gleed, ofDitto 
Mr. William Chace,of Ditto 
Mr. James Carlos, ofDitto 
Mr. Tho. Goddard, ofDitto 
Mr. Rob. Goodman, of Ditto 
Mr. John Hill, of Newark 

upon Trent 
Mr. Robert Akenhead, of 

Newcaftle upon Tyne 
Mr. Martin Bryfon, ofDitto 
Mr. John Harrifon, of Ditto 
Mr. Jam. Fleming, of Ditto, 

3 Sets 
Mr. William Wimpey, of 

Newberry, Berkshire 
Mr. Robert Taylor, of Nant- 

wich, Chefhire 
Mr. Plant Maddocks, ofDitto 
Mr. John Pafham, of North- 
ampton 
Mr. John Fowler, ofDitto 
Mr. William Dicty, ofDitto 
M. George Afcough, of Not- 
tingham 
Mr. William Ward, ofDitto 
Mr. Thomas Collyer, ofDitto 
Mr. Samuel Parfons, of New- 
caftle, Stafford fh ire 
Mr. Jeremiah Collyer, of 
Newport- Pagnel, Bucks 
O. 
Mr. James Stuart, Jun. of 

Ormfkirk, Lancafhire 
Mr. Edward Doe, of Oxford 
Mr. Clements, of Ditto 
Mr. James FJetcher, ofDitto 

Mrs. Marv 



Xll 



A Lift of the Subfcribers Names, 



Mrs. Mary Fletcher, of Oxford Mr. Timothy Crowther , of W. 

Mr. Buret, of Ditto Shipron on Craven, Yorkfli. Mr. Charles Alexander, of 

Mr. Edw.B:oughtcn,cf Ditto Mr. John Taylor, of Stafford Woodbrid^e, Suffolk 

. Parker, of Ditto Mrs. Brettall,of Sioverbridge, Mr. James Lay land, of Wig- 

P. Worcefterfliirc gon, Lancafhire 

Mr. Samuel Rhodes, of Ply- Mr. John Bell, of Stockton, Mr". William Stuart, of Ditto 
mouth, Dcvonfliire Durham Mr. John Higginfon, of War- 
Mr. Benjamin Smith, of Ditto Mr. Robert Woolridge, of rington, Lancafhire 

Mr. John Palmer, of Ditto Shaftfbury 

Mr. Miles Corncy, of Penrith, Mr. William Cook, of Sher- 

Cumberland bourne, Dorfetfhire 

Mr. Edward Smith, of Pref- Mr. Jacob Silver, of Sand- 
ton, Lancafhire wich, Kent 

Mr. Rich. Hopkins of Ditto Mr. Henry Wife, of Ditto 

Mr. Godfrey Bouchier, of Pe- Mr. Benj. Collins, ofSalifbury 

terborough Mr. Fifield, of Southampton 

Mr. Grace Nevil, of Penryn, Mr. Edward Eafton, of Ditto 

Cornwall Mr. Watlbn Harrifon, of Slea- 

Mr. Thomas Vigur, of Pen- ford, Lincolnfhire 



zance, Cornwall 

Mr. William Pullen, of Pet- 
worth, Suffex 

Mr. John Ommanney , of 
Portfmouth 

Mr. Grove, of Portfmouth 
R. 

Mr. Samuel Blackman, of 
Reading, Berkfhire 

Mr. John Raine, of Richmond, 
York (hire 

Mr. Edward Fifher, of Ditto 

Mr. Rich. Auftin of Rippon 



Mr. John Eyres, of Ditto 
Mr. John Lovell, of Whit- 
church, Shropfhire 
Mr. John Rowley, of Weft- 

chefter 
Mr. Tho. Ledfham,cf Ditto 
Mr. Thomas Page, of Ditto 
Mr. G. Hopkinfon, of Warw. 
Mr. Edmund Stringer, of 

Wakefield 
Mr. Jofeph Lord, of Ditto 



Mr. Samuel Watfon, of St. Mrs. Sarah Unit, of Wolver- 

Edmundfbury, Suffolk hampton 

Mr. William Bailey, of Ditto Mr. Thomas Wolley, of Wor- 

Mr. Thomas Durfton, of cefter 

Shrewfbury Mr. Thomas Oliver, of Ditto 



Mr. John Cotton, of Ditto 
Mr. Rich. Lathrop, of Ditto 
Mr. Tho. Pafham, of Strat- 
ford, on Avon 
T. 
Mr. Will. Norris, of Taun- 
ton, Somerfetfhire 
Mrs. Sarah Chauikin, of Ditto 



Mr. John Blount, of Rofs, Mr. Richard Legafficke, of 



Hertfordfhire 
S. 

Mr. Robert Stafford, of Stam- 
ford, Lincolnfhire 

Mr. Rogers, of Ditto 

Mr. Howgrave, Printer, of 
Ditto 

Mr. John Haxby, of Sheffield 

Mr. Benj. Haxby, of Ditto 

Mr. Sam. Simmons, of Ditto 

Mr. Smith, of Ditto 



Mr. W. Mountford, of Ditto 

Mr. Thomas Payne, of Wrex- 
ham, Denbighshire 

Mr. Tho. Hawkes, of Wells, 
in Norfolk 

Mr. Henry Green, of Weft- 
ram, Kent 

Mr. John Gcodenough of 
Warminfler, Wiltshire 

Mr. Prior of Winchefter 
Y. 

Mr. Defer Ward, of York 

Mr. Barfrow and Stabler, of 
Ditto 



Totnefs, Devonshire 
Mr. Philip Parker, of Tiver- 
ton, Devonshire 
Mr. Thomas Winder, of Ten- 

terdon, Kent 
Mr. Edward Tregasfhys, of Mr. William Dalton, of Ditto 
Truro, Cornwall Mr. Nathaniel Bell, of Ditto 

U. Mr. John Hildyard, of Ditto 

Mr. John Cook, ofUpping- Mr. William Eaton, of Yar- 
ham, Rutlandfhire mouth, Norfolk 

Mr. George Haliday, of Ditto 
N. B. Thcfe Gentlemen that are pleafed to favour this Undertaking, are defired to fend their Name 
to the Proprietor, T. Ofborne, in Gray's Inn, or to the Publijher, J. Robinfon, at the Gol- 
den Lion in Ludgate-ftreet, and they Jh all be infer ted in the next Volume. 

* # * The Pedigree of General MONK, a certain Gentleman defres to be publifned, being found imperfect ; it 
fhall be publifhed as foon as compleated ; being my conftant Endeavours to cblige every Sjbfcnber in their 
Recommendation of any FamphLt in our Power. 



XVJ11 



THE 



CONTENTS 



T O T H E 



HARLEIAN MISCELLANY. 



REASONS for creating Robert Harhy, Efq; a 
Peer of Great -Britain, 4/0, containing 2 Pages 
Page 1 
The Original and Defign of Magistracy : Or, 
a modeft Vindication of the late Proceedings in Eng- 
land, ^to, containing 1 6 Pages 3 

Vox Regis : Or, the Difference between a King ruling by 
Law, and a Tyrant by his own Will ; with a Declara- 
tion of the Englijh Laws, Rights, and Privileges, by 
King James the Firjl, 4/0, containing 7 Pages 10 

A Plea for limited Monarchy, as it was eftabliihed in this 
Nation, before the late War ; in an humble Addrefs 
to his Excellency, General Monk, by a Zealot for the 
good old Laws of hk Country, before any Faction or 
Caprice, with Additions, 4/0, printed in the Year 1660, 
containing 8 Pages 1 4 

A Letter written by the Emperor to the late TLing James, 
fetting forth the true Occafion of his Fall, and the 
Treachery and Cruelty of the Fren.h, qto, containing 
4 Pages 1 8 

The Speech of his Highnefs the Lord Protector, made to 
both Houfes of Parliament at their firft Meeting, on 
Ihurfday, the 27th of January, 1658, \to, containing 
4 Pages. And 20 

His late Highnefs's letter to the Parliament cf England; 
fhewing his Willingnefs to fubmit to this prefent Go- 
vernment : Atteftcd under his own Hand, and read in 
theHoufe on Wethefday the 25th of May, 1659, 4/0 , 
containing 2 Pages 22 

The Plots of Jefuks (tiz. of Adam Contzcn, a Moguntinc, 
Thomas Campanel'a, a Spaniard, and Robert Parjons, 
an Eng/i/hman, &c ) how to bring Erg/and to the Ro- 
man Rdigion, without Tumult, 1658, 4/0, containing 
1 2 Pages 2 3 

The Proteftants Doom in Popifti Times, Mo, containing 
8 Pages 28 

The prefent Cafe of Englr.nd, and the Proteftant Intereft, 
4/0, containing 6 Pages 32 

The Pre-eminence and Pedigree of Parliament. By James 
Honve'I, Efq; 1677, 4/0, containing 8 Pages 34 

The Mifchiefs and Unreafonablenefs of Endeavouring to 
deprive his Majefty of the Affections of his Subjects, 



by mifreprefenting him and his Miniflers, 1681, 4/0, 
containing 8 Pages 38 

A Word Without- Doors, concerning the Bill for Succefli- 
on, 4/5, containing 12 Pages 41 

Robin Cor.fcience : Or, Confcionable Robin : His Progrefs 
through Court, City, and Country ; with his bad En- 
tertainment at each feveral Place, &c. 1683, nmo, 
containing 24 Pages 47 

An Addrefs agreed upon at the Committee for the French 
War, and read in the Houfe of Commons, April the 
19th, 1689. Folio, containing 4 Pages 52 

Machiavels Vindication of Himfelf and his Writings, a- 
gainft the Imputation of Impiety, Atheifm, and other 
high Crimes ; extracted from his Letter to his Friend 
Zenobius, 4/0, containing 8 Pages 5 5 

The Hiftory of the mofl unfortunate Prince, King Edward 
the Second ; with choice Political Obfervations on him 
and his unhappy Favourites, Gavejion and Spencer : 
Containing feveral rare Pafhges of thofe Times, not 
found in other Hiftorians ; found among the Papers of, 
and (fuppofed to be) writ by the Right Honourable 
Henry Yifcount Faulkland, fometime Lord Deputy of 
Ireland, 1 2?no, containing 84 Pages 66 

A Letter to Mr. Serjar.t, a Rctni/h Priefl, containing the 
Impofhbility of the publick Eftablifhment of Popery here 
in England, Fclio, containing 2 Pages 92 

The apparent Danger of an Invafion, briefly reprefented 
in a Letter to a Miniiler of State. By a Kentijh Gen- 
tleman, 17CI, 4/0. containing 8 Pages 94 

A brcfe Comedy or Enterlude of lohan Bapt)fies preach - 
ynge in the wyldernefle, openynge the crafty e afiaultes 
of the hypocrytes, with the gloryoufe Baptyme of the 
Lorde Jefus Chrift. Compyled by Johan Bale, 1538, 
4/0, containing 1 8 Pages 07 

Orders fet down by the Duke cf Medina, Lord General of 
the King's Fleet, to be obferved in the Voyage to- 
ward England. Tranflated out of Spanijh into Englijh, 
by I. P. 1 588, \to, containing 8 Pages 1 1 1 

A Difcourfe concerning the Spanijh Fleet invading Eng- 
land in the Year 1 588, and overthrown by her Majes- 
ty's Navy, under the Conduct of the Right Hon. the 
Lord Charles Howard, High- Admiral of England; 

written 



XIV 



The CONTENTS. 



written in Italian, by Petruccio Vbaldino, Citizen of 
Tic ence, i cqo, A.to, containing 32 Pages 11- 

Certain Advertifements out of Ireland," concerning the 
Lciicb and Di ft relies happened to the Spanijb Navy, 
upon the Weft Coaib of Ireland, in their Voyage intend- 
ed from the Northern Ifles beyond Scotland, toward 
Spain, 15SS, 4/0, containing 1 2 Pages 128 

The Copy of a Letter lent out of England, to Don Ber- 
nardin Mendoza, Ambaflador in France for the King of 
Spain, .declaring the State of England, contrary to the 
Opinion of Don Bemardin, and of all his Partifans, 
Spaniards and others ; found in the Chamber of one R. 
1 1 ig b, a Seminary Priefi, who was lately executed for 
Higa-Freafon ; with an Appendix, 1588, 4/0, con- 
r taining 32 Pages 138 

An Exhortation to ftir up the Minds of all her Majefty's 
faithful Subjects, to defend their Country, in this danger- 
ous Time, from the Invafion of Enemies. Faithfully and 
zealoufly compiled, by Antbo?iy Marten, Sewer of her 
Majefly's moft honourable Chamber, 1588, 4/0, con- 
taining 32 Pages 1 57 
The Rcyal Gamefters : Or, the old Cards new Ihuffled, 
for a Conquering Game, 4/c, containing 4 Pages 173 
The Penny lefs Parliament of Thread bare Poets : Or, all 
Mirth and witty Conceits, 1608, /[to, containing 24 
Pages 1 76 
John Reynard's Ddiverance from the Captivity of the 
Turks, and his Setting free of 266 Chriftians that were 
Galley- Slaves, ^to, containing 1 6 Pages 183 
The prefent State of Europe briefly examined, and found 
languifliing; occafioned by the Greatnefs of the French 
Monarchy : For Cure whereof a Remedy (from for- 
mer Examples) is humbly propofed. Wrote upon Oc- 
cafion of the Houle of Commons Vote to raife 8ocooo 
Pounds to equip a Fleet for the Year 1671, moved 
thereunto by the pretended March of the French Ar- 
my, towards the Marine Parts of Flanders. By 'Thomas 
Monies, Efq; 1689, 4/0, containing 32 Pages 190 
The Rights of the Houfe of Auftria to the Spa?iijh Succef- 
fion. Publifhed by Order of his Imperial Majefty, Leo- 
pold, and tranflated from the Original, printed at Vien- 
na, 1 70 1, 4/0, containing 32 Pages 198 
A Trip to Dunkirk : Or, A Hue and Cry after the pre- 
tended Prince of Wales. Being a Panegyrick on the 
Defcent. Said to be written by Dr. Swift, 1708, fol. 
containing 2 Pages 20; 
Memoirs of Queen Mary's Days ; wherein the Church of 
England and all the Inhabitants may plainly fee (if God 
hath rot fuffered them to be infatuated) as in a Glafs, 
the fad EfFeds which follow a Popijh Succeffor enjoying 
the Crown of England. Humbly rendered to the Lon- 
fideraticn of,Cifc. fol. containing 4. Pages z".- 
The Life and Death of the iliuftrious Ro 'ert, Earl of 
EJfex, Sec. Containing, at large, the Wars he manag- 
ed, and the Com mane's he had in Holland, the Palati- 
nate, and in England: Together with fome wonderful 
Obfervations of nimfelf, and his Predeceflbrs, and many 
moft remarkable Pafldges. from his Infancy unto the 
Day of his Death By Robert Codring/cn, M after of 
Arts, 1646,4/0, containing 36 Pages 211 



Antient Cuftoms of England, 1 641, 4/0, containing \6 
Pages 2J 3 

The prefent State of Chrifendom, and the Intereft of Eng- 
land, with a Regard to France. In a Letter to a 
Friend, 1677, 4 tl >> containing 16 Pages 242 

A true Relation, without all Exception, of ftrangc and ad- 
mirable Accidents, which htely happened in the King- 
dom of the great Magor, or Mogul, who is the greatcll 
Monarch of the Eajl Indies. As alfo, with a true Re- 
port of the Manners of the Country ; of the Com- 
modities there found, with the like of fundry other 
Countries and Iflands, in the Eajl Indies. Written 
and certified by Perfons of good Import, who v. ere 
Eye-witneffes of what is here reported, 1622, 4/0, 
containing 1 2 Pages 2 - 1 

A Paradox: Proving the Inhabitants of the Ifland, called 
Madagafcar, or St. Lawrence (in Things temporal) to 
be the happieft People in the World, /[to, contai 
16 Pages 

A moft learned and eloquent Speech, fpoken or delivered 
in the Honourable Houfe of Commons at ffefinm 
by the moft learned Lawyer, Miles Corbet, Efq; Re- 
corder of Great Yarmout , and Burgcfs of the fame, on 
the 3 1 ft of July, 1647, taken in Short hand by Kicky 
and Tom Dunn, his Clerks, and revifed by John Taylor, 
fol. containing 4 Pages 262 

Awake O E ; : Or, The People's Invitation to King 
Charles. Being a Recital of tne Ruins over-running 
the People and their Trades ; with an oppdrtune Ad- 
vice to return to Obedience of their Kings, under whom 
they ever flourilhed, i65o, 4/5, containing 3 Pages 267 

The <-opy of an Or Jer agreed upon in the Houfe of 
Commons, upon Friday the Eighteenth of 'June, wh- re- 
in every Man is rated according to his Eltate, for the 
King's Ule, 164;, fol. 1 Page 27! 

The Hitlory < f the Life ..nd Leath of onrnveU, 

the late -Uiurper, and pretended P.cteclor of Erg 
&c. truly collected and publifhed, for a Warning to all 
Tyrants and Ufurpers. By J. H. Gent. 1663, 4/0, 
containing 22 Pages 772 

The World's Miftake in Oliver Cromwell : Or A mort 
political Diicourfe, (hewing, that Crom-u.-elPs Male ad- 
minhiration (during his four Years and nine Months 
pretended Proteclorihip ) laid the Foundation of our 
prefent Condition, in the Decay of Trade, 166?, \to, 
containing 1 6 Pages 280 

The Wars and Caufes of them, between England and 
France, f om William I to William III with a frea- 
tde of the Saliaue Laiv. By D. J. and revised by 
R. C. Efq; i6o~. 1 imo, containing 72 Pages. 2 t q 

The old French Way of managing i reaties, \lo, con- 
taining 16 Pages 319 

A true and ftr.mge Difcourfe of the Travels of two Eng- 
lifb Pilgrims : What admirable Accidents befel ti.em in 
their journey towards j'erufalem, Gaza, Grand Cairo, 
Alexandria, and other Places. Alfo, what rare Anti- 
quir. laments, and notable Memoirs (according 

with the ancient Remembrances in the holy Scriptures) 
they faw in Terra Sc.rfia, or the Holy Land; with a 
perfect Defcription of the Old and New Jerufa 'cm, and 

Situation 



The CONTENTS. 



Situation of the Countries about them. A Difcourfe 
of no lefs Admiration, than well worth the Regarding. 
Written by Henry Timberlahe, ^to, containing 1 8 Page s 

327 
A Letter written by an unknown Hand, whereof many 
Copies were difperfed among the Commanders of the 
Englijh Fleet, 4/0, containing 4 Pages 343 

Honour's Invitation : Or, a Call to the Camp. Where- 
in the Triumphant Genius of Great Britain, by a Po- 
etical Alarum, awakens the Youth of the three Na- 
tions, to generous Attempts, for the Glory of their 
Country. Written by a young Gentleman of Quality 
now in the Service, 1673. Folio, containing 4 Pages 

345 

Europe a Slave, when the Empire is in Chains : Shewing 
the deplorable State of Germany, from the Invafioa of 
the French, and the fatal Confequence of it to us and 
all Europe, 1713, 8w, containing 16 Pages 348 

The Character of a dilbanded Courtier, 1 68 1 . Folio, con- 
taining 2 Pages 3 56 

A Letter from his Holinefs the Pope of Rome, to his 
Hi^hnefs the Prince of Orange : Containing feveral 
Propofals, and Overtures of Agreement, betwixt the 
Church of England, and. the Church of Rome, \to, 
containing 8 Pages 3; 8 

The Cafe of clandeftine Marriages ftated. Wherein are 
fhewn the Caufes from whence this Corruption arifeth, 
and the true Methods whereby it may be remedied. In 
a Letter to a Perfon of Honour, 1691, \to, containing 
12 Pages 3 . 1 

A Quaker's Letter out of the Country to Friend John in 
Town, 4/0, 2 Pages 366 

The Golden Speech, of Queen Elifaheth, to her lad Par- 
liament, No-v. 30, Ar.no Dom. 1 60 1, 4/0 366 

A Narrative of the Proceedings of a great Council of 
Jenvs, affembled in the Plain of Ageda in Hungary, 
about thirty Leagues diftant from Budi, to examine 
the Scriptures concerning Chrift, on the 1 2th of Oclo- 
ber, 1650. By Samuel Brett, there prefent. Alfo, a 
Relation of fome other Obfervations of his Travels be- 
yond the Seas ; and particularly in Egypt, Macedonia, 
Dalmatia, Calabria, Apulia, Si ily, AJfyria, Scla'vo- 
nia, France, Spain, and Portugal; the I (lands of Cy- 
prus, Candia, Patmos, and Dc! t hos ; the Cities of Car- 
thage, Corinth, Trcv, Conjlantinople, Venice, Aap'es, 
Leghorn, Florence, Milan, Rome, Bottonia, Mantua, 
Genoa, Paris, &c. 1655, 4/0, containing 12 Pages 

369 

The Art of good Hufbandry, or the Improvement of 
'I ime: Being a fure Way to get and keep Money. In 
a Letter to Mr. R. A. by R T. with Permiffion, Au- 
^uft 7, 1675. Roger L Eft range. 1675, \to, contain- 
ing 8 Pages 3~6 

Propofals for carrying on an effectual War in America, 
againft the French and Spaniards. Humbly offered to 
the Confederation of the King's moil Excellent Ma- 
jefty, the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and 
Temporal, and the Honourable the Houfe of Com- 
mons, 1702, 4/5, containing 16 Pages 3-9 

An Account of the Arraignments and Tryals of Colonel 
Richard Kirkby, Captain John Conftai le t Captain Coo- 



XV 

per Wade, Cartain Scrmttet ffnegnt, and Captain Cbrif- 
tcpher Fogg, on a Complaint exhibited by the J ! iage- 
Advocate on Behalf of her Majefty, at a Court- Mar- 
tial, held on Board the Ship Brcdc.h, in Pc t Royal 
Harbour, in Jamaica in America, the cightlv, ninth, 
tenth, and twelfth Days or' October, 1 702, for Cow- 
ardice, Neglect of Duty, Breach of Orders, and ether 
Crimes, committed by them in a Fight at Sea, com- 
menced the Nineteenth of Auguft, 1 702, off of St. 
Martha, in the Latitude of ten Degrees North, near 
the main Land of America, between the Honourable 
John Benboiu, Efq; and Admiral Du Cajfe, with four 
French Ships cfWar; for which Colonel Kirkby and 
Captain Wade were femenced to be fhot to Death. 
Trunfmitted from two eminent Merchants at Pert Royal 
in Jamaica, to a Perfon o r Quality in the City of 
London, 1703, Folio, containing 14 Pages 385 

The Inftrument by which Queen Jane was proclaimed 
Queen of England, &c. fetting forth the Reafor.s of 
her Claim, and her Right to the Crown, Folio, on 
three Broadfides 391 

King William's Ghoft, 1711, Folio, 1 Page 396 

An Account of St. Sebaftians, in Relation to its Situation, 
Fortifications, Government, CuftomF, and Trade. By 
one lately come from thence, 1700, \to, containing 
22 Pages 397 

Elynovr Rvmmin, the famous Ale Wife of England. 
Written by Mr. Skelton, Poet-Laureat to King Henry 
the Eighth, 1624, 4/0, containing 16 Pages 402 

Difcourfes upon the Modern Affairs of Europe, tending to 
prove that the illuftrious French Monarchy may be re- 
duced to Terms of greater Moderation, 1680, 4/0, 
containing 24 Pages 41 1 

A Speech made by Queen E.'ifabeth, (of famous Memory) 
in Parliament, Anno 1593; and in the Thirty -fifth 
Year of her Reign, concerning the Spani/h Invafion, 
Folio, 1 Page 424 

A Lift of the Monafteries, Nunneries, and Colleges, be- 
longing to the Englijh Papi/is, in feveral Popijb Coun- 
tries beyond Sea ; publilhed to inform the People of 
England of the Meafures taken by the Popifi Party for 
the Re-eftablifhing of Popery in thefe Nations. In a 
Letter to a Member of Parliament, 1 700, \to, con- 
taining 8 Pages 4 ^ 

A Queftion of the Cock, and whether his Crowing af- 
frights the Lion ? Being one of thofe Queftions handled 
in the weekly Conferences of Monfieur ReuaudoPs 
Bureau tf Addreffes , at Paris ; translated into Englijh, 
1640, 4/0, containing 6 Pages 427 

An Enquiry into the Meafures of Submiflion to the Su- 
preme Authority j and of the Grounds upon which 
it may be lawful or necefTary for Subjects to defend 
their Religion, Lives, and Liberties, 1688, 4/0, con- 
taining 10 Pages 429 

The Expedition of his Highnefs the Prince of Orange for 
England. Giving an Account of the moft remarkable 
Pafiages thereof, from the Day of his fitting Sail from 
Holland, to thefirft Day of this Inftant Da ember, i68», 
In a Letter to a Perfon of Quality, 168?, 4/*,- contain- 
ing 8 Pages 436 

The Ad. of Parliament cf the Twenty-feventh of Queen 

EL 



XVI 



The CONTENTS. 



F. :o preferve the Queen's Ferfon, the Prate - 

ft.mt Religion, and Government, from the Attempts of 
the Papifts, then big with Hopes of a Popifh Succeffor : 
With die Affociation the Protectants then entered into, 
to the Ends aforefaid, till the Parliament could meet, 
and provide for their neceflary Prcfervati m's. Toge- 
ther with fome fober and feafonabJe Queries upon the 
fame. By a fincere ProtelUnt, and true Friend to his 
Country, 1679, fd. containing 6 Pages 441 

A brief Hiftory of the Succefiion of the Crown of Engl. 
&c. collected out of the Records, and the moft authen- 
tick Hiiloriar.s ; written for the Satisfaction of die Na- 
tion, 1 68 3-Q, fol. containing 18 Pages 448 

Advice to a Soldier, in two Letters, written to an Offi- 
cer in the Englijh Army, proper to be expofed at the 
prefent Time, while the Peace of Chriftcr.dom (if not 
the Liberty of it) feems to be very (hort lived, 1680, 
4fo, containing 14 Pages 463 

A Letter from a Minifter to his Friend, concerning the 
Game of Chefs, 1680, from a broad Side 469 

A Dialogue between the Cities of London and Paris, in 
Relation to the prefent Pollute of Affairs, rendeied in- 
to Verfe, and made applicable to the Difturbances which 
now feem to threaten the Peace of Europe ■, written by 
a Perfon who has no Money to pay Taxes in Cafe of a 
War, ! 701, fol. containing 13 Pages 471 

The Curates Conference: Or, a Difcourfe betwixt two 
Scholars ; both of them relating their hard Condi- 
tion, and confulting which Way to mend it, 1641, 4/0, 
containing 1 3 Pages. 480 

Propofals for the Reformation of Schools and Univerfities, 
in order to the better Education of Youth. Humbly 
offered to the Confideration of the High Court of Par- 
liament, 1704, 4to, containing 9 Pages. 485 

FU.&ia Q^x^k, tie Triumph of Learning over Igno- 
rance, and of Truth over Falfehood ; being an Aniwer 
to four Queries : 

H h ti ■ r t here be a f Univerfities ? 

Who is to I e accounted an Heretick ? 
U h. tker it be lawful to uft Conventicles ? 
Whether a Lay -man may preach? 
Which were lately propofed by a Zealot, in the Pa- 
rim Church of S-vacy, near Cambridge, afkr thefecond 
Sermon, Oclo'er 3, 1652: Since that enlarged by the 
AnUcrcr, R. B. b. D. and Fellow of frimty College, 
Cambridge, 1655, 4/0, containing 38 Pages 491 

An Eftay on Writing, and the Art and Myitery of Prat- 
ing, A Tranflation cut of the Anthology, 1696, one 
Broad Side 512 

The Natural Hiftory of Coffee, Thee, Chocolate, and 
Tobacco, in four feveral Sections ; with a Trad of 
Elder and Juniper- Berries, (hewing how ufeful they 
mav be in our Coffee- H oufes : And, alfo, the Way of 
making Mum, with fome Remarks upon that Liquor. 
Collect jd from the Writings of the belt Fhyficians, and 
modern Travellers, 1682, 4*0, containing 39 Pages 

5*4 



Contemplations upon Life and Death ; with ferious Re;! 
ons on the Miferies that attend human Life, in e\ 

Station, ! -e^ree, and Change thereof. Written L 
Perfon o; Qu hty, in his Confinement, a little before his 
Death ; (hewing the Vanity of the Delire of long Life, 
an J the Fear of Death ; with a . ue Copy of the Paper 
delivered to the Sheriffs upon L.e Scaffold at Tower- 
Hill, on Tburfiay, January 28, 1696-7, by Sir Jzhn 
Fttvwicfa Baroret, 1697, 4/0, containing 31 Pages 

527 

The Manner of creating the Knights of the antient and 
honourable Order of the Bath, according to the Cuf- 
tom ufed in England, in Time of Peace, with a Lift of 
thofe honourable Perfons, who are to be created 
Knights Gf the Bath at his Majefty's Coronation, the 
23d ofjpril, 166 r, 4/0, containing ic Pages 542 

An Enquiry into the Caufes of our Naval Mhcarriages : 
With fome Thoughts on the Intcreft of this Nation, 
as to a Naval W,;r, and of the only true Way cf 
Manning the Fleet. Dedicated to the Parliament of 
Great Britain, 1707, 4/0, containing 37 Pages 547 

A Defcription of the famous Kingdom of Macario; fhew- 
its excellent Government, wherein d.e Inhabitants live 
in great Pre fperiry, Health, and Harpinefs ; t.ic King 
obeyed, the Nobles honoured, and all good IWn re- 
fpecled ; Vice punifhed, and Virtue rewarded. An 
Example to other Nations : In a Dialogue between a 
Scholar and a Traveller, 1641, 4/0, containing 15 
Pa g« 564 

A Philofophical "and Medicinal Effay of the Waters of 
Tunbridge. Written to a Perfon of Honour ; by Pat. 
Madan, M. D. 1687, 4/5, containing 26 Pages c6g 

A Defcent from France : Or, the French Invafion of L 
land, confidered and difcourfed, 1692, Folio, contain- 
ing half a Sheet 

The Danger of Mercenary Parliaments, 1690, 4/?, con- 
taining 8 Pages 

A new Looking- Glafs for the Kingdom : Wherein thofe, 

that admire the late Governments, may have a true 

Piofpecl of Liberty and Slavery, and take their Choice, 

, Folio, containing Haifa Sheet ;c,o 

A modeit Account of the wicked Life of that grand Im- 
poftor, Lcdo^vick Mu-gleton ; wherein are related r.ll the 
remarkable Actions he did, and all the ftrange Acci- 
dents that have befallen him ever fir.ee his firft Com- 
ing to London, to this 25th of January, 1676. Alfo, 
a Particular of thofe Reafons which firlt drew him to 
thefe damnable Principles. With feveral pleafant Sto- 
ries concerning him, proving hi> Commiffion to be but 
counterfeit, and himfelf a Cheat, from divers E.vpref- 
fions which have fallen from his own Mouth. Licenfed 
according to Order, 1676, 4/s, containing 6 Pages 

An Epitaph, or, rather, a ftiort Difcourfe made vpon the 
Life and Death of D. Bonner, fometime vnworthy Bi- 
faoyoi London, whichedyed the 5th of September, in the 
Mcrjhaljie, 1569, 1 zmo, containing 1 4 Pages 59- 



TH E 



( i ) 




THE 



INTRODUCTION. 



^HOUGH the Scheme of the following Mifcellany is fo 
obvious, that the Title alone is fufficient to explain it j and 
though feveral Collections have been formerly attempted 
upon Plans, as to the Method, very little, but, as to the 
Capacity and Execution, very different from Ours j we, be- 
ing poiTeffed of the greateft Variety for fuch a Work, hope 
for a more general Reception than thofe confined Schemes 
had the Fortune to meet with; and, therefore, think it not wholly unnecessa- 
ry to explain our Intentions, to difplay the Treafure of Materials, out of 
which this Mifcellany is to be compiled, and to exhibit a general Idea of the 
Pieces which we intend to infert in it. 




b 



There 



ii The I N T R O D U C T I O N. 

There is, perhaps, no Nation, in which it is fo neceflary, as in our own, 
to aflcmble, from Time to Time, the fmall Tracts and fugitive Pieces, which 
are occasionally published : For, befides the general Subjects of Enquiry, which 
are cultivated by us, in common with every other learned Nation, our Confti- 
tution in Church and State naturally gives Birth to a Multitude of Perfor- 
mances, which would either not have been written, or could not have been 
made publick in any other Place. 

Th e Form of our Government, which gives every Man, that has Leifure 
or Curiofity, or Vanity, the Right of enquiring into the Propriety of publick 
Meafures; and, by Confequence, obliges thofe, who are intruded with the 
Adminiftration of National Affairs, to give an Account of their Conduct to 
almoft every Man, who demands ir, may be reafonably imagined to have oc- 
cafioned innumerable Pamphlets, which would never have appeared under ar- 
bitrary Governments, where every Man lulls himfelf in Indolence under Ca- 
lamities, of which he cannot promote the Redrefs, or thinks it prudent to 
conceal the Unealinefs of which he cannot complain without Danger. 

The Multiplicity of Religious Seels tolerated among us, of which every one 
lias found Opponents and Vindicators, is another Source of unexhauftible Pub- 
lication, almoft peculiar to ourfelves j for, Controverfies cannot be lono- conti- 
nued, nor frequently revived, where an Inquifitor has a Right to fhut up the 
Difputants in Dungeons, or where Silence can be impofed on either Party 
by the Refufal of a Licenfe. 

Not that it fhould be inferred from hence, that Political or Religious Con- 
troverfies are the only Products of the Liberty of the Britijh Prefs -, the 
Mind once let loofe to Enquiry, and fuffered to operate without Reftrainr, 
neceffarily deviates into peculiar Opinions, and wanders in new Tracks, where 
ilie is indeed fometimes loft in a Labyrinth, from which, tho' fTie cannot re- 
turn, and fcarce knows how to proceed ; yet, fometimes, makes ufeful Dis- 
coveries, or finds out nearer Paths to Knowledge. 

The boundlefs Liberty, with which every Man may write his own 
Thoughts, and the Opportunity of conveighing new Sentiments to the Publick, 
without Danger of fufTering either Ridicule or Cenfure, which every Man 

may 



The INTRODUCTION. iii 

may enjoy, whofe Vanity does not incite him too haftily to own his Per- 
formances, naturally invites thofe, who employ themfelves in Speculation, to 
try how their Notions will be received by a Nation, which exempts Caution 
from Fear, and Modefty from Shame ; and it is no Wonder, that where Re- 
putation may be gained, but needs not be loft, Multitudes are willing to try 
their Fortune, and thruft their Opinions into the Light, fometimes with un~ 
fuccefsful Hafte, and fometimes with happy Temerity. 

It is obferved, that, among the Natives of England, is to be found a 
greater Variety of Humour, than in any other Country j and, doubtlefs, where 
every Man has a full Liberty to propagate his Conceptions, Variety of LIu- 
mour muft produce Variety of Writers j and, where the Number of Au- 
thors is fo great, there cannot but be fome worthy of Diftinction. 

All thefe and many other Caufes, too tedious to be enumerated, have 
contributed to make Pamphlets and fmall Traffs a very important Part of an 
Englifi Library ; nor are there any Pieces, upon which thofe, who afpire to 
the Reputation of judicious Collectors of Books, beftow more Attention, or 
greater Expence j becaufe many Advantages may be expected from the Per- 
ufal of thefe fmall Productions, which are fcarcely to be found in that of 
larger Works. 

If we regard Hi/lory, it is well known, that moft Political Treatifes have 
for a long Time appeared in this Form, and that the firft Relations of Trans- 
actions, while they are yet the Subject of Converfation, divide the Opinions, 
and employ the Conjectures of Mankind, are delivered by thefe petty Writers, 
who have Opportunities of collecting the different Sentiments of Difputants, 
of enquiring the Truth from living Witneffes, and of copying their Repre- 
sentations from the Life j and, therefore, they preferve a Multitude of par- 
ticular Incidents, which are forgotten in a fliort Time, or omitted in formal 
Relations, and which are yet to be confidered as Sparks of Truth, which, 
when united, may afford Light in fome of the darkeft Scenes of State 
as, we doubt not, will be furRciently proved in the Cburfe of this Mi/, 
cellany ; and which it is, therefore, the Intercft of the Publick to preferve un- 



extinguished. 



The 



iv The INTRODUCTION. 

The fame Obfervation may be extended to Subjects of yet more Im- 
portance. In Controverfies that relate to the Truths of Religion, the firft 
EiTays of Reformation are generally timorous ; and thofe, who have Opi- 
nions to offer, which they expect to be oppofed, produce their Sentiments, 
by Degrees ; and for the moft Part in Jmall Tracts : By Degrees, that they 
may not fhock their Readers with too many Novelties at once j and in fmall 
TracJs, that they may be eafily difperfed, or privately printed j almoft 
every Controverfy, therefore, has been, for a Time, carried on in Pam- 
phlets, nor has fwelled into larger Volumes, till the firft Ardor of the 
Difputants has fubfided, and they have recollected their Notions with Cool- 
nefs enough to digeft them into Order, confolidate them into Syftems, and 
fortify them- with Authorities. 

From Pamphlets, confequently, are to be learned the Progrefs of every 
Debate ; the various State, to which the Queftions have been changed ; 
the Artifices and Fallacies, which have been ufed j and the Subterfuges, by 
which Reafon has been eluded : In fuch Writings may be feen how the 
Mind has been opened by Degrees, how one Truth has led to another, 
how Error has been difentangled, and Hints improved to Demonftration. 
Which Pleafu re, and many others are loft by him, that only reads the larger 
Writers, by whom thefe fcattered Sentiments are collected, who will fee 
none of the Changes of Fortune, which every Opinion has paffed through, 
will have no Opportunity of remarking the tranfient Advantages, which 
Error may fometimes obtain, by the Artifices of its Patron, or the fuccefT- 
ful Rallies, by which Truth regains the Day, after a Repulfe ; but will be 
to him, who traces the Difpute through, into particular Gradations, as he 
that hears of a Victory, to him that fees the Battle. 

Since the Advantages of preferving thefe fmall Tracts are fo numerous - y 
our Attempt to unite them in Volumes cannot be thought either ufelefs or 
unfeafonable ; for there is no other Method of fecuring them from Accidents ; 
and they have already been fo long neglected, that this Defign cannot be 
delayed, without hazarding the Lofs of many Pieces, which deferve to be 
tranfmitted to another Age. 

The 



The INTRODUCTION. v 

The Practice of publifning Pamphlets, on the moft important Sub- 
jects, has now prevailed more than two Centuries among us j and, therefore, 
it cannot be doubted, but that, as no large Collections have been yet made, 
many curious Tracts muft have perifhed ; but it is too late to lament that 
Lofs ; nor ought we to reflect upon it, with any other View, than that 
of quickening our Endeavours, for the Prefervation of thofe that yet remain, 
of which we have now a greater Number ', than was, perhaps, ever amaffed 
by any one Perfon. 

The firft Appearance of Pamphlets among us is generally thought to be at 
the new Oppofuion raifed againft the Errors and Corruptions of the Church of 
Rome. Thofe, who were firft convinced of the Reafonablenefs of the New 
Learning, as it was then called, propagated their Opinions in fmall Pieces, 
which were cheaply printed ; and, what was then of great Importance, 
eafily concealed. Thefe Treatifes were generally printed in foreign Coun- 
tries, and are not, therefore, not always very correct. There was not then that 
Opportunity of Printing in private, for, the Number of Printers were fmall, 
and the PrefTes were eafily overlooked by the Clergy, who fpared no Labour 
or Vigilance for the Suppreffion of Herefy. There is, however, Reafon to 
fufpect, that fome Attempts were made to carry on the Propagation of Truth 
by ajecret Prefs j for one of the firft Treatifes, in Favour of the Reforma- 
tion, is faid, at the End, to be printed at Greenwich, by the Permijjion of the 
Lord of Hojis. 

I n the Time of King Edward the Sixth, the PrefTes were employed in 
Favour of the Reformed Religion, and fmall Travis were difperfed over the 
Nation, to reconcile them to the new Forms of Worfhip. In this Reign, 
likewife, Political Pamphlets may be faid to have been begun, by the Addrefs 
of the Rebels of Devonfiire -, all which Means of propagating the Sentiments 
of the People fo difturbed the Court, that no fooner was Queen Marv re- 
folved to reduce her Subjects to the Romijh Superftition ; but me artfully, by 
a Charter * granted to certain Freemen of London, in whofe Fidelity, no doubt 
me confided, intirely prohibited all PrefTes, but what mould be licenfed by 
them ; which Charter is that by which the Corporation of Stationers, in London, 
is at this Time incorporated. 

* Which begins thus, KNOW YE, that WE conlidering, and manifeftly perceiving, that feveral 

feJitious and heretical Books or Traih againft the Faith and found Catholic Doctrine of holy Mother the 

Church, cjff. 

Under 



vi The INTRODUCTION. 

Under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, when Liberty again began to 
flourith, the Practice of writing Pamphlets became more general ; Prefles 
were multiplied, and Books more difperfed ; and, I believe, it may properly 
be faid, that the Trade of Writing began at this Time, and that it has ever 
fince gradually increafed in the Number, though, perhaps, not in the Stile of 
thofe that followed it. 

In this Reign, was erected the firftfecret Prefs againfl the Church as now 
Eftablifhed, of which I have found any certain Account. It was employed 
by the Puritans, and conveighed from one Part of the Nation to another, 
by them, as they found themfelves in Danger of Dilcovery. From this Prefs 
iffued mod of the Pamphlets againft Whitgift, and his AiTociates, in the 
Ecclefiaftical Government ; and, when it was at laft feized at Mane', 
ter y it was employed upon a Pamphlet, called, MORE WORK FOR 
A COOPER. 

In the peaceable Reign of King James, thofe Minds, which might, per- 
haps, with lefs Difturbance of the World, have been engroffed by War, 
were employed in Controverfy ; and Writings of all Kinds were multiplied 
among us. The Prefs, however, was not wholly engaged in Polemical Per- 
formances, for more innocent Subjects were fometimes treated ; and it de- 
fences to be remarked, becaufe it is not generally known, that the Treatifes of 
Hujbandry and Agriculture, which were publifhed about that Time, are fo nu- 
merous, that it can fcarcely be imagined by whom they were written, or to 
whom they were fold. 

The next Reign is too well known to have been a Time of Confufion, 
and Difturbance, and Difputes of every Kind j and the Writings, which 
were produced, bear a natural Proportion to the Number of the Queuions 
that were difculfed at that Time ; each Party had its Authors, and its Prefles, 
and no Endeavours were omitted to gain Profelytes to every Opinion. I 
know not whether this may not properly be called, The Age of Pamphlets; 
for, though they, perhaps, may not arife to fuch Multitudes as Mr. Ra<wli?i- 
Jbn imagined, they were, undoubtedly, more numerous than can be conceived 
by any who have not had an Opportunity of examining them. 

After 



The INTRODUCTION. vii 

After the Restoration, the fame Differences, in Religious Opinions, are 
well known to have fubfifted, and the fame Political Struggles to have been 
frequently renewed ; and, therefore, a great Number of Pens were employed, 
on different Occafions, till, at length, all other Difputes were abforbed in the 
Popifi Controverfy. 

From the Pamphlets which thefe different Periods of Time produced, it is 
propofed, that this Mifcellany (hall be compiled ; for which it cannot be fup- 
pofed that Materials will be wanting, and, therefore, the only Difficulty will 
be in what Manner to difpofe them. 

. Those who have gone before us, in Undertakings of this Kind, have 
ranged the Pamphlets, which Chance threw into their Hands, without any 
Regard either to the Subject on which they treated, or the Time in which, 
they were written j a Practice, in no wife, to be imitated by us, who want for 
no Materials ; of which we fhall chufe thofe we think be ft for the particu- 
lar Circumftances of 'Times and Things, and moft inftructing and entertaining 
to the Reader. 

Of the different Methods which prefent themfelves, upon the firft View of 
the great Heaps of Pamphlets, which the Harleian Library exhibits, the 
two which merit moft Attention, are to diftribute the Treatifes according 
to their Subjects or their Dates j but neither of thefe Ways can be conveni- 
ently followed. By ranging our Collection in Order of Time, we muft necef- 
farily publifh thofe Pieces firft, which leaft engage the Curiofity of the Bulk 
of Mankind, and our Defign muft fall to the Ground for Want of En- 
couragement, before it can be fo far advanced as to obtain general Regard : 
By confining ourfelves for any long Time to any Jingle Subjeffi, we fhall re- 
duce our Readers to one Clafs, and, as we fhall lofe all the Grace of Varie- 
ty, fhall difguft all thofe who read chiefly to be diverted. There is like- 
wife one Objection of equal Force, againft both thefe Methods, that we fhall 
preclude ourfelves from the Advantage of any future Difcoveries, and we 
cannot hope to affemble at once all the Pamphlets v/hich have been written in 
any Age or on any Subje'dt. 

It 



Vlll 



The INTRODUCTION. 



It may be added, in Vindication of our intended Practice, that it is the fame 
with that of Photius, whofe Collections are no lei's Mifcellaneous than ours, and 
who declares, that he leaves it to his Reader, to reduce his Extracts under 
their proper Heads. 

Most of the Pieces, which fliall be offered in this Collection to the 
Publick, will be introduced by fhort Prefaces, in which will be given fome 
Account of the Reafons for which they are inferted j Notes will be fome- 
times adjoined for the Explanation of obfcure PafTages, or obfolete Expref- 
fions ; and Care will be taken to mingle Ufe and Pleafure through the 
whole Collection. Notwithstanding every SubjeB may not be reliihed by every 
Reader ; yet the Buyer may be allured that each Number will repay his 
generous Subfcription. 




REASONS 



THE 

REASONS 

WHICH INDUCED 

Her MAJESTY 

To Create the Right Honourable 

ROBERT HA RLE T^ Efq; 

A PEER of Great-Britain^ in the Year 1 7 1 1 . 



'There can be no Objetlion againft the Prefixing the Reafons for Creating the Right Ho- 
nourable Robert Harley, Efq; a Peer of Great-Britain, and Earl of 
Oxford •, efpecially, as the valuable Collection, intended to be publifhed in this 
Form, was made by the Greatnefs of his Knowledge in all Branches of Learning, 
and at the vaft Expence of that noble Family. He, that noble Peer, who always 
encouraged Learning, and was the Mecenas of learned Men in his Time ; whofe 
Patent of Creation extols him, and ennobles him with the Title of the Univerfily a/Ox- 
ford on that particular Account; and whofe chief efi Delight, in his Leifure from the 
Care he took of the Good of the Nation in General, was to be conftantly among his 
Books ; by which Familiarity, he is f aid to have acquired fo -particular a Knowledge of 
them all, as to be able, without a Catalogue, to go immediately to the le aft of them, 
upon hearing of it named, tho* his Library confifted of more than iooooo different 
Authors: He, I fay, cannot be denied the firft Place in this Mifcellany, which eft eems 
it an Honour to bear his Name. A Name, that, when alive, gave Life to Learn- 
ing ; and, by this Monument of Learning, [hall live for ever, in the real Eft eem of 
learned Men. 

WHATEVER Favour may be vernment : . So much does Our Well-beloved 

Merited from a Juft Prince, by and very Faithful Counfellor ROB E RT 

a Man Born of an llluftrious and H ARLET deferve at Our Hands : He, 

very Ancient Family, fitted by who in Three Succefllve Parliaments, was 

Nature for Great Things, and by all Sorts of Unanimoufly chofen Speaker ; and, at the fame 

Learning qualified for greater ; Conftantly Time that he filled the Chair, was Our Prin- 

Employed in the Study of State Affairs, and cipal Secretary of State : In no wife unequal to 

with the Greateft Praife, and no Small Dan- either Province. Places, fo feemingly difagree- 

ger, exercifing Variety of Offices in the Go- ing, were eafily reconciled by One, who knew 

B how 



2 The REASONS, Cfe 

how with equal Weight and Addrefs to Mo- duced thereto by our own Good Pleafure, 
derate and Govern The Minds of Men* : and' the Suffrage of all GREAT-BRl- 
One who could prelerve the Rights of the Peo- TAIN. For we take it as an Admonition, 
pie, without infringing the Prerogative of the that He fhould not in Vain be Preferred, 
Crown : And who thoroughly underftood how whom the States of our Realm have Tcftihed 
well Government coidd confift with Liberty, to be obnoxious to the Hatred of Wicked 
This Double Talk being performed, after fome Men, upon Account of his moil Faithful Ser- 
fhort Refpite, he bore the Weight of Our vices to Us, and whom they have Congratula- 
Exchequer as Chancellor, and thereby prevent- ted upon his Eicape from the Rage of a Fla- 
ed the further Plundering \ the Nation, and gitious Parricide ||. We gladly indulge their 
alfo provided for the Settling a New Trade to Wifhes, that He who comes thus recQmmend- 
the South Seas, and (bv Rtfcuing Public Cre- ed to us by fo Honourable a Vote of both 
•'it X) f° opportunely Relieved the Languilh- Houfes of ParHametit, fhould h;,ve his Seat 
ing Condition of the Treajitry, as to defervc among the Peers, to many of whom his Fa- 
Thanks from the Parliament, Bleffings from the mily have been long allied, and that He who 
Citizens, and from Us (who never feparate Our is Himfelf Learned, and a Patron of Learn- 
Ozun Interefts from the Public) no Small Ap- ing, fhould happily take his Title from that 
probation. Therefore, we Decree to the Mail City, where 'Letters do fo Glorioufly Flourifh. 
that has fo Eminently Deferred of Us, and 

of all our Subjects, thofe Honours which were Now Know ye, Sec. 
long fince due to Him and his Family, being in- 

* His Prudence kept quiet, and brought to Temper, the Heats and Paffions of Parties ; and fuffered not 
the two Sides of Whig and Tory to meet together in a Storm ; but caufed them to ebb gently, and to lofe 
themfelves infenfibly in the great Ocean of Moderation. 

His Conduct refcued the Church from Danger ; protected the DifTenters in their Toleration Liberty ; 
preferved the Union from the Infractions of Jacobites and the Pretender, and quieted the Minds of the Peo- 
ple in Matters of Religion, and the Hanover Succeffion. See the Spectator's Addrefs, Pages 10, If. 

-f- His Wifdom overthrew a Management, that, under the Pretence of Keeping up Credit, concealed the 
Circumflances of the Nation, till k ran feven Millions in Debt, and knew nothing of the Matter. Id. p. 9.. 

% At that Time the Creditors of the Government gave 22 per Cent. Difcomptfor Money on the Govern- 
ment's Bills. Id. ib. 

The Marquis de Guifcard, who was a French Refugee, and, in Confideration of his noble Birth ar.d 
Misfortunes, was at thru Time fupported with a Penfion of 400 /. per Ann. from the Crown of England; 
but held fecret Correfpondence with the French Miniflry ; which being detected by Mr. Hurley, this 
Guifcard was feized by the Queen's MefTengers, in St. James's Park, on the 8th of March 1711, and 
brought before the Committee of Cabinet Council at the Cock-pit ; where, the Fcdt behg clearly prove., by 
Mr. Harley, the Villain (looped down, and faying, J' en vcux done a" toy ; Then have at tbet ; ilaobed the 
honourable Mr. Harley. Redoubling the Stroke, the Penknife broke, which he was no' f. nfible of ; but, 
rufhingon towards Mr. St. John, overthrew the Clerk's Table that flood between. Mr. St. John, feeing 
Mr. Harley fall, cried out, The Villain has killed Mr. Harley. Then Mr. St. John gave him a Wound, 
as did the Duke of Ormond, and the Duke of Nev.-ca/ile. But, Mr. Harley getting up, and walking about, 
they left the Villain's Execution to them to whom it more properly belonged ; hoping that Mr. Harley was 
flightly hurt. But, when BuJJier, the Surgeon, fearched the Wound, the Penknife wai found flruck 
a-flant, and buried in the Wound. Had it been an Inch lower, it had touched the Diaphragma, and 
then all the World could not have faved his Life : And, if it had pierced a Naii's Breadth deeper, it mull 
have reached his Heart. Mr. Harley took the broken Blade out himfelf, and, having wiped it, called for 
the Handle, and faid, They belong to me. And then, being dreffed, ordered the Surgeon to take Care of 
Moniieur de Guifcard, See this more at large, in the true Narrative of this Fa&, publifhed by John 
Morphcv:, 1 7 I I . 



An 



( 3 ) 



An ESSAY upon the Original and Deiign of Magiftracy : 
Or, a modeft Vindication of the late Proceedings * in 

England. 



As to the Author of this excellent TratJ, we can fo no more, than that he was equally an 
Hater of Rebellion and Tyranny ; an impartial and judicious Writer ; that he had 
the public Peace and Pro/peri ty more at Heart, than any private View to ferve him- 
felf ; and, if it may be allowed to guefs, by his Exprejfwn in fever al Places, hefeems 
to have been a North-Britain. 

As to the Defign of it -, it was to prove the juft Rights of the Prince and People ; to 
expofe Tyranny and Rebellion ; to explode the Doclrine o/abfolute Non-Refiftance ; 
to clear the Prince of Orange, and the Englifh Nation that adhered to him in the 
Revolution, from all Imputation of Rebellion, &c. to prove that King James the 
Second was a Tyrant ; and the Necefftty of preferving the SucceJJion to the Crown of 
Great-Britain in the Proteftant Line. All which is done with that Concifenefs and 
Perfpicuity, and fo free from Pajfwn and Fatlion, that, I prefume, will recommend 
it to every true Lover of our prefent happy Conftitution. 

AS the right Knowledge of the Supreme be defined, a Power delegated from God, for 
Magijirate is the Bafts and Foun- maintaining Order, rewarding the Virtues, and 
dation of our Submijftons, and the punifhing the Crimes of Mankind ; the Appli- 
Caufe of all the Bleflings, which cation of which Power is left free to any in- 
flow from a well-tempered Govern- dependent People or Nation. 
ment ; fo the Mifapprehenfions, and falfe No- It cannot be doubted, but that God, as Cre- 
tions, that many People, either through Igno- ator of all Things, might, in his own Perlbn, 
ranee, or the Prejudice of Education, frame to have exercifed a Sovereign Power over all his 
themfelves of his Poiver, are no leis remark- Creatures, which fince he was not pleafed to 
able for their contrary Effects. do : He thought fit, in his infinite Wifdom, 
We fall into two Extremes equally dange- to appoint his Lieutenants here on Earth, to 
rous, if either we give the People fo much Li- whom he communicates fome Rays of his Di- 
berty, that the Magijlrate cannot go about vine Majejly, both to beget a greater Rc-ve- 
thefe great Ends, for which he was defigned, rence for their Perfons, and procure a chearful 
but, like a Weather-cock, is turned about at Obedience from thofe that were to beYubjecr. ; 
the Pleafure of the Mobile ; or fuch a boundlefs fo that the profound Deference, and blind 
Power to the Magi/irate, as makes the Proper- Submiffion, which Millions of Men pay to a 
ty of the Subject altogether precarious, depend- Mortal ; perhaps, fubjecr. to as many Infirmi- 
ing upon the Caprice of an infatiable Monarch, ties as the moft Part of thofe he rules over 
To keep a juft Balance, we muft confider can be afcribed to nothing elfe but the firm 
Magiftracy, as it was firft inftituted by God Perfuafion of a Divine Injiitution : But, that 
Ahnighty, before it was depraved by the Am- we may the more admire the Goodnefs of God 
bition, Pride, and Avarice of thofe, who were in ordaining Magijlracy, he hath no lefs pro- 
invefted in it. So that, in its Original, it may pofed Man's Happinefs, than his own Glory, 

* Concerning King James II. in the Year 1688. 

B 2 Stra lifers 



4 The Original and D 

that we might find it our Intcrcfl, 3S well as 
Duty, in Obeying. For tho' Man was bum 
free, and, confequentlv, by Nature, defirous 
of Liberty ; yet, an unbounded Freedom could 
have done him very little Service in a natural 
State, when Innoccncy was no Protection from 
the Oppreflion of the Stronger ; but Rapines, 
Violence, and Murder were the chief Ways of 
acquiring Right, in this univerfiil Chaos, where 
homo was homini Lupus, nothing was thought 
unlawful, that Ambition, Malice, or Cruelty, 
could propofe ; fo that the Weaker were driven 
to a Neceffity of uniting their Forces againft 
the Stronger. Then began they to erect Socie- 
ties, and make Laws for resulatins; them : the 
Executing of which Laws was committed to 
one or more Perfons, as the major Part of the 
Society thought fit to truft, who had the Name 
of Captain, General, or King ; It was he who 
led them out to Baftie, who difpofed of Prizes, 
andpunifhed Malefattors ; his Commands were 
eafily obeyed, becaufe but few ; and all juft, 
honeft, and profitable. Thefe had not learned 
the Areana Imperii, or fecret Ways to enflave 
their People ; but their eminent Virtue and 
fingular Valour both procured their Dignity, 
and maintained them in it ; and having no 
fycophant Flatterers about them, to abufe their 
eafy Credulity, they had not forgot that the 
People's Liberty was refigned for no other End, 
but for obtaining a greater Happinefs under their 
Protection, than what they could have pro- 
pofed, if every Individual had retained it in his 
own Perfon. 

There is no other Original of Magijlraey to 
be learned from Sacred or Profane Hijlory ; for 
tho' the Patriarchs had the Government of their 
own Families (which, by reafon of their long 
Age, were very numerous) yet that Right was 
derived from the Law of Nature, and not 
from any Civil Obligation ; They had for the 
moft Part no fixed Habitation, but lived as 
Strangers and Sojourners, by the Favour of other 
Princes, and were never modeled into a Co?n- 
monwealth. 

When Dominions were enlarged, and Em- 
pires began to be erected, different Forms of 
Government were eftablifhed, according to 
the various Inclinations of the People ; when 
the Conqueror gave Laws to the Conquered, it 
was called Defpotic; but when a free People 
did enter into a Contract, and gave up their 
Liberty on certain Conditions, it was called a 



ejign of Magijlraey. 

Limited' Government, and thefe Conditions the 
Fundamental Laws. 

This Sovereignty was either entailed upon a 
particular Family for confiderable Services done 
to the Commonwealth, or it was onlv to be held 
during Life, whence Succeflion and Election. 

There is a Majejly in every free State, which 
is nothing elfe but an independent Power upon 
Earth, tied to no Laws, but thefe of God ; 
thefe of Nature and Nations, and the Funda- 
mental Laws of a Kingdom. 

This Majejly is either real, or perfonal ; 
real is that Independencv, which every free 
State hath in Relation to one another ; perfonal, 
that Right, when it is lodged in a particular 
Perfon ; which, tho' it be infeparable from the 
Sovereign Pozver, for the greater Splendor, vet 
it may be violate, when the real remains in- 
tire, otherwife the Freedom and Independency 
of a Nation would be extinct, by the Death 
or Captivity of the Prince. 

To Majejly or Sovereign Power are annex- 
ed the Regalia or Regal Right, which are, 
more or lefs, according to the Meafure of Li- 
berty given from, or referred to the People, or 
their Reprefentativcs at the firft Conftitution : 
For Inftance, a King may have Power to make 
War and Peace, and yet cannot raife Money ; 
the Legijlative Power may be alfo divided, as it 
is in England, betwixt King and Parliament, and 
generally in all mixed Governments; for that 
Maxim, that jura Majejlatis funt indivifa, does 
only take Place in an abfolute Monarchy. 

That Power, which the People referveth 
from the Sovereign, is called Liberty, and it is 
either Tacite or Exprefs ; Tacite Liberty is the 
Exemption of fuch Things as cannot fall under 
the Cognifance of the Supreme Power, which 
may be reduced to three, ijl. Religion, or the 
Empire over the Confidence, which belongs 
only to God Almighty, idly, The Power of 
of Life and Death, till we forefault them by 
the Divine Law, or Municipal Laws of a 
Kingdom, yify, Our Goods and Heritages, 
which cannot be taken from us without a Judi- 
cial Procefs, or when the Good of the Common- 
wealth, we live in, requires a Share of them. 
Thefe three Privileges were ever referved in 
the mofl ample Refignation of Liberty ; the Firjl 
we cannot give away, becaufe not ours ; we 
have Right to the Second, as Men, who are to 
be governed by Reafon ; to the Third, as Mem- 
bers of a Society or Commonwealth. 

Exprefs 



The Original and Dejign of Magiftracy. 



Exprefs Liberty is a Stipulation, whereby 
fome Things are by exprefs Paction eximed 
from the Power of the Sovereign, by the Peo- 
ple or their Reprefentatives ; which Referva- 
tions are called Privileges, and are either thus 



There are two Sorts of Tyrants, thofe in Ti- 
tle, and thofe in Adrninijlration of the Govern- 
ment. The fir/} Sort is he, who ufurps the 
Crown without any Title or juft Pretence ; as 
did Oliver Cromzvel in England : Of the other* 



eftablifhed by Contrail: and Agreement at the one who hatha juft Right to the Crown ; but, 

firft Conftitution, or are afterwards granted by poftponing the public Good, acts arbitra, 

Princes, when they would either oblige or gra- and contrary to Law : Such a Tyrant was Phi- 

tify their People ; as was the Magna Charta in lip the Second of Spain. 

England, and the Edict of Nantes in France : The Want of a Title, or a bad one, may 

Or when they defire any Favour from them, be fupplied by Prefcripticn, or the fubfequent 

as was the Golden-Bull, wherein the Emperor, Confent of the People ; to which, perhaps, the 

Charles the Fourth, granted confiderable Immu- moft Part of Princes muft at laft recur, 

nities to the Eleclors, to engage them to chufe 

the ftupid Venfiajlus, his Son, Succeflbr in the 

Empire. 

This Property of the Subject hath ever been 
the Eye-fore of Monarchs, tho' he has as juft 
a Claim to it, as thefe have to their Crowns ; 
and whoever goes about to fubvert it, diflblves 
the Conftitution, and forefaults his own Title ; 
fince the fame Laws, that beftowed this, at the 



un- 

lefs they would derive their Pedigree from one 
of the Sons of Noah, and inftruct an uninter- 
rupted Succeflion ever fince. 

Tyranny is the moft miferable Condition a 
Commonwealth can be in ; it diflblves the Uni- 
on betwixt King and Subjecl, and expofes both 
to all the Miferies that attend a Civil War, 
and to the Hazard of falling under a Foreign 
Power : Yea, even tho' a Tyrant fhould be 



fame Time fecured that ; and maintaining the fuccefsful in his Attempt, yet is he as far from 

one was made an infeparable Condition of pof- his Happinefs as ever ; for, befides the inward 

fefling the other. Neither can a Rape, commit- Remorfes that inceflantly gnaw his Conference, 

ted on our Liberty, be excufed, upon Pretence he fufpe£ts all Men, fears every Thing, and is 

that Authority is derived from Heaven. For, moft juftly hated by all : So that they did not 



the Great Sovereign of the Univerfe, ordained 
Magiftracy for the Prefervation, not the De- 
ftruction of Mankind ; and he never fent down 
any Perfon or Family from Heaven, with a 
CommhTion to enflave a People or Nation, to 
whom the Application of the Civil Power was 
left abfolutely free: So that they might beftow it 



reprefent a Tyrant ill, who drew him fitting 
under a Canopy of State, feafting in great 
Riot, with a naked Sword hanging over his 
Head. 

What Remedy is there then againft fo great 
an Evil ? Are we tamely to fubjeel our Necks to 
a Yoke fo infupportable to the more refined 



on whom, and after what Manner they pleafed ; Sort of Men ? Or are we to refifl the Supreme 
for, tho' God loves Order, yet he never approv- Magiflrate and reclaim him by Arms when other 
ed of Tyranny and Oppreflion ; and he, who is 
all Juftice and Mercy, can never be fuppofed to 
authorife what is contrary to both. So that 
whofoever acts beyond his Commiflion, and 
deftroys the Flock, inftead of protecting it, is fo 
far from being God's Vicegerent, that he is to 



Means prove ineffectual ? The Difficulty is 
great, and each Opinion hath had its Cham- 
pions, who writ Volumes in Defence of their 
Caufe. 

The horrid Parricide of King Charles I, in 
the Middle of this Age *, was with great Heat 



be looked on as the common Enemy of Man- and Zeal defended by Milton +, and impugned 

by the learned Salmafius, who being a Stranger 



kind 

The Violation of the Subjects Property is 
called Tyranny. A Name, which, at firft, 
did only fignify the Regal Poxver ; but, when 
Liberty began to be oppreffed, through the 
Ambition, Wickednefs, or evil Management 
of the Governors, it was made Life of, to de- 
note the Excefs of Power. 

* Anno 1648, in the Seventeenth Century. 



to our Conftitution, and the Tranfaclions of 
our Country (I fpeak it with Reverence to fo 
great a Man) did but weakly defend fo good 
a Caufe, in endeavouring to prove, that Tyran- 
ny was not to be refilled, whereas he fhould 
have evinced (as eafily he might) That Charles 
I. was a good Prince and no Tyrant. 

f The Poet and Author of Paradife loft, &c. 



The 



6 The Original and Defign of Magijlracy. 

The prefent Revolution % in England re- about with the greateft Deliberation and Cir- 

vives the Difpute, and engages me, contrary to cumfpeetion imaginable; when Addreffes Pe- 

my Humour, to impart my Thoughts to the titions, Supplications, and fuch gentle Methods 

Public, with no other Defign than to contri- prove ineffectual. 

bute my mean Endeavours for vindicating the Fourthly, The Commtnwealth mutt be in fuch 

Nation's Honour from the heavy Imputations of Danger, that the whole Fabric would other- 

Treafon and Rebellion \ and, if I can make out wife be diflblved and overturned. 
That Refiftance in fome Cafe is lawful, I doubt Lajily, The Effeftuating of the Defign muft 

not but I (hall be eafily able to demonftrate be certain, otherwife, we fall into a worfe 

That the prefent Taking up Arms by theNobility Evil, than what we feek to fhun ; for, Con- 

and Gentry of England, in Defence of their Re- fufion and Anarchy, are worfe than Tyranny ; 

ligion, Laws, and Liberties, is both jujl and and a wounded Head is better than none at 

necejfary. all. 

There are three Degrees of Reft/lance. The What is objected againft this Opinion, from 

firfl is the Taking up Arms againft the Civil the Old and New Tejlament, is verv judicioufly 

Magi/Irate. The fecond is, The Depofing him, refuted by the Author of the Inquiry into the 

and Shaking off our Allegiance. The third pro- Meafures of SubmiJJion. 

ceeds to the Inflicting of capital Punijlment. 1 he fecond Argument is taken from the Oath 

Which laft feems inhuman ; becaufe God has of Allegiance, which Subjects fwear to their 

placed a certain Sacrednefs in the Perfon of Prince, whereby they engage never to rife in 

Princes, fo that none can touch the Lord's A- Arms againft him. To which it is anfwered 

minted, and be guiltlefs : And the Depriving them That this Oath is acceflbry to the Contra£t a- 

of their Crowns is a great enough Punifhment ; greed on betwixt the King and People and fo 

and our Injuries are fufficiently repaired, when muft follow the Nature of its Principle. The 

we are out of the Hazard of being any more Nature of all Contracts is obligatory on both 

obnoxious to them. The other Two may be Parties; fo that, if one of the Parties fail in the 

allowed of, provided the Remedies be applied performing his Part, the other is loofed from 

by fit Perfons, after a due Manner, and with his Obligation. As it is in this Cafe the Peo- 

fuch Caution, as a Matter of fo great Impor- pie devolve the Power on the Prince upon cer- 

tance does require. tain Conditions, exprefly fpecified : The Ac- 

Firjl, By fit Perfons, as the Nobility, Gen- cepting of a Crown, on fuch Terms binds 
try, and other Reprefentatives of the Nation, the Prince to perform the Conditions • if he 
who, as they are moft concerned in the Laws, does not perform them, he, in Effect re- 
are fuppofed to underftand them, and, confe- nounces his Right, and tacitely confents that it 
quently, are the beft Judges of Liberty. And return to thofe, who beftowed it. 
they are Perfons of fo much Honour that it Lawyers fay, that Contracts can onlv oblige 
were a Piece of ill Breeding to fufpect them of Equals ; and therefore no Paction betwixt Kino- 
Partiality, and Subject can be binding. There is no 

Secondly, The Tyranny muft be evident and Force in this Argument, if we advert that 

manifefl ; fome few tyrannical Acts do not when this Stipulation was made the Prince 

conftitute Tyranny ; private Injuries muft be and Subjects were equal, and were only diftin- 

fuffered, rather than hazard the public Peace ; guifhed after the Power was conferred, 
there muft be a wilful Subverfion of the Laws, Thirdly, They inftance, that this does not 

not thofe of lefler Moment, but fuch as {hake bind the Succeffor. To which, it is anfwered 

the very Foundations of Government. Da- That the Prince engages for himfelf and Suc- 

vid's Murder and Adultery were very arbitra- ceffors ; who, if they would reap the Advan- 

ry and tyrannical, and yet did not make him tage from their Predeceffors, muft have alio the 

a Tyrant ; for, human Frailty is ftill to be Difadvantage of being tied to the fame Rules 

indulged, feeing, on this Side of Time, Per- they were adftricted to. But, for the further 

fection is not to be expected. Security, none is admitted to the Govern- 

Thirdly, This is a violent Remedy, and, con- ment, till they take the Coronation Oath. 
fequently, (hould be the laft, it ought to be gone 

% K. Jama IPs Mifrule, Flight, and Abdication of the Crown in i6S3. 

Fourthly, 



The Original and De/Jgn of Ma gift racy. y 

Fourthly, They upbraid us with the Exam- of the meaneft Capacities may eafily imdei- 

ple of the Primitive Chrijiians, who fuffered ftand them. 

the Persecution, of Heathen Emperors, with the In a Politic State, the Supreme Magijlr& 

sreateft Moderation and Patience. I do ad- fworn to rule according to the Fundamental 

m ; re as well as they, the Conftancy, Patience, Laws of the Kingdom, which we muft fuppofe 

and other Virtues, which thefe holy Men were are known both to King and People ; becaufe 

endued with ; but their Cafe and ours is quite they are a Rule to direct the Government of 

different : Paganijm, at that Time, was efta- the one, and a Meajure of the Obedience of 

blifned by Law , and Chrijlianity condemned ; the other, and were fairly enacted at the firjt 

the Profeffors whereof fafrered, as the Dijlur- Ctnjtitution. It is true, indeed, that if a Law, 

bcrs of the public Peace ; but, blefTed be GOD, made by the Civil Power, contains any Obfcu- 

the Law is now on our Side ; and our Religion rity, the dole Power of interpreting that Lav. 

is become a great Part of our Property j and belongs to the Lawgivers ; but we muft ima- 

the Peace of our Country does very much de- gine the Fundamental Laws fidl of Perfpicuitv, 

pend on the Prefervation of it : Befides, if the and, except there be a notorious Yiolatioi 

Chrijlian Religion had been propagated by them, Reiiftance can never be lawful. 
Arms, its Worth had been diminifhed, and What has been faid on this General Head, 

the Reputation of the firft Founders of Chrijli- will not anfwer the Defign of this Paper, if it 

unity had very much fuffered ; whereas the Mo- cannot be applied to the prcfent State of Affairs 

rality and Juftice of all its Precepts, the Holi- in England : For it is of no Purpofe to prove, 

nefs and Purity of its Doctrine, were of fuffi- That Tyranny is to be rejijled by Arms ; unlets 

cient Efficacy to recommend it ; and die Con- we make it appear, That the Englijh Govern- 

ftancy and Refolution, with which the firft ment had altogether degenerated into Tyranny ; 

Chrijiians fuffered Martyrdom, were ftrong and that the Taking up of Arms, under the au- 

Motives to convince the Pagan IVorld of the picious Conduct of his Highnefs the Prince of 

Truth of it. But in our Chrijlian Commonwealth, Orange, was no rafh Act, but done after ma- 

where there are no more Heathens to convert, ture Deliberation, and with all the Circum- 

as the Robbing us of our Religion would be fpe£tion, that an Affair of fo great Importance 

the higheft Act of Injuftice, fo the Parting with did require. 

it, tamely, would argue the greateft Stupidity The great and earneft Endeavours, to have 

and Inconcernednefs that Men can be capa- the Bill of Exclufion pafTed *, did fufficiently 

ble of. evince, what Fears and Jealoufies the Parlia- 

The only Difficulty that remains, is, Who ment had of the Danger to which their Religi- 

fhall be Judge of the Prince's Actions, to know en and Liberties would neceffarily be expofed 

when he is a Tyrant, and when not ? If it under a Popijh Succeffor. His Majejly's + Beha- 

were allowed to the Prince himfelf, he would viour, fince he came to the Crown, has clear- 

be too partial : If we fhould conftitute a Right ly demonftrated, that thefe Fears were not 

in the People, they would be too apt to mif- eroundlefs ; for, not being content to introduce 

conftrue the Prince's Actions (which fhould the Popijh Religion, fo much contrary to Law, 

ever receive the moft benign Interpretation that he hath endeavoured to alter the whole Frame 

the Subject can admit.) So that, to fhun both of the Conftitution, and fwallow up all our Li- 

Inconveniencies, the Controverfy muft be de- berties and Privileges, in an Arbitrary and 

cided by the Laws of the Kingdom. There is Defpotic Power J. 

juft fuch a Plea betwixt the Church of Rome, Firjl, The firft Step was made againft the 

and the Proiejlants, concerning a fudge of Con- Freedom of Parliaments (which makes up a 

trcverfies : They contend for the Pope, as great Part of the Government, by their having 

Chrijl's Vicar ; and rejedt the Scriptures, which a Share of the Legijlative Power lodged in them) 

we believe are the only Rule of Faith ; and by their iffuing out ^uowarranto's againft all the 

that, in them, all Things, which relate to Sal- Burghs and Corporations in England. The 

vation, are clearly fet down, fo that thofe moft Part of them, either through Fear er 

* In King Charles the Second's Time, againft the Duke ciTork, a Fapif, afterwards King James the 
Second, uhcfe Principles were deftrudtive of our Religion and Ecclefiaftical State, and al! the Laws by 
which our Church was eftablifhed. -\ King James the Second. X ^ his Commifiio:i for erecting 
an EcJejiajiic CommiJJim Court. 

Force, 



The Original and Defign of Magi/lracy: 



Cafe the next Aflembly fhould have proved 
ftubborn. 

Fifthly, Though by many Laws the holding 
Corrcfpondence, any Way, with Rome, be de- 



8 

Force, did furrender their Charters to the 
King, who placed fuch Magiftrates in them, 
as he was inoft afliired of, and, by this Means, 
did altogether invert the Freedom of Election. 

Secondly, Nothing could be more contrary to clared Higb-Treafon, yet hath his Majejly had 
Law, than the erecting of Seminaries of Priejls his Refident there, and received his Nuncio here, 
and Jefuits in all the Capital Cities of his Domi- 
nions ; yea, fuch Confidence hath he repofed 
in that Order, that he hath committed the Di- 
rection of his Confcience to || one of its Fathers, 
and was not afhamed to own himfelf a Son of 
their Society. 

Thirdly, His Pretence to a Difpenftng Power 
was no mean Breach of his Coronation Oath ; 



to the great Scandal of all good Protejlants, and 
true-hearted Englijhmen : For it is in Effect a 
Subjecting the Kingdom to a Slavery, from 
which our Ancestors had moft glorioufly deli- 
vered us. Thefe Things were acted in the Face 
of the Sun * , and none can deny them without 
renouncing the moft comfortable of all his 
Senfes ; yea, the King himfelf did fufficiently 
for, by it, he ufurped the whole Legiflative acknowledge them, by his fudden reftoring the 
Potver; and would have impofed on the Peo- City Charters, Magdalen College, and fome o- 
ple (in procuring the Votes of the Twelve Mer- ther of the groffer Sort of Abufes, upon the 



cenary Judges) if they had not wifely forefeen 
the dangerous Confequences, and feared that 
his Majejly would farther oblige his Roman Ca- 
tholic Subjecls, by Repealing all the Laws that 
were enacfed in Favour of the Protejlant Reli- 



gion. 



It was by Vertue of this Difpenftng Power, 



firft Information he got of the Prince'% f De- 
claration. 

The King's old Age, and the fair Profpect 
of a Protejlant SucceJJor, made us fuffer thefe 
Things patiently, becaufe we hoped to be ve- 
ry fhortly delivered from them ; but, to defpair 
us, and cut off all our Hopes, and to punifh the 



that the Ecclefiaflic CommiJJion was eftablifhed ; Prince and Princefs of Orange, for refufing to 

the Bijhop of London fufpended ; the Fellows comply with the King's Will, there is a fud- 

cf Magdalen College turned out : And, becaufe den Rumour fpread of the Queen's being with 

the Bijhops of England would not fo far juftify Child, which, as it did alarm the whole King- 



his illegal Pretences, as to caufe their Clergy 
to read the Declaration for Liberty of Confci- 
ence § from their Pulpits, they quickly faw all 
the fair Promifes made them evanifh, and the 
Loyal Church of England was firft branded 
with the infamous Character of Trumpeters of 
Rebellion, and afterwards treated as the worft 
of Criminals ; a very bad Recompence for 
that great Zeal, with which they had ever 
preached up the impracticable Doctrine of Non- 
Rejiflance. 

Fourthly, In Profecution of the bleffed De- 
fign of reducing Heretics to the See of Rcme, all 



dom, fo it made thefe, who were moft concern- 
ed, be at fome Pains to be affined of the Truth 
of it ; and yet, after their moft exact Enquiry, 
their Doubts were increafed. 

The Court was not ignorant of all this, and 
yet would not give themfelves the leaft Trouble 
to fatisfy Them, though they had the greateft 
Intereft in the World to do it. 

The Place of the Queen's lying in was fo 
uncertain, and the Management of the Birth 
fo myfterious ; the fending away the Princefs cf 
Denmark %, the imprifoning the Bijhops in the 
Tc-tver, gave more than probable Grounds to 



Ways were taken to difcourage Proteflants, who fufpect an Impojlurc ; and though thefe be but 



were not only debarred from Offices and Em- 
ployments of any Truft, unlefs upon fuch Con- 
ditions, as the Court pleafed to impofe, but 
were even turned out of thofe that had been 
heritable to their Families ; and a great Part 
of the Militia was intruded to Roman Catholics, 
of Purpofe to over-awe the Parliaments, in 



Prefumptions, and have not the Strength of a 
full Probation, yet they transfer a Neceffity of 
eliding them by clearer Evidences. 

Thus, our Religion, Liberties, and Laws 
being ready to fink, when gentle Methods had 
proved ineffectual, when Addreffes and Suppli- 
cations, even from the moft loval Part of the 



|| Father Piters, a JJuit, and one of his Privy Council. § Calculated to introduce Popery, againft 
all the Laws in Force againft that Superftition. * As (hall be more particularly {hewn in the Courfe 

of this Mifcellany. f Of Orange. % Afterwards Queen Anne, who was married to Prince George of 
Denmark. 

Nation, 



*Ihe Origin and Defign of Magijlracy. 



Nation, were counted fo many Acts of Trea- 
fon, it was high Time to recur to that Re- 
medy which Nature feems to dictate to every 
Individual in its own Defence. 

That Zeal, with which his Highnefs the Prince 



lumnies of his Enemie?, with fuch an heroic 
Conftancy of Mind, as feldom or never fails to 
come off viclorious. 

The Prince * had alfo acquainted him in 
his Declaration, that he had no other Defign in 



of Orange, had ever efpoufed the Protejlant coming to England, than to refer all the Gri~- 



Intereft ag3inft all its Adverfaries, made the vances of the Nation, and his own Pretences, 

Neither the King, nor 

ever accufe this Prince 

with the lead: Breach of Promife : And, though 

he had been wanting in that Reverence that is 

due to the Character of an Uncle and Father- iu~ 



Nobility and Gentry of England unanimoufly 
pitch on him as the' fitted Perfon to be their 
Deliverer ; and, both he and his Princefis being 
lb nearly interefted in the Succeflion, no ratio- 
nal Man can blame him for appearing in Arms 



to a Free Parliament. 
any Man elfe, could 



and demanding Satisfaction that Way, which Law, yet the Prince's own Intereft had fecu- 
hitherto had been refufed him. If the Remedy red the King from any harfh Treatment ; 
had been delayed, it is more than probable, the for, if any Thing had been attempted againft 
greater Part of the Nation had fallen a Sacri- his Perfon, the Nation's Eyes had been opened 
rice to Popery and Arbitrary Government. and would have feen clearly, that thefe fpe- 
I (hall conclude all with a (hort Reflection cious Pretences of Liberty and Property were 
upon his Majejlys leaving the Kingdom, and but fo many Delufions, and fuch a Treat- 
going for France, which Action alone hath done ment certainly had deferved the greateft Refent- 
him more Hurt, than all the reft together ; ment. 

for, by depriving us of that ProUSiion, which But if the King muft needs go, can he find 

we might expect from his Government, he no Place for Shelter but France? Where fo 

loofes his Subjects from that Allegiance they much Protejlant Blood hath been fo lately 

fwore unto, upon no other Condition, thanyo ihed f, with the greateft Cruelty and Barbarity 

long as they jhauld enjoy fo great a Benefit: Nei- that ever was heard; he cannot be ignorant 

ther can any, who knows his Majefty's Tern- that his Subjects have a natural Averfion for 

per, impute his Flight to Fear or Cowardice, that Nation, and that his clofe and conftant 

but rather of his being confeious of a certain Correfpondence with its Monarch gave them 

Guilt, which did banifh him from one of the juft Jealoufies to apprehend, that there was 



greateft Stations in the World, and robbed him 
of that Bravery and Refolution, that he is na- 
turally attended with; and which though he 
had wanted, yet Innocency had fupported him, 
and made him out-brave all the malicious Ca- 



more than an ordinary Friendfhip betwixt 
them, which was every Day increafed, by his 
copying fo near the Methods that had been ufed 
in that Nation, for fupprefling the Protejlant 
Religion, and eftablifhing % Arbitrary Govern- 
ment. 

* Of Or.angc. -f- Againft the Faith of folemn Treaties and National Laws. 

% Of which Jealoufies we can have no better Idea than what is ftrongly conveighed to Pofterity, by an 
ingenious Author, who wrote foon after, in thefe Words : 

" Though I was never much furprifed and alarmed with popular or artificial Tears and Jealoufies 
** (which will perhaps make a Noife, even in the moft promifing Seafons, as long as the World endures) 
" yet, when Matter of Tail is notorioufiy plain and evident ; when tyrannical, bafe, and undermining Prin- 
ciples are feconded with Power, Revenge, and fuccefsful Iflues ; it is a weak Piece of Bravery merely 

to defy Danger, and rank Folly and Stupidity not to be nationally concerned. 

" The Politics of Trance are now fairly legible in Speeches and Bravadoes, in Actions and Menaces, and 
" many felf-evident Tokens of a defigned UJutpation ; and we are not only to expect the fame burning Ef- 
" fec\s from the fame damning Caufe ; but have alfo too juft and apparent Reafon to fear, that we fhall 
" be graduated up, through all the decent Forms of ingenious Cruelty, and the feveral Stages of Torture 
" to a more folemn and ceremonious Death, if ever Popery lift up its Head in England. 

" Perhaps, the more dull and half-witted Priefis may content themfelves with a ftiort fiery Trial; with 
" the plain and old-faftiioned Way of facrificing Heretics to the Reman Idol ; and I hare Charity to be- 
" heve, there are many kind and good-natured Romanifis amongft us, who are fo much our Friends, as to 
" ftirink and tremble even at the Thoughts of fitch Barbarities as thefe : But all their good Wijhes muft 
** prove but vain and plaufible Nothings, when the infolent Jejuit has once got the Afcendant, and is 
" roaring up and down with Racks, Wheels, and Damnation in his Mouth, and all the Terrors of the ten 
" Persecutions: And what will a Not Swearing , or, Who would have thought it, fignify, when our Gates 

C " are 



t* 



IO 



VOX REGIS. 



ment. And, if the King % have any Hopes Friends, and Britain would fhew itfelf as for* 

to reduce his Subjects by invading them on the ward to fight againft Popery and Tyranny, as it 

Head of a French Army, he will find them but was averfe from giving Proofs of its Courage, 

ill grounded \ for, inftead of reconciling them when it muft needs have been fatal to Liberty 

to him, (o dangerous and improper a Method and the Protejiant Religion, 
would even alienate the Hearts of his beft 

" are fet open to that Royal Thunderer, who has been fo far influenced by his beloved Oracles, "and the om- 

" nipotent Charms of canonical Executioners, as to give no Relt either to the World or himfelf; and 

" whofe magnified Condudl bears a near Refemblance to that awful Sort of Majefty, which Mr. D a 

" prefents us with, in his notable Defcription of a Bull after this Manner : 

While, Monarch-like, he ranged the lifted Field, 

Some tofts' d, ftome gor'd, ftome tramping dtyvjn he killd. 

% James II. 



VOX REGIS. 



As an APPENDIX to what hath been faid, we Jhall pre fume to annex 
Part of King James the FirftV Speeches to the Parliaments in 1603, an ^ 
1609, who was Grandfather to King James the Second : As alfo his Ad- 
vice to his Son in his Bafilicon Doron j which Appendix is intitled, 
Vox Regis: Or, the Difference betwixt a King Ruling by "Law, and a 
Tyrant by his Own Will ; and, at the fame Time, declaring his Royal Opinion 
cf the Excellency of the Englim Laws, Rights, and Privileges, viz. 

In his Speech to the Parliament 1603, he expreficth himfelf in thefe Words, viz. 



I Do acknowledge, that the fpecial and 
greateft Point of Difference that is be- 
twixt a rightful King, and an ufurping 
Tyrant, is in this : That whereas the 
proud and ambitious Tyrant doth think 
his Kingdom and People are only ordained 
for Satisfaction of his Defires, and unreafon- 
able Appetites, The righteous and jujl King 
doth, by the contrary, acknowledge himfelf to 
be ordained for the procuring of the Wealth and 
Proftperity oft his People ; and that his great 
and principal worldly Felicity muft conftft in 
their Projperity : If you be rich, I cannot be 
poor ; if you be happy, I cannot but be for- 
tunate ; and, I proteft, your Welfare (hall 



ever be my greateft Care and Contentment. 
And, that I am a Servant, it is mod true, 
that, as I am Head and Governor of all the 
People in my Dominion, who are my natural 
Subjects, confidering them in diftinci Ranks, 
fo if we will take in the People as one Body, 
then as the Head is ordained for the Body, and 
not the Body ftor the Head, fto muft a righte- 
ous King know himfelf to be ordained for his 
People, and not his People for him. 
i Wherefore, I will never be afhamed to 
confefs it my principal Honour, to be the great 
Servant of the Commonwealth, and ever 
think the Profperity thereof to be my great- 
eft Felicity, &c. 



In 



VOX REGIS. 



ii 



In his Speech to the Parliament, March 2r, 

followeth : 



1609, he expreffeth himfelfas 



IN thefe, our Times, we are to diftin- 
guifh betwixt the State of Kings in the 
firft Original, and between the State of 
fettled Kings and Monarchs, that do at this 
Time govern in Civil Kingdoms : For even 
as God, during the Time of the Old Tefta- 
ment, fpake by Oracles, and wrought by 
Miracles ; yet, how foon it pleafed him to fet- 
tle a Church (which was bought and redeem- 
ed by the Blood of his only Son Chrift) then 
was there a Ceflion of both : He ever after 
governing his Church and People within the 
Limits of his revealed Will. So in the firft Ori- 
ginal of Kings, whereof fome had their Be- 
ginning by Conquejl, and fome by Election of 
the People, their Wills at that Time ferv- 
ed for a Law ; yet, how foon Kingdoms be- 
gan to be fettled in Civility and Policy, 
then did Kings fet down their Minds by 
Laws, which are properly made bv the King 
only ; but, at the Rogation of the People, 
the King's Grant being obtained thereunto ; 
and fo the King came to be Lex loquens, a 
fpeaking Law, after a Sort, binding himfelf, 
by a double Oath, to the Obfervation of the 
Fundamental Laws of his Kingdom : Tacitly, 
as by being a King, and fo bound to protect 
as well the People, as the Laws of his King- 
dom j and exprefly by his Oath at his Coro- 
nation : So as every juft King, in a fettled 
Kingdom, is bound to obferve that Paclion 
made to his People by his Laws, in framing 
his Government agreeable thereunto, accord- 
ing to that Paction which God made with 
Noah after the Deluge : Hereafter, Seed-time 
and Harvejl, Summer and Winter, Cold and 
Heat, Day and Night Jhall not ceafe, fo long 
as the Earth remains. And therefore a King, 
governing in a fettled Kingdom, leaves to be a 
King, and degenerates into a Tyrant, as foon 
as he leaves off" to rule according to his Laws. 
In which Cafe, the King's Confcience may 
fpeak unto him, as the poor Widow faid to 
Philip of Macedon, Either govern according 
to your Law, aut ne Rex fis, or ceafe to be 
King ; and, though no Chriftian Man ought 
to allow any Rebellion of People againft their 



Prince ; yet doth God never leave Kings un- 
punifhed, when they tranfgrefs thefe Limits*. 
For in that fame Pfalm, where God faith to 
Kings, Vqs dii ejlis, Ye arc Gods, he immedi- 
ately thereafter concludes, But ye ft jail die like 
Men. The higher we are placed, the greatci 
fhall our Fall be ; Ut cafus fie dolor, as the 
Fall, fo the Grief ; the taller the Trees be, 
*~-the more in Danger of the Wind ; and the 
Tempeft beats foreft upon the higheft Moun- 
tains. Therefore, all Kings that are no Ty- 
rants, or perjured, will he glad to hind 
themfelves within the Limits of their Laws, 
and they that perfuade them the contrary, are 
Vipers and Pejls, both again/} them and the 
Commonwealth. For it is a great Difference 
betwixt a King's Government in a fettled 
Eftate, and what Kings, in their original 
Power, might do in Individuo vago : As for 
my Part, I thank God, I have ever given 
good Proof, that I never had Intention to the 
contrary : And I am fure to go to my Grave 
with that Reputation and Comfort, that ne- 
ver King was, in all his Time, more careful 
to have his Laws duly obferved, and him- 
felf to govern thereafter, than I. 
' Juft Kings will ever be willing to declare 
what they will do, if they will not incur the 
Curfe of God. I will not be content that 
my Power be difputed upon, but I fhall ever 
be willing to make the Reafon appear of all 
my Doings, and rule my Actions according 
to the Laws. 
And, afterwards, fpeaking of the Common 
Law of England, which fome conceived he con- 
temned, faith to this Purpofe : ' That, as a 

* King, he had leaft Caufe of any Man to dif- 

* like the Common Law ; for, no Law can be 
' more favourable and advantageous for a King, 
' and extendeth further his Prerogative, than 
'■ it doth ; and for a King of England to defpife 
' the Common Law, it is to negleit his own 
' Crown. It is true, that no Kingdom in 

* the World but every one of them hath their 

* own Municipial Laws, agreeable to their Cuf- 

* toms, as this Kingdom hath the Common 
' Law. Nay, I am fo far from difallowing 



* See this verified in the Perfons of King Charles the Firf, and King famet the Second, his Son and 
Grandfon. 

C 2 'the 



VOX REGIS. 



the Common Law, as I proteft, that, if it 
were in my Hand to chufe a new Law for 
this Kingdom, I would not only prefer it 
before any other National Law, but even be- 
fore the very Judicial Law of Mofes, for 
Conveniency to this Kingdom at this Time, 
though, in another Refpecr., I muft fay, both 
our Law and all other Laws elfe are very in- 
ferior to that Judicial Law of God ; for no 
Book nor Law is perfect nor free from Cor- 
ruption, except only the Book and Law of 
God. And, therefore, I could wifh, that 
fome Corruptions might be purged and clear- 
ed in the Common Law, but always by the 
Advice of Parliaments ; for the King with 
his Parliament, here *, are abfolute in mak- 
ing or forming of any Sort of Laws. 
* Fir/l, I could wifh that it were written 
in our Vulgar Language f ; for now it is an 
old mixed corrupt Language, only under- 
ftood by Lawyers ; whereas every Subject 
ought to underftand the Law under which 
he lives ; for, fince it is our Plea againft the 
Papifts, that the Language in God's Service 
ought not to be in an unknown Tongue, 
according to the Rule in the Law of Mo- 
fes, that the Law mould be written in the 
Fringes of the Prieft's Garment, and fhould 
be publickly read in the ears of all the peo- 
ple ; fo, methinks, ought cur Law to be 
made as plain, as can be to the People, that 
the Excufe of Ignorance may be taken from 
them for conforming themfelves thereunto. 
' Next, Our Common Law hath not a 
fettled Text, being chiefly grounded upon Old 
Cuftoms, which you call Refpcnfa Prudentum 
I could wifh that fome more cer- 
tain were fet down in this Cafe by Parlia- 
ment ; for fince the Reports themfelves are 
not always fo binding, but that divers Times 
Judges do difclaim them, and recede from 
the Judgment of their Prcdeceflbrs ; it were 
good that upon a mature Deliberation the Ex- 
pofition of the Law were fet down by Act of 
Parliament, and fuch Reports therein con- 
firmed as were thought fit to ferve for Law 
in all Times hereafter, and fo the People 
fhould not depend upon the bare Opinions of 
Judges, and uncertain Reports. 
1 And lajlly, there be in the Law contrary 
Reports and Precedents ; and this Corruption 
doth like wife concern the Statutes and Ails 



of Parliament, in Refpect there are divers 
crofs and cuffing Statutes, and fome fo pen- 
ned as they may be taken in divers, yea con- 
trary Senfes. And, therefore, would I wifh 
both thofe Statutes and Reports, as well in the 
Parliament as Common Law, to be once ma- 
terially reviewed and reconciled. 
' And that not only Contrarieties fhould be 
fcraped out of our Books, but that even fuch 
penal Statutes, as were made but for the life 
of the Time (for Breach whereof no Man can 
be free) which do not now agree with the 
Condition of this our Time, might likewife 
be left out of our Books, which under a ty- 
rannous and avaricious King could not be en- 
dured. 

' And this Reformation might, we think, 
be made a worthy Work, and well deferves 
a Parliament to be fet of Purpofe for it, tffc.' 
And as to the Point of Grievances He tells 
them, That there are two fpecial Caufes of the 
People's prefenting Grievances to their King 
in Time of Parliament. 
* Firft, For that the King cannot at other 
Times be fo well informed of all the Grie- 
vances of his People, as in Time of Parlia- 
ment, which is the Reprefentative Body of 
the whole Realm. Secondly, The Parliament 
is the higheft Court of Juftice, and therefore 
the fittefr. Place where divers Natures of Grie- 
vances may have their proper Remedy by the 
Eftablifhment of good and wholefome Laws : 
Wherein he addrefTes himfelf efpecially to the 
Lower Houfc, who, as reprefenting the Body 
of the People, may as it were both Opportune 
& Inopportune, in Seafon and out of Seafon ; 
I mean either in Parliament as a Body, or out 
of Parliament as private Men, prefent your 

Grievances unto me. 

4 I am not to find Fault that you inform 
yourfelves of the particular Grievances of 
the People : Nay 1 muft tell you, ye can nei- 
ther be juft nor faithful to me or to your Coun- 
tries, that trujl and employ you, if you do not ; 
for true Plaints proceed not frotn the Per fans 
employed, but from the Body reprefented, which 
is the People. And it may very well be, that 
many Directions and Commiffions, juftly 
given forth by me, may be abufed in the 
Execution thereof upon the People, and 
yet I never receive Information, except it 
come by your Means at fuch a Tims as this is.' 



In England. 



f This has been lately enadled by the Parliament. 



To 



VOX REGIS. 



*3 



To which we may add what he faith to his Son, in his Bafilikon Doron, p. 155, 

156, of his Works, viz. 



FOR the Part of Making and Executing 
of Laws, confider firft the true Diffe- 
rence betwixt a lawful King and an u- 
furping Tyrant, and ye (hall the more eafi- 
\y underftand your Duty herein ; for contra- 
riajuxtafe pfita magis elucefcunt. The one 
acknowledged himfelf ordained for his Peo- 
ple, having received from God a Burden of 
Government, whereof he muft be account- 
able ; the other thinketh his People ordained 
for him, a Prey to his Paflions and inordinate 
Appetites, as the Fruits of his Magnanimi- 
ty : And, therefore, as their Ends are direct- 
ly contrary, fo are their whole Actions, as 
Means whereby they prefs to attain to their 
Ends. A good King thinketh the higheft 
Honour to confift in the due Difcharge of 
his Calling, imployeth all by Study and Pains 
to procure and maintain, by the Making and 
Execution of good Laws, the Welfare and 
Peace of his People ; and, as their natural 
Father and kindly Mafter, thinketh his great- 
eft Contentment ftandeth in their Profperity, 
and his greateft Surety in having their Hearts, 
fubjecVmg his own private Affections and Ap- 
petites to the Weal and Standing of his Sub- 
jects, ever thinking the Common Intereft 
his chiefeft Particular ; whereby the Contra- 
ry, an ufurping Tyrant thinking his greateft 
Honour and Felicity to confift in attaining 
per fas aut nefas, to his ambitious Pretences, 
thinketh never himfelf fure but by the Dif- 
fenfion and Factions among his People, and 
counterfeiting the Saint, while he once creep 
in Credit, will then (by inverting all good 
Laws to ferve only his only private Affec- 
tions) frame the Common Weal ever to ad- 



vance his Particular, building his Surety up- 
on his People's Mifery j and in the End 
(as a Step-Father and an uncouth Hireling) 
make up his own Hand upon the Ruins of the 
Republic ; and, according to their Actions, 
fo receive they their Reward. 
' For a good King, after a happy Reign, 
dieth in Peace, lamented by his Subjects, 
admired by his Neighbours, and, leaving a 
Reverence behind him on Earth, obtaineth 
the Crown of eternal Felicity in Heaven. 
And, although fome of them (which falleth 
out very rarely) may be cut off by the Trea- 
fon of fome unnatural Subjects, yet liveth 
their Fame after them, and fome notable 
Plague faileth never to overtake the Com- 
mitters in this Life, befides their Infamy to 
all Pofterities hereafter. 
* Whereby the Contrary, a Tyrant's mifer- 
able and infamous Life armeth in the End 
his own Subjects to become by Burreaux ; 
and, although that Rebellion be ever unlawful 
on their Part, yet is the World fo wearied 
of him, that his Fall is little meaned by the 
reft of his Subjects, and but fmiled at by 
his Neighbours. And, befides the infamous 
Memory he leaveth behind him here, and 
the endlefs Pain he fuftaineth hereafter, it 
oft falleth out, that the Committers not 
only efcape unpunifhed, but farther, the Fact 
will remain as allowed by the Law in divers 
Ages thereafter. 

' It is eafy then for you, my Son, to make 
Choice of one of thefe two Sorts of Rulers, 
by following the Way of Virtue to eftablifti 
your Standing.' 



A Pica 



( 14 ) 



A Pica for Limited Monarchy, as it was cftablifhed in this Na- 
tion, before the late War ; in an humble Addrefs to his Ex- 
cellency, General MONK, by a Zealot for the good old 
Laws of his Country, before any Faction or Caprice, with 
Additions. 

Optima Libertas, ubi Rex, cum Lege, gubernat. 

Printed in the Tear MDCLX. 



This excellent Trail is faidtobe written by Sir Roger L'Eftrange, and, without the Heat 
of Party or Fatlion, conveys to us a deferable Reprefentation of true Englifti Liberty, 
only to be fupported by Monarchy ; and the eminent Danger it fell into by Anarchy, in 
the Time of the great Rebellion, and may properly be recorded as an efficacious Antidote 
againft Republicans and State-Levellers. 

SIR, Ufurpation, fometimes debauched and embafed* 

Finding, by feveral Letters, published in with Oligarchy, moftly, by Reafon of their 

your Name, that you profefs a more Weaknefs and Divifions, fubdued or forced to 

than ordinary Zeal to popular Govern- truckle under their neighbouring Princes ; al- 

ment ; and not knowing any Thing ways tormented with Faction. Neither, in- 

herein, that can lo miflead you, but deed, do they themfelves offer any Argument 

the glorious Pretence of a Free State (a Notion, but fuch, as, in Effect, beg the Queftion, by 

which hath even intoxicated many, otherwife, prefuppofing great Unity in the Coalition, 

great and worthy Perfons) I held it my Du- great Probity in the Intention, and great Pu- 

ty, firji, to acquaint you, how neceffary it is rity in the Exercife ; which, doubtlefs, being 

to diftinguifh betwixt the Form and Effence of admitted, we mould fo little need to differ a- 

a Commonwealth ; the Miftake whereof (each bout Forms, that, perhaps, we mould fcarce 

for the other ) hath proved fo fatal in our need any Government at all. The ftouteft 

Times * : Next, to examine, whether thofe that Aflertors of Monarchy muft, likewife, acknow- 

furfeited of our kingly Government, and longed ledge, that it, being but Earthen- ware (tho' 

for Novelty, have not, indeed (like the Dog the fineft and ftrongeft) is fubject to divers Ac- 

in the Fable) loft the Subftance of Liberty and cidents; for nothing under Heaven is perfect. 

Happinefs, in Purfuit of the Shadow. And, when we conftitute Governments, we 

Our fierce Champions of a Free State will muft not think to build Babels againft the De- 

not, I prefume, maintain, that it is fubjec"r, to luge, but imbank againft Floods, and inclofe 

no Violations, left woeful Experience confute, the beft we can againft Trefpaflbrs. This 

and force them to confefs, either that a Com- being premifed, let us confider thefe two Go- 

monwealth may degenerate, or, at leaft, that vernments, not Metaphyfually, in Notions ab- 

this never was a Commonwealth : And, as ftracled from their Subjects (a Paftime which 

they muft renounce their Senfes, fo they muft our Platonics much delight in) but morally and 

deny the Faith of Story, which proves, that reafonably, as concrete and adapted to Times, 

Republicks have been fometimes invaded with Places, and Perfons, viz. our own. 

* Alluding to the Days of Anarchy in the Grand Rebellion. 

I might 



A "Plea for Limited Monarchy. 1 5 

I might, perhaps, decide the Queftion in reft, as not enduring to hear of thofe violent 

few Words, by alledging the manifeft Inclina- and dangerous Alterations, which they fee a 

tion of the whole People, now, to Monarchy; Republic muft introduce. 

for, As no Man can be wronged with his Csnfent, For its Compliance with our Genius confi- 
fo neither is any to be obliged againji his IVill ; and der, that as our Englijh Nature is not, like the 
how fhould a Government, founded upon Ine- French, fupple to Oppreffion, and apt to de- 
quality and Force, ever fubfift without it ? Or, light in that Pomp and Magnificence of their 
a State, which is the meer Adjective of an Ar- Lords, which they know is fupported with their 
my, become a Subftantive ; Beginnings of this Slavery and Hunger ; nor like the Highland 
Kind being fo ominous ? Asreafonably might I Scots, where the Honour and Intereft of the 
object. Matter of Title and foreign Pretence ; Chief is the Glory of the whole Clan ; fo doth 
for the fame Eftate with a Flaw in the Con- it as little or lefs agree with the Dutch Hu- 
veyance, or clogged with Statutes and Judg- mour, addicted only to Traffic, Navigation, 
ments, is not furely of like Value, as if it had Handy- crafts, and fordid Thrift ; and (in De- 
defcended clearly from the Great- Grandfather, fiance of Heraldry) every Man fancying his 
and were free both from Claims and Incum- own Scutcheon : Doth not every one amongft 
brances ; and one that hath little, yet owes no- us, that hath the Name of a Gentleman, aim 
thing, is likelier to thrive than he who owing his utmoft to uphold it ? Every one that hath 
vaft Sums (which he refolves never to pay) dares not, to raife one ? To this End, do not our 
not walk the Streets for Fear of Serjeants ; but very Yeomen commonly leave their Lands to 
my Intent is only to fhew, that our former * the eldeft Son, and to the others nothing but 
Government (as it excellently complied with a Flail or Plough ? Did not every one, that had 
the Laws, Genius, and Intereft of this Na- any Thing like an Eftate, pinch himfelf in his 
tion) fo it comprehended all the Benefits of a Condition, to purchafe a Knighthood or fmall 
Commonwealth in great Perfection ; and this Patent ? What need further Proof ? Our late 
I {hall do as briefly as I can. Experience ** of that Glimpfe and Shadow of 

To {hew how it complied with our Laws and Monarchy (though in Perfons hated and fcorn- 

Conftitutions, let it fuffice that (Monarchy, in ed, and upon a moft fcandalous Account) yet 

thefe Nations, being more antient than Story (for mere Refemblance) admitted as tolerable, 

or Record, more venerable than Tradition it- and, in Refpecl of a Commonwealth, courted, 

felf ) our Laws were, as it were, under that clearly evinces, how grateful the Subftance 

Climate, habituated to that Air and Diet, would be to Englijhmen. 

grafted into that Stock ; and though they have For our Intereft briefly (we wave tedious and 

(God be thanked) forgot their Norman^, yet politic Difcourfes) certain it is, that our Re- 

they will hardly learn Greek {, much lefs Uto- public (were it like to fettle) would alarm all 

pian || : That, in the late Protector's § Times, our Neighbours, would make our beft Allies, 

our Lawyers, with one Voice, importuned him, our bittereft Enemies, and (upon feveral Ac- 

rather to aflume the Stile and Power of a King, counts) probably draw upon us the -united 

to which they found all our Laws were fhaped, Forces of Chriftendom to crufh the Embryo. 

than retain that of a Protettor, unknown to Which (the Nation being fo weakened, and 

the Law ; that nothing hath rendered our Ar- divided, as it is) muft evidently endanger our 

chiteclors of a Commonwealth more obnoxi- total Oppreffion, or, at leaft, to bring in the 

ous, than that their infinite Difcords, in other King by Conqueft. Befides, by what Title 

Things, generally agreed in the Neceffity of fhall we pretend to hold Scotland and Ireland, 

fubverting all our Fundamentals, in order to fince that of Defcent is now avoided, and Con- 

their Defign ; which hath likewife obliged all fent we know there is none ; nor, indeed, can 

fober Men and true Patriots (even the chiefeft any be expected ? 

Pillars of the Parliament's Caufe, in the late I come now to afTert, that our former Go- 
War) to unite themfelves with the Royal Inte- vernment ft eminently included all the Per- 

* i. e. Monarchical. f Brought in by William the Conqueror, Duke of Kormandy. % i. e. 
The Forms of Government which the Grecian Republicks fubmitted to ; which were as various as the Hu- 
mours of the People. || A chimerical Sort of Government, which never had any Exiftence. § Oliver 
Cromwell. ** Under Richard Cromwell. See his Speech and Letter to the Parliament in this Number. 
•ft By King and Parliament. 

Sections 



j 6 A Plea for Limited Monarchy'. 

fedtions of a free State, and was the Kernel, as read, debated, and agreed, in either Houfe 

it were, of a Commonwealth, in the Shell of was, at lair, brought to the King, for his Royal 

Monarchy : Firjt, I will begin with the eflen- Affent, the Mint of our Laws : A Trial fo ex- 

tial Parts of a Common wealth, which are three, act, that, furely, no Drofs could efcape it 

viz. The Senate propofing, the People refolv- fince all Interefts muft thereto concur (as trulv ' 

ing, the Magiftrate executing : For the Senate it was but fit they fhould, in the Eftablifhment 

or Parliament, it ever there were a free and of that, which muft bind them all). This was 

honourable one, it was here ; where the Depu- that Temperament, which poifed our Humours 

ties of the whole Nation, moft freely chofen, and, at once, endued us with Health Vi- 

did, with like Freedom, meet, propound, de- gour, and Beauty : No Vote was precipitated 

bate and vote all Matters of common Intereft : no Act was huddled up ; as by fad Events 



we 



No Danger efcaped their Reprefenting ; no have fince feen, that, 'Power being ingrofied by 

Grievance, their Complaint ; no public Right, f one of the Eftates, purged and modeled to the 

their Claim ; or Good, their Demand; in all Interefts of a Faction ; a Confequence natural to 

which, the leaft Breach of Privilege was brand- fuch Premifes : (As in a Balance confifting but of 

ed as a civil Sacrilege ; and though there lay one Scale) nothing hath been weighed, our 

no Appeal to the difperfed Body of the People Laws have been Mandrakes of a Night's 

(a Decifion manifeftly impracticable in Govern- Growth, and our Times as fickle as the Wea- 

ment, and fitter indeed for Tribunes to move, ther, or Multitude. 

than Nations to admit) yet (Elections being fo The King, indeed, had the Power of making 

popular, and Affemblies frequent) the fame War, but he had not the Means ; and then it 

End was attained with much more Safety and fignified no more, than giving him Leave ' to 

Convenience. The Prince had, likewife (in fly, if he could get Wings ; or to go bevond 

Effect) but an executive Power, which he exer- Sea, fo he went without "Shipping : "He had a 

cifed by Minifters and Officers, not only fworn, Sword, but he alone could nevei^ draw it • for 

but feverely accountable : For, though both he the Trained-bands J were a Weapon which 

and the Lords had their Negatives in making he (decently) wore, but the Nation, only 

Laws, yet (no Tax being impoffible, but by could ufe : He chofe his Minifters (as who 

Confent of the Commons, nor any Law doth not his Servants ?) But alas, he was ac- 

(without it) of fuch Validity, that the Mini- countable for them, to the Triennial Parlia- 

fters of Juftice durft enforce it) there was a ment, which none but the foundeft Integrity 

wife and fweet Neceffity for the King, and could abide : He could hinder the Stroke of 

likewife for the Lords (who were but as a Juftice with his Pardon (though ft ill, the Jaws 

Grain in the Royal Scale) to confirm all fuch not being muzzled, it would bite terribly ) but 

Bills, as were convenient for the People, and certainly, it was great Wifdom, rather, to 

not greatly hurtful to the Prince ; and fo this give Way ; fince (with his own Scandal) he 

Bug- bear Negative was refolved into a meer could afford Offenders but a lame and fcurvy 

Target, to fhelter and preferve the Govern- Protection ; and fince the Power of relieving 

ment from being altered, at the Will of the his Wants refted in the Commons, to balance 

Commons, if, at any Time, they fhould prove his Will, and oblige him to a Correfpondence 

factious : Which (being in Reafon manifeft) with Parliaments. 

hath been alfo confirmed by great Experience : That his Perfon fhould be moft facred, it 

Our Kings having, rarely, obftructed any Bill, was but needful ; to avoid Circulation of Ac- 

which they might fafely grant ; but, on the count ; reafonable, fince it carries with it 

other Side, pafled many high Acts of meer the Confent of Nations ; juft, that he fhould 

Grace, circumfcribing their Prerogative, and not be the meer Butt of Faction and Malice, 

clipping its Wings; nay, I could wifti they in worfe Condition, than the bafeft of Vaffals ; 

had not pierced its Bowels. This was that honourable, that the Nakednefe of Govern- 

triple Cord, which, one would think, could ment might not be daily uncovered ; wife, in 

not be broken ; nor, indeed, was it broken, the Conftitution, not, at once, to truft and 

but cut afunder * : This was our Gold, feven provoke, by forcing him to fhift for his own 

Times refined ; for every Bill, being thrice Indemnity, no Danger to the Public feeming 

* When King Charles the Fir/i's Hgad was cut off. f The Rump Parliament. X The Army. 

Co 



A Plea for Limited Monarchy. 



*7 



fo extreme, as the Outlawry of a Prince ; no 
Tafk, by daily Experience, fo difficult, as the 
arraigning of any Power, whether Regal or Po- 
pular ; and fince we make golden Bridges, for 
firing Enemies, much more may we afford them 
to relenting Sovereigns ; (upon which Account, 
in our neighbour Kingdom of France, even 
Princes of the Blood are not fubjected to capi- 
tal Punifhments;) finally, very fafe, intheCon- 
fequcnt, for (being, by the Danger, threaten- 
ing hi3 corrupt Minifters, in all Probability, 
ftripped of Agents) his perfonal Impunity might 
well fignify fomewhat to himfelf, but nothing 
to the People. 

A Revcnw he had, for the Support of his 
State and Family, ample ; for the ordinary 
Protection of his People, fufficient j but for 
any Undertaking, defective 3 and for public Op- 
premon, fo inconfiderable, that when Preroga- 
tive was moft rampant, our greateft Princes 
(and fome, doubtlefs, we have had, the moft 
renowned Warriors of their Ages) could never 
prudently afpire to make themfelves fole Legis- 
lators, nor prefumed to maintain Red-coats in 
Times of Peace. If any object (as fome, con- 
cerned, are ready enough) That kingly Power 
could, here, no longer fubfift, for Want of Re- 
venue ; it is eafily anfwered, That a King of 
France, indeed, could not, and God forbid he 
fhould ; but a King of England might, and 
(for aught I fee) ftill may (the Sale of Crown- 
Lands, which exceeded not the Value of 
IOCOOO /. per Annum, being, methinks, no 
Matter of utter Ruin, but rather of eafy Com- 
penfation). For the public Revenue was pro- 
portioned to the Maintenance of Courts, not 
Camps and Fleets : A Gentleman of reafonable 
Eftate may live well on his Rents ; but then, 
it is not convenient, he fhould keep Wenches, 
or Hangers-on, nor build, nor ftudy Chymi- 
ftry *. In fine, the Revenue was very compe- 
tent for ordinary Difburfements ; as for ex- 
traordinary, if he reforted to Parliaments, the 
Wiferhe, the fafer and happier wc 

I Defire all our Projectors of Common- 
wealths, to contrive greater Freedom for their 
Citizens, than is provided by Magna Cbarta, 
and the Petition of Right ; or {hew us, that it 
is not much eafier to violate, than to mend 
them : For, thereby our Live?, Liberties, and 
Eftates were, under Monarchy fecured, and 
efrablifhed, I think, as well as any Thing, on 



this Side Heaven : It were no So'ecifm to fay, 
the Subject had his Prerogative, as well as the 
King ; and, fure I am, he was in as good (if 
not better) Condition to maintain it, the De- 
pendence being lefs on his Side : Liberty was no 
lels facred than Majefty ; Noli me tangere was 
likewife its Motto ; and, in Cafe of any, the 
leaft Infringment (as Efcapes in Government 
may happen even in the moft perfect) it was 
refented, as if the Nation had received a Box 
on the Ear : If it be, as they fay, the Glo- 
ry of a free State, to exalt ; the Scandal of 
Tyranny, to embafe our Spirits j doubtlefs, 
this was our only Commonwealth : For, ever 
fince f, methinks, we have learned quietly to 
take the Baftonade. 

I wifh we now could, or could ever hope, 
under our Commonwealth (whatever Promifes 
may be made us) fo perfectly to diftinguifh the 
Legiflative from the Minifterial Authority, as 
once we did ; when the Houfe of Commons 
had not the Power of a Court- Leet, to give an 
Oath, nor of a Juftice of the Peace, to make 
a Mittimus : Which Diftinction, doubtlefs, is 
the molt vital Part of Freedom, and far more 
confiderable to poor Subjects, than the pretended 
Rotation ; as, on the contrary, the Confufion 
of them is an Accomplifhment of Servitude ; 
for which the beft Republicks, I fear, have? 
more to anfwer, than any limited Prince can 
have. Certain it is, that as our King, in his 
perfonal Capacity, made no Laws, fo neither 
did he, by himfelf, execute or interpret any. 
No Judge took Notice of his fingle Command, 
to juftify any Trefpafs ; no, not fo much, as 
the Breaking of an Hedge ; his Power limited 
by his Juftice, he was (equally with the mean- 
eft of his Subjects) concerned in that honeft 
Maxim, We may do jujt fo much and no more, 
than we have Right to do. And it was moft 
eriy faid, He could do no JVrong ; becaufe, 
if it were wrong, he did it not, ? he could not 
do it ; it was void in the Act, punifhable in 
his Agent. His Officers, as they were alike 
liable, fo, perhaps, they were more obnoxious 
to Indictments and Suits, than any other, by 
how much their Trefpafs feemed to be of a 
higher Nature, and gave greater Alarm : His 
private Will could not countermand his public ; 
■ 1, ever buckled to the great Seal, 
as being the Nation's, more than his ; his Order 
fuperfeded no Procef>, and his Difpleafure threat- 



* Alluding to the bewitching Study of finding out the Philofophers Stone, which employed fo many Brains, 
and drained To many Pockets in thole Days. f The Ufurpation of the Rump Parliament. 

D ened 



1 3 A Letter from the Emp 

ened no Man with an Hour's Imprifonment, 
after the Return of Habeas Corpus. An Under- 
Sheriff was more terrible, a Conftable more 
faucy, a Bailiff more troublefome, than he : 
And yet, by his gentle Authority, this Scabbard 
of Prerogative (as fome, in Derifion, have cal- 
led it) which (if it would) could fcarce op- 
prefs an Orphan ; Tumult was curbed, Faction 
moderated, Usurpation foreftalled, Intervals 
prevented, Perpetuities obviated, Equity admi- 
niftered, Clemency exalted, and the People 
made only nice and wanton with their Happi- 
nefs, as appears by their (now fo impatient) 
Calling for that Manna *, which they fo 
(caufelefly) loathed. 

To conclude, what fhall I add ? The Act, 
enjoining the Keepers of the Great Seal, under 
Pain of High-Treafon, to fummon a Triennial 
Parliament, of courfe, by Virtue of the Act, 
without further Warrant ; the Act, forbidding 
the Privy-Councel, under like Penalty, to in- 
termeddle with Meum & Tuum ; the Laws, abo- 



eror to King James II. 

lifhing the Star-chamber, High-commijjion, &c. 
branding til part, and bridling all future Enor- 
mities ; the Statutes, limiting the King's Claims, 
and relieving his Tenants from Exaction of 
Forfeitures ; befides many other principal Im- 
munities, wherewith (by the fpecial Favour of 
God, and Bounty of our Princes) we were blef- 
fed, far beyond any of our Neighbours ; above 
all, our Aflurance, that we might readily have 
obtained fuch farther Addition and Perfection of 
Liberty (if, yet, any fuch, there were) as 
would confiit with Modefty, or Liberty itfelf, to 
afk : Do they not, aloud, proclaim, that we 
were, then, the Mirror of Governments, Envy of 
Monarchies, and Shame of Commonwealths ; 
who could not but blufh, to fee themfelves fo 
eclipfed and iilenced, in all their Pretences to 
Freedom ? Do they not more than juftify my 
AfTertion, That, with all the Ornaments of the 
noblejl Kingdom, we had, likewife, all the En- 
joyments of the freeji State F 



* Monarchy, to be re-eftabliihed in die Perfon of King Charles the Second. 



A LETTER written by the Emperor to the late King James, 
fetting forth the true Occasion of his Fall, and the Treachery 
and Cruelty of the French, 



As the foregoing Tratl gives us the great Advantages of Monarchical Government, when 
jufily limited, and content with the jufi Bounds prefcribed to it by the Laws of the Land ; 
fo this Letter tvritten by the Emperor of Germany to King James the Second, after 
his Abdication, fetting forth the Caufes of his Majejly's Difertion by his Subjects, is a 
proper Caveat to fuch Princes, always to preferve their Subjecls in their jufi Rights, 
both in Church and State, as the beft Means to deferve their Affection, and to fecure the 
Throne to themfelves, and their Pofierily . 



LEOPOLD, &c 

WE have received your Majefty's 
Letters, dated from St. Germains, 
the Sixth of February laft, by the 
Earl of Carlingford, your Envoy 
in Our Court : By them We have underftood 
the Condition your Majefty is reduced to ; 
and that you, being deferted after the Landing 
of the Prince of Orange, by your Army, and 
even by your Domeftic Servants, and by 



thofe you moft confided in, and almoft by all 
your Subjects, you have been forced, by a 
fudden Flight, to provide for your own Safety, 
and to feek Shelter and Protection in France • 
Laftly, that you defire Afliftance from us, for 
the recovering your Kingdoms. We do af- 
fure your Majefty, that, as foon as We heard 
of this fevere Turn of Affairs, We were moved 
at it, not only with the common Senfe of Hu- 
manity, but with much deeper Impreffions, 

* fuitable 



A Letter from the Emperor to King James If. 



fuitable to the fincere Affection which we 
have always born to you. And we were hear- 
tily forry, that, at laft, that was come to 
pafs, which (though we hoped for better 
Things) yet our own fad Thoughts had fug- 
gefted to us would enfue. If your Majefty had 
rather given Credit to the friendly Remonftran- 
ces that were made You, by Our late En- 
voy, the Count de Kaunitz, in Our Name, 
than the deceitful Infinuations of the French, 
whofe chief Aim was, by fomenting conti- 
nual Divifions between You and Your Peo- 
ple, to gain thereby an Opportunity to in- 
fult the more fecurely over the reft of Chri- 
ftendom : And if Your Majefty had put a 
Stop, by Your Force and Authority, to their 
many Infractions of the Peace, of which, by 
the Treaty of Nimegen, you are made the 
Guarantee, and to that End entered into 
Confultations with Us, and fuch Others, as 
have the like juft Sentiments in this Matter j 
We are verily perfuaded, that, by this Means, 
you fhould have, in a great Meafure, quieted 
the Minds of Your People, which were fo 
much already exafperated through their Aver- 
fion to our Religion *, and the public Peace 
had been preferved, as well in Your King- 
doms, as here, in the Roman Empire. But 
now we refer it even to Your Majefty, to 
judge what Condition We can be in to af- 
ford you any Afliftance, We being not only 
engaged in a War with the Turks, but find- 
ing Ourfelves at the fame Time unjuftly and 
barbaroufly attacked by the French, contrary 
to, and againft the Faith of Treaties, they 
then reckoning themfelves fecure of England f. 
And this ought not to be concealed ; that the 
greateft Injuries, which have been done to Our 
Religion J, have flowed from no Other, 
than the French themfelves ; who not onlv 
efteem it lawful for them, to make perfidious 
Leagues with || the fworn Enemies of the 
Holy Crofs ff, tending to the Deftru&ion both 
of Us, and the whole Chriftian World, in 
order to the Checking our Endeavours, which 



'9 

were undertaken for the Glorv of God, and 
to flop thofe Succefles, which it hath pleafed 
Almighty God to give us hitherto ; but fur- 
ther, have heaped one Treachery on another, 
even within the Empire itfelf §. The Cities 
of the Empire, which were furrendered upon 
Articles, figned by the Dauphin himfelf, have 
been exhaufted by exceflive Impofitions ; and 
after their being exhaufted, have been plun- 
dered ; and after Plundering, have been burn- 
ed and erazed. The Palaces of Princes, which 
in all Times, and even the moft deftruclive 
Wars, have been preferved, are now burnt 
down to the Ground. The Churches are 
robbed, and fuch, as fubmitted themfelves 
to them, are, in a moft barbarous Manner, 
cartied away as Slaves. In fhort, it is be- 
come a Diverfion to them, to commit all 
Manner of Infolences and Cruelties in many 
Places, but chiefly in Catholic Countries, ex- 
ceeding the Cruelties of the71^i' themfelves : 
Which, having impofed an abfolute Necef- 
fity upon us to fecure Ourfelves, and the 
Holy Roman Empire, by the beft Means We 
can think on, and that no lefs againft them, 
than againft the Turks ; We promife Our- 
felves, from Your Juftice, ready AfTent to 
this, that it ought not to be imputed to Us, 
if We endeavour to procure, by a juft War, 
that Security to Ourfelves, which We could 
not hitherto obtain by fo many Treaties ; 
and that, in order to the Obtaining thereof, 
We take Meafures for our mutual Defence 
and Prefervation, with all thofe who are 
equally concerned in the fame Defign with 
Us. It remains, that We beg of God, that 
He would direct all Things to His Glory, 
and that He would grant Your Majefty true 
and folid Comforts under this your great Ca- 
lamity ; We embrace You with the tender 
Affections of a Brother. 

At Vienna, the gth of 
April, 1689. 



* Which made Ufe offo many unjuft and cruel Means to gain its Eilablifhment. f Under a Prince, 
that, to accomplifh the Slavery of his Subjects, was making himfelf Tributary and Vaffal of France. 



\ Popery. || "The Turks. +f Viz. All Chriftians. 
and late Attions of the French in Germany. 



§ How juflly does this reprefent the prefent 



D 2 



The 



( 20 ) 



The Speech of his Highnefs the Lord Prote&or, made to both 
Houfes of Parliament at their firft Meeting, on Thurfday, 
the 27th of Ja?iuary, 1658. 

The two following Trails, which are the genuine Speech and Letter of Richard the Son of 
Oliver Cromwell, the ProteElor, as they are very fcarce, and the former ferving to 
give us a perfecl Idea of that new Protetlor ; the Defire he had to continue his 
Father's Ufurpation -, the Contrivance of gaining the Affetlions of the People, by ac- 
knowledging the Excellency of a mixt Government, compofed of a Parliament and 
Chief Magiflrate, as you will find in his Speech, which, abflratl from the Cant of 
his Education and the fulfome Encomiums of his dececftd Father, is a good one ; 1 here 
endeavour to preferve it as well as his Letter to the Parliament, when he found it 
refolved to reflore the Royal Family to the Throne of its Ancefiors ; which fhews how far 
he was degenerated from the vigorous Refolutions of his Father, and how foon the 
greatejl Tyrants are reduced to a State of SubmiJJion, when God pleafes to releafe 
his People from their Bondage. 

My Lords and Gentlemen, War, and in the Midfl of fo great Divi- 

I Believe there are fcarce any of you here, fion which that War' bred, is not ufually af- 

who expected fome Months fince to have forded by God unto a People in fo great a Mea- 

feen this great Afl'embly at this Time, in fure. 
this Place, in Peace; considering the The Caufe of God, and thefe Nations, which 

great and unexpected Change, which it he was engaged in, met in all the Parts of it, 

hath pleafed the all-difpofing Hand of God to as you well know, with many Enemies and 

make in the Midft of us : I can afTure you, great Oppofition ; the Archers, privily and o- 

that if Things had been according to our own penly, forely grieved him, and fhot at him, 

Fears, and the Hopes of our Enemies, it had yet his Bow abode in Strength, and the Arms 

not been thus with us: And, therefore, it will of his Hands were made ftrong by the Hands 

become both you and me, in the firfl Place, of the mighty God of "Jacob. 
as to reverence and adore the great God, Pof- As to himfelf, he died full of Days, fpent in 

feflbr of Heaven and Earth, in whofe Hands great and fore Travail ; yet his Eyes were not 

our Breath is, and whofe are all our Ways, waxed dim, neither was his natural Strength- 

becaufe of his Judgments; fo to acknow- abated, as it was faid of Alofes, He was fcrvicea- 

ledge him in his Goodnefs to thefe Lands, in ble even to the laft. 

that he hath not added Sorrow to Sorrow, and As to thefe Nations, He left them in great 

made the Period of his late Highnefs * his Life, Honour Abroad, and in full Peace at Home : 

and that of the Nation's Peace, to have been in All England, Scotland, and Ireland dwelling fafe- 

one Day. lv, every Man under his Vine, and under his 

Peace was one of the Bleflings of my Father's Fig-tree, from Dan even to Beerfeba -f . 
Government ; a Mercy after fo long a Civil 

* Oliver Cromwell. 

f This Panegyric mud be remembered to be made by his San; for, though it is confeffed, that Oliver was 
a great Man, in the common Acceptation of the Word, I intend to prefer, t the Public with a fhort Poli- 
tical Difcourfe, fhevving that his Administration laid the Foundation of the Decay of Trade in this Nation. 

He 



The Speech of Richard Cromwell, Lord Protector, tec. 



21 



He is gone to Reft, and we are entered into 
his Labours* ; and if the Lord hath ftill a Blef- 
fing for thefe Lands (as I truft he hath) as our 
Peace hath been lengthened out to this Day, fo 
(hall we goon to reap the Fruit, and gather the 
Harveft of what his late Highnefs has fown, 
and laid the Foundation of. 

For my own Part, being by the Providence 
of God, and the Difpofition of the Law, my 
Father's Succeffor, and bearing that Place in 
the Government that I do, I thought it for the 
public Good to call a Parliament of the Three 
Nations, now united, and conjoined together 
into one Commonwealth, under one Govern- 
ment. 

It is agreeable not only to my Trifl, but 
to my Principles, to govern thefe Nations by 
the Advice of my two Houfes of Parliament ; 
I find it afTerted in the humble Petition and 
Advice (which is the Corner- ftone of this Build- 
ing, and That which I {hall adhere to) That 
Parliaments are the great Council of the Chief 
■Magi/Irate, in whofe Advice both he and thefe 
Natims may be mojl Jafe and happy. I can af- 
fure you I have that Efteem of them : And as 
I have made it the firft A<5t of my Govern- 
ment to call you together, fo I fhall further let 
you fee the Value I have of you, by the An- 
fwers that I fhall return to the Advice that 
fhall be given me by you, for the Good of thefe 
Nations. 

You are come up from your feveral Coun- 
tries, as the Heads of your Tribes, and with 
Hearts (I perfuade myfelf ) to confult together 
their Good : I can fay I meet you with the 
fame Defues, having nothing in my Defign, 
but the Maintenance of the Peace, Laws, Li- 
berties, both Civil and Chriftian, of thefe Na- 
tions i which I fhall always make the Mea- 
fure and Rule of my Government, and be ready 
to fpend my Life for +. 

We have fummoned you up at this Time to 
let you know the State of our Affairs, and to 
have your Advice in them ; and, I believe, a 
Parliament was never fummoned upon a more 
important Occafion. 

It is true, as I have told you, We are, 
through the Goodncfs of God, at this Time in 
Peace ; but it is not thus with us, becaufe we 
have no Enemies : There are enough, both 



within us and without us, who would foon put 
an End to our Peace %, were it in their Powers, 
or fliould it, at any Time, come into their 
Powers. 

It will be becoming your Wifdoms to con- 
fider of the fecuring of our Peace agsinft rJ 
who, we all know, are, and ever will be our 
implacable Enemies || ; what the Mer.ns of do- 
ing this are, I fhall refer unto you. 

This I can allure you, That the Armies of 
England., Scotland, and Ireland, are true and faith- 
ful to the Peace and good Intereft of thefe Na- 
tions, and it will be found fo, and that they 
are a confifting Body, and ufeful for any good 
Ends ; and, if they were not the beft Army in 
the World, you would have heard of Inconve- 
niencies, by Reafon of the great Arrear of Pav, 
which is now due unto them, whereby fome of 
them are reduced to great Neceffities : But you 
(hall have a particular Account of their Ar- 
rears, and I doubt not but Confideration will 
be had thereupon, in fome fpeedy and effectual 
Way. And, this being Matter of Money, I re- 
commend it particularly to the Houfe of Com- 
mons. 

You have, you know, a War with Spain, 
carried on by the Advice of Parliament ; he is 
an old Enemy, and a potent one, and therefore 
it will be neceffary, both for the Honour and 
Safety of thefe Nations, that That War be w- 
goroufly profecuted. 

Furthermore, the Constitution of Affairs in 
all our neighbour Countries, and round about 
us (as well Friends as Enemies) are very confi- 
derable, and calls upon us to be upon our Guard 
both at Land and Sea, and to be in a Pofture 
able to maintain and conferve our own State 
and Intereft. 

Great and powerful Fleets are preparing to 
be fet forth into thefe Seas, and confiderable 
Armies of feveral Nations, and Kings are now 
difputing for the Maftery of the Sound, with 
the adjacent Ifiaftids and Countries ; among 
which is the Reman § Emperor, with other 
Popifh Stares ; I need not tell you of what Con- 
fequence thefe Things are to this State. 

We have already interpolld in thefe Affairs, 
in fuch Manner as we found it necnTary for 
the Intereft of England ; and Matters ait yet 
in fuch a Condition in thofe Parts, that this 



* The Protettoi fhip. f See his following Letter to the Parliament. J Meaning 

the Royalijh, who would re-inflate the Royal Family on the Throne. || Becaufe cf the Ufurpation 



then renewed in the Perfon of Richard. 



§ Or German. 



State 



n 1 



A Letter from Richard Cromwell, Lord Proteftor, Sec. 

State may, with the Afliftance of God, provide 
that their Differences may not prejudice us. 

The other Things that are to be faid I fhall 
refer to my Lord- Keeper Fiennes, and clofe up 



Thirdly, I recommend unto you the Prctejfant 
Caufe Abroad, which feems, at this Time, to 
he in fome Danger, having great and powerful 
Enemies, and very few Friends ; and I hope 



what I have to lay with only adding two or and believe, that the old Englijh Zeal to that 

three Particulars to what I have already faid. Caufe is ftill among us. 

And, firji, I recommend to your Care the La/ily, My Lords, and you Gentlemen of 

People of God in thefe Nations, with their the Houfe of Commons, That you will in all 

Concernments. The more thev are divided a- vour Debates maintain and conferve Love and 



mong themfelves, the greater Prudence fhould 
be ufed to cement them. 

Secondly, The good and neceffary Work of Re- 
formation, both in Manners and in the Admini- 
ftration of Juftice, that Profanenefs may be dif- 



Unity among yourfelves, that therein you may 
be the Pattern of the Nation, who have fent 
you up in Peace, and with their Prayers, that 
the Spirit of Wifdom and Peace may be among 
you ; and this (hall alfo be mv Prayer for you ; 
and to this let us all add our utmoft Endeavours 



countenanced and fupprefled, and that Righte 

oufnefs and Juilice may be executed in the for the making this an happy Parliament *. 

Land. 

* As it proved by rejioring Monarchical Government. 



His late Highnefs's Letter to the Parliament of England ; mew- 
ing his Willingnefs to fubmit to this prefent Government * : 
Attefted under his own Hand, and read in the Houfe on 
Wednefday the 25th of May, 1659. 



I Have perufed the Refolve and Declaration 
which you were pleafed to deliver to me 
the other Night ; and for your Informa- 
tion, touching what is mentioned in the 
faid Refolve, I have caufed a true State of 
my Debts to be tranferibed, and annexed to this 
Paper, which will (hew what they are, and how 
thev were contracted. 

As to that Part of the Refolve whereby the 
Committee are to inform themfelves how far I 
do acquiefce in the Government of thisCom~ 
monwealth, as it is declared by this Parliament; 
I truft my part Carriage, hitherto, hath mani- 
fefted my Acquiefcence in the Will and Difpo- 
fition of God, and that I love and value the 
Commonwealth much above my own Concern- 
ments ; and I defire, that by this a Meafure 
of my future Deportment may be taken, which, 



thro' the Affifrance of God, (hall be fuch as fhall 
bear the fame Witnefs, having, I hope, in fome 
Degree, learned rather to reverence and fubmit 
to the Hand of God, than to be unquiet under 
it. And (as to the late Providences that have 
fallen out among us) however in refpeel of the 
particular Engagements that lay upon me, I 
could not be active in making a Change in the 
Government of thefe Nations ; yet, through 
the Goodnefs of God, I can freely acquiefce in 
its being made, and do hold myfelf obliged, 
as (with other Men) I expect Proteclion from 
the prefent Government, fo to demean myfelf, 
with all Peaceablenefs under it, and to procure 
to the uttermoft of my Power, that all, in 
whom I have any Intereft, do the fame. 

Richard Cromwell. 



* Intended Monarchical Government under Xing Ckarki II, then to be recalled by the States of the 
Nation, 



The 



( 2 3 ) 



The Plots of Jefuits, (viz. Of Adam Contzen, a Mogunttne, 
Thomas Campanella, a Spaniard, and Robert Parfons, an Eng- 
UJh-man, &C.J how to bring England to the Roman Reli- 
gion, without Tumult. 

Thefe Jefuitical Politicks, which are taken out of the above mentioned Authors, werepul- 
HJhed by Michael Spark, Bookfeller, in the Tear 1653, when there was net that pub- 
lic Pro/peel of Popery, as there is now in this Nation ; and, therefore, it is, I pre- 

fume, far from being unfeafonable to be reprinted together with the Proteftant's Doom 
in Popifh Times, when the whole Nation is alarmed with the Apprehenfions of a Po- 
pifh Invafwn, and the conjlant Endeavours of the French and Spaniards, to deprive us 
of our Religion and Liberty, by attempting to fei a Popifh Governor over a Protef- 
tant People. And how far thefe Politicks were copied by King James II. and his Coun- 

fel, 1 refer my Reader to the Hijlory of thofe 'Times. 

The fir ft of thefe TraEls, which immediately follows, contains the Direclions of Robert Par- 
fons the Jefuit, that noted Traytor to Queen Elizabeth ; and imployed by the Enemies 
of our Church and Nation, to foment Divifion, to illegitimife and de-throne, as far as in 
his Power, her f acred Majefly, and to reduce the Englifh State, under the Papal Ju- 
rifdiclion : As alfo the fubtile intreaguing Means of the Jefuit Adam Contzen, and 
Thomas Campanella, a Dominical Friar, to engage the Popifh States to concur in 
the Attempt to reinjlate Popery in this Land. 

The other Trail, is a mofi fcarce, and ingenious Piece, and, as it is fupported in every Sen- 
tence by the beft Authorities, properly referred to, I need not enter any further into its 
Commendation ; only I mufi do that Juftice to the Memory of the Right Reverend Dr. 
Bull, to acquaint the Reader, that it was wrote by his learned and zealous Pen, to de- 
ter Proteftants from admitting, or fo much as defiring a Popifh King to rule over 
them. 

Contzeris Plot, to cheat a Church of the Religion eftablifhed therein, and to 
bring in Popery, without Noife or Tumult ; taken out of the feco?id Book 
of his Politicks , Chap. 18, 19. Page 103, 104, &fc. 

IT is difficult to find out Truth, but it is tuning their Inftruments, gently fetting up the 

more hard to perfuade him that erreth : Strings, by little, and little ; and, what in 

Yet, it is the duty of a Prince, even in curing Difeafes, Phyficians Pradtife, abating noxi- 

this to beftir himfelf earneftly, that wick- ous Humours, by Degrees and Paufes, the fame 

ed Opinions be taken away. muft be done in a Commonwealth, labouring 

The firjl Means. What Muficiam obferve, in under the Malady of Errors. Although, I ap- 
prove 



24. Tbe Plots of 

prove not lingering bootlefs Proceedings, fince 
they often beget a defifiing from the Defign. 
Whatever Means can be ufed, my Counfel is, 
that they be attempted ; but in a foft, and fure 
Pace, for Fear of a Precipice. Here mild Com- 
mands, and Admonitions do very much fur- 
ther the Work. 

The fecond this. It is no hard Matter, for any 
Prince in Europe, to call back Mens Minds to 
the ancient Rites of their Predeceilbrs, if he lift. 
A Matter heretofore held impolfible to be effect- 
ed ; but, now Men begin again to love the old 
Religion : Nor can they be fo held in, by their 
Miniflers, but that many do every Year turn to 
the Catholic Unity ; what they once moil gree- 
dily defired, they now caft afide with Difdain. 
This Levity of the Vidgar to admire new Things, 
and contemn old, is fatal. Many Provinces in 
Germany have endured many Religions ; now 
retain none, being intent on the IVill of their 
Governors. One Caufe of this is, as I laid but 
now, Levity and Ignorance of the 'Truth. Ano- 
ther, the impojftbility of holding People long igno- 
rant of the Lewdnefs of Herejies ; and that they 
find Hereticks to fhift their Opinions every Year. 
It is as if you fet a Company of blind Men to 
run a Race ; fooner will all mifs then one get to 
the Mark. 

Thirdly, Arch- heretics are to be banijhed the 
Commonwealth; at once, if it may fafely be 
done; if not, then by Degrees. Boifterous Winds 
being fent packing, the Sea will become calm ; 
and Error, which wanted) a Protector, will foon 
be ruined. 

In Alterations, I have obferved thefe twelve 
Things following, for the mod Part out of the 
Uijlory of the Change of Religion in the Palatinate, 
the Acls o/Marpurg, and the Edit! of Branden- 
burg, r. They concealed their Purpofe of altering 
Religion, and rooting out Luther anif in \ not fo 
that the wifer Sort could not perceive it, but that 
the common People might not fee it, and raife 
Tumults. 2. By the Art of the 'Zuinglians 
fome were fubomed, who fhould crave tbe Ex- 
ercife of the Reformed Religion, and that with 
many fugared humble Words ; That the Prince 
mbht not be thought, to be of his own Accord, 
inclined to odious Novelty, but only gracioufly 
■it to Liberty of Conference, and to love 
and °cherifh that. Facility in a Prince is com- 
monly extolled ; even, when he yieldeth to thofe 
Things, which are fitter to he denied. 3. One 
Church or fo (and hot above) was petitioned for : 
That this Suit, might not feem harfh, to the 



JESUITS. 

Multitude, who in the mean Time, were to 
have many more, and were not very felicitous 
of any. 4. Notwithstanding, the Jealoufy of 
the Lutherans did here oppofe itfelf, feeing that 
with the Church, the Maintenance would be 
withdrawn ; therefore, they think of a Confe- 
rence and Pacification. They affemble in the 
Court, the Matter is debated before the Prince'i 
Councel ; a Notary and Witneffes are denied 
them. [But this Courfe, is by no Means to be 
approved, for each Part ought to have Libertv 
Otherwife, if Men be borne down with the Pow- 
er of the ftronger Side, the Victors fhall ever be 
efteemed to have had the worft Caufe. This was 
the Cafe of Arminians in Holland: Whereas, 
they who had the Advantage of the Prince's Fa- 
vour, if they had indeed believed the Goodnefsof 
their Caufe, ought to have entred the Lifts, upon 
equal Terms.] 5. An Edict was publiGied, that 
none fhould caft Afperfions upon another ; but, 
by all Means cherifh Peace and Concord. This 
proved an effectual Engine to further the Mu- 
tation : For hereby, none durft contradict the 
Calvinifls, no, not fo much as name them ; and 
the Prince was not traduced as a Patron of He- 
re fie s, but applauded as a Lover of Peace. 6. A 
Difputation was appointed in the Unherfty. 
7. All this While, there Was no open Shew of 
making Zuinglianifm, Heir to Lutheranifm ; bur, 
only this, that Peace might be fettled : For 
nothing was defired, but that the Lutherans (re- 
taining all their Dignities and Revenues) would 
vouchfafe to fit in Confiilory with the reft, and 
confuit as Brethren ; which when they refufed, 
they were accufed as proud and difobedient to 
Authority, and feemed to defervc a Diimiffion. 
Hitherto Things were thus carried, that Trial 
might be made what the People would bear : 
For if any Tumult had arofe, a fair Excufe might 
have been made for all Things hitherto. 8. When 
the People of Heidelberg petitioned for the Con- 
tinuance of their Lutheran Preachers, the Mat- 
ter was pafied over in Silence, without Anfwer ; 
and Care taken, that thofe Men who were pe- 
titioned for, fhould be traduced, as too furious 
and heady. And the People were fed fo long 
with Hope, till at length they laid afide all Care 
of Lutheranifm and Hope together. 9. When all 
Things now feemed ripe, the Lutherans were 
commanded to depart from their Parochial 
Charge, and all the Churches, beftowed upon 
the Calvinifls: Nor durft they complain, for if 
they did, they were banifhed. But now be- 
taking themfelves to domeftic Care, they only 

fued 



The Plots ef JESUITS. 



fued for a Pen/ion, Immunity from Taxes, and 
the like: The Calvinifls, in the mem While, 
laughing, to fee a Matter of fuch Height and 
Confequence, brought fo low as to make fuch 
humble and abject Petitions. ic. Whereas 
the young Scholars of the Univerfity were 
Lutherans, upon them alfo they praftifed with 
divers Arts. Stipendiaries, (fuch as were main- 
lined at the Elcclors Charge) were pit 
to their Choice ; whether they would be 
Calvinifis, or be expelled. And thus an ex- 
ceeding great Alteration came on a fudden, 
without any Tumult ; for the Country Preach- 
ers followed the Motion of the fuperior Wheels. 
II. When the Lutherans (Prcfejfors in the Uni- 
verfity, and Country Preachers) refufed to yield 
up their Dignities, the Prince told them, He 
wondered at them, feeing he had never taken 
them into his Protection, nor given them any 
new Poffeffion of their Places. (For, in //^/Coun- 
try, all Places and Offices become void, upon the 
Death of the Prince, and the Power of bellow- 
ing them is in the Succeffor.) 12. In Ha/pa, 
they went on very flowly, and by little and lit- 
tle. Nor was Calvinifm offered them at once, 
but onely a fmall Part of it. And the People 
come on much more willingly, if at the fame 
Time they be whittled another Way, as to Ar- 
minianijm, or fome other Seel, which may feem 
more odious. Laflly, Both Sides fell to Wri- 
ting ; but that Party, which was moft favour- 
ed at Court, quickly prevailed. And the Wick- 
ednefs of the Lutherans (which upon all Occa- 
fions was made known) did much advance the 
Caufe of their Adverfaries. 

Toe fourth Means, which I have feen put in 
Execution heretofore, and ftill kept- on Foot, is 
this : viz. That fuch, as are adverfe to the Ro- 
man Catholic Religion, be put by their Honours, 
Dignities, and public Offices. Nor is this un- 
equal, That he, who hindereth the Welfare of 
the Commonwealth, fhould be kept from the 
Honours and Commodities of it. Men guilty of 
great Crimes are.thruft from their Dignities; 
why then fhould Blafphemers and Contemners 
of Truth be admitted thereto ? 

A fifth Means. Let thofe particular Tenents, 
which hear ill among the Vulgar, and at hrft 
Sight feem abfurd, be culled out, and Load laid 
upon them. 

A Sixth. Make Profit of^ the Quarrels of er- 
ring Men. 

A Seventh. Let all fecret Conventicles and 
public Meetings be ftri&ly forbidden. 



2 5 

Eighthly. By the Severity of Laws sr.dPu- 
nifhments, compel the Obftinate to Duty ; but 
let the Rigour of Laws be flowly drawn cut, un- 
lefs where there is Danger of a Contagion. Let 
thofe which be moft dangerous be taken away, 
the reft by the Authority of the Prince will foon 
be brought into Order. Within thefe few Lie 
Years, a hundred Thoufand h-ive been con- 
verted to the Reman Religion in Franc; ; in 
Germany more, Not one of the German Princes, 
that hath allayed to draw his Sjbjccls en to the 
Catholic Religion, hath ever met with any 
Power, refilling his Decrees in that Behalf, made 
and executed. Only the Netherlander s broke 
out into Rebellion: But the Caufe thereof was 
not Religion alcne, nor W2S that pretended ; 
but their. Privileges and Liberty. The Domi- 
nion of a foreign Nation over them (a Thing 
abhorred by ingenuous Men) and the Exaction of 
Tenths ftirred up that People to Sedition. 

It is I confefsthe Opinion of fome Politicians, 
That Men are not to he compelled. But thofe 
which fo advife are in an Error, and give Coun- 
fel not againft the Safety of Religion only, but 
even of the Commonwealth For, by a whcle- 
fome Law, Men may be over- ruled, that they 
{hall not do Evil. And a good Law will 
foon reduce thofe, who, being of tender Years, 
are either not at all, or very little tainted with 
Herefy. And fo, if a compulfory Reformation 
fhould not do Good upon old Men, it may 
make the younger Catholic. And I know ma- 
ny Children have been a Means of converting 
their Parents. There are manv Examples of 
this in Bavaria, Sliria, Carinthia, and the Lew 
Countries. 

Nineihly. Care is to be taken for Integrity of 
Manners, and Purity of Life. For the filthy 
Lives of Roman Clergy- men have made, aug- 
mented, and ftill do uphold Herrfies. And of- 
tentimes, in my Difputeswith Heretics, I have 
ebferved, that after very weak Arguments they 
fall to accufing the ill Lives of our Clergy- men, 
and fpeak of Things which can neither be deni- 
ed nor defended. If the Bilhops be not able to 
amend this, God will fend an Avenger, who 
will take away the wicked Men and their 
Wickednefs both together. Thus have the Turks 
got Poffl-ffion of Afta, /Egypt, Greece, &c. And 
Religion will be rooted out of Europe, unlefs 
the Manners of Men be anfvverable to the Sancti- 
ty of their Doctrine. 

Other Helps there be, which Wifdom may 

fuggeft, according to the Variety of Time and 

E Place. 



26 

Place. The Chinefes are taken with the Mathe- 
matics ; the Japonians with Ethicks ; the Ame- 
ricans with Ceremonies and Mufick : All Ways 
are to be tried. 

And fir jl, Muftck. Paulus Samofatcnus turned 
certain EcclefiaStical Hymns into obfcenc and 
enticing Rimes. Thus the Ar'iam and Pelagi- 
ans deltroyed the Faith and Difcipline of the 
Church. Why then fhould not an Orthodox 
Prince make Ufe of that for Curing, which 
Impoftors have found out to be a Means of de- 
stroying? 

Secondly, Before the Bines of Matrimony be 
publickly asked, Let both the Man and Woman 
be ordered, and compelled to yield an Acer tat 
of their Faith. Upon this Occaiion they may 
be inftructed in the true [Roman] Religion : 
And fo while they promife to continue in the 
Church, and ever to hold faft the ancient Faith, 
they are by Degrees fattened to the Truth, and 
cannot but love it. 

Thirdly, To this of Marriage, other Things 
are to be adjoined. Let no Ceremonies, but 
thofe of the Catholick Church, approach the Font. 
Let none have the Honour to be God-fathers, un- 
lefs they have given good Teftimony of their 
Sincerity in the Faith. Let no Man have the 
Honour of Chriftian Burial, unlefs he hath been 
a Partaker of the Sacraments of the Church. 

Fourthly. If it fall out, that wandering Souls 
muft be leifurely reclaimed, and by Art ; and 
that the Propagators of perverfe Opinions can- 
not be put from the Places they once enjoyed; 
then, let an Orthodox Magistrate (o bring it 
about, that the Instituting, Prefenting, Con- 
firming, and Examining of fuch Men be com- 



The Plots of JESUITS. 



mitted to him. For fo he mav chace away e- 
very one that is apt to do Mifchief. Some 
wrangling Fellows that regard not Controver- 
sies between Roman Catholicks and Protejlants, 
and ftudy only to enrich themfelve?, or to com- 
ply with the Prince, he may (fafelv, now and 
then) fet over thofe Churches. So fhall he he 
able to abate the Rage of Herefv, and yet not 
be troubled to remove the Unlearned : For, by 
that Means, Error will grow into Contempt. 
And, becaufe unfkilful Men are wont to err 
often, all Conflancy in Errors will be taken a- 
wav by this Means. 

Fifthly, Likewife, let him nourifh the Dif- 
ferences of Preachers which are in Error : And 
let him fo work, that they may often confer 
and wrangle. For by this Means, when all 
fhall underftand that there is nothing fettled and 
certain among them, they will join in Truth. 

Sixthly, Many other Means there be, which 
prudent Care will didate to a Prince of its own 
Accord. All thofe Things, which draw Love 
and honourable ESteem to the Prince, are of 
Ufe, to fetch over the People eafily to embrace 
his Opinion in Matters of Religion. Of this 
Sort are, his Eafing them of Taxes, Fxcife, 
fpeedy Supplies to any Part of the Country Spoil- 
ed by Fire, Provifion of Victuals, and other 
Necejfaries. Hereby it will come to pafs, that 
whatever they efteem diftafteful to the Prince, 
they will hold in Detejlation. If a Prince make 
Ufe of thefe Means, he mav in a Short Time 
root out the Prote/lant Religion, although in 
the Beginning it feem too Strong for his Laws or 
Him. 



CAM PA NELL^'s Plot. 



CAmpanclla in his Book de Afonarchia Hifpa- 
nica (printed in the Reign of Queen Eliza- 
beth) Shewing the King of Spain how to 
bring England under his own Subjection, and 
to the Roman Religion, hath thefe Words, c. 11. 
Inftiget Primores Coi,utioru?n aut Parliatmr.ti 
ut AngVunn in formam Rcipitblnee reducant ; 
that is, I^et the King of Spain inftigate the 
Leading Men of the (Englijh) Parliament, to 
bring England to the Form of a Common- 
wealth *. And, Omni no id age; t ut Anglorum 
vires infringat, ad quod efpeiendum Naves Hol- 



land* Cif Frifia fufficerent ; fi ni>nirum Claffi 
Anglic* opponerentur ; ut infra palam fiet, ir'c. 
that is, By all Means let him make it his Bu- 
finels to break the Strength of England. To 
effedt which, the Ships of Holland and Frifia 
will be enough, if they be fet againft the En<r- 
lift?. 

His twenty-fifth Chapter beginneth thus % 
Ghtamvis Anglus, tf?c. Although the Englijh doth 
of all Nations feem leaSt to affect an UniverfaJ 
Monarchy, yet they do much hinder Spain's 
attaining it : Queen Elizabeth hath given us 



* The feme Advice th.it Cardir.al tU RickeSeu gave the King of France, a little before his Death. 

Examples ; 



TA? Plots of JESUITS. 27 

■Examples ; for (lie hath cherifhed corrupted move very flowly, and Co do the lefs Harm to 
Humours, and helped proteflants with Advice Spain; whereupon, the King of Spain, as foon 
and Supplies in the Low Countries againir. the as the Throne is empty, may frcp in, pretend- 
Catholick King ; and in Fra ncc againfl the mod ing to help the Englifj ; But let him be fare 
Chriftian PrLnce : For fhe is Queen of an Ifland to keep Corrc-fpondency with fome Er.nijb No- 
which aboundeth with Ships and Soldiers, and blemen, who have Power ever the adjacent 
maketh a Prey of all that Spain hath in the Wands ; and let every one of them have full 
•North; and they ramble even to Amei ica, where, and abfolute Dominion in his fevcral Piace, aa 
though they cannot erecl: a new Kingdom, yet we read it was in the Days of old. Then let 
they do the Spaniard very much Harm ; for him tamper with the Nobility of Ireland, that, 
Drake, the Englifnman, hath gone round the when the Queen is dead, that Nation may be 
World more than once, though Magalanes did formed either into a Commonwealth, or (at lead) 
it before him. And it may come to pafs, that into a Kingdom diftinct by itfelf; then let him 
all the Kingdom of Baccalaos * (which is promife Supplies to each of thofe Noblemen 
nearer the Englijh, and more commodious to a-part ; and fo much the more, becaufe in that 
them, by reafon of the Temperature of the Kingdom, or Ifland, Catholtcks (efpecially Monks 
Air) may fome Time or other be put into their of the Order of St. Francis) are very much b^- 
Pofiemon : Certain it is, and evident enough, loved. Now the Irijh agree better with the 
that, if the King of Spain could conquer but Spaniards than with the Englijh, either becaufe 
England and the Ldw Countries, he would their Manners or Climates are alike, or be- 
quickly become the Monarch of all Europe, and caufe their Countries are near one another. And 
©f the greateff. Part of the New-found World. there are in Ireland many vagabond Perfons 
Campanella goes on, advifing the Spaniard to who cannot endure to be in Subjection, and yet 
erecl: fome new Schools or Colleges in Flan- they are good Catholicks, and able to do the King 
ders, and to ufher a new Religion into Eng- of Spain excellent Service in the Matter which 
land; firft, with a new Philofophy.(him{clf hath we now fpeak of. 

furnifhed us with one) Anglorum Religio facile Thefe and the like Things may eafily be pre- 

rcjlingui non potejl, nifi aperiantur Scholar in pared, that, when Queen Elizabeth is dead, they 

Flandria ; interventuque ilia rum fpargantur fe- may be put in Execution ; for every one know- 

mina Schijmatum in fcientiis naturalibus, Stoicis eth what bloody Civil Wars, what Alterations 

videlicet, Peripateticis, & Telefianis, i. e. The and Changes have been oftentimes in England. 

Religion of the Englijh cannot be eafdy brought So that what I have propounded will not feem 

to nothing, unlefs Schools be opened in Flan- ftrange or impoffible. 

ders; and, by Help of them, the Seeds of Schifms To conclude; The fame Campanella, in his 

in Natural Sciences, and Stoic k, Peripatetic, eighth Chapter of the fame Book, lays down this 

and Telefian Philofophy, be fcattered abroad f. Rule or Maxim, That the Way to keep up, or 

The lajl Page of this twenty-fifth Chapter is as increafe the King of Spain's Monarchy, is, To 

followeth ; Cum Infula hac reducetur in formam keep his own Subjects in Peace, and his Neigh~ 

Reipublica, qua perpetuas inimicitias cum Scotia hours in Contention. 

gerat, aclionefque fuas non nifi lente perficiet, tjfe. Tho. Campanella having thus given the King 

When this Ifland fhall become a Republick, it of Spain Directions how to get and keep the 

will be at perpetual Enmity with Scotland, and Englijh Nation : 

* Newfound- land. 

-[ There is more to the fame Purpofe in the tenth Chapter, which he beginneth thus : Omncs Magnates 

Monarchiam, &c. All Great Men, when they have gone about to fet up a Monarchy, have altered the 
Sciences, and fometimes Religion itfelf, that they might be admired. In the fame Chapter his feventh Di- 
rection is, To Jhut up all Schools wherein the Greek and Hebrew are taught, becaufe thty are (fays he) the 
Caufe s of Herejies, and fo defray Government. 



E 2 PARSONS'% 



The Protectants Doom in Popifli Times % 



PARSONS's Plot. 



R 



Qh-rt Parfons goes a Step further, and will 
help him to a Title to the Crown of Eng- 
land : For, in the Year 1 593, he pub- 
lifhed a Book under the Name of R. Doleman, 
intituled, A Conference about the next Succeffion to 
the Crown of England, divided into two Part!. 
The firji Part was for chaftifmg of Kings, and 
proceeding againft them, &c. And was lately 
reprinted by Robert Ibbitfon * in Smith field, and 
called, Several Speeches made at a Conference. 

The fecond Part was to prove, that the In- 
fanta of Spain was the legal Heir to the Crown 
of England, the Penning whereof did much in- 
dear him to the King of Spain, the Pope and 
Cardinals, as Roman Priefts relate. 

Not to repeat any thing of Parfons's Memo- 
rial ; wherein he advifeth f to dejtroy the Com- 
mon Law of England, &c. and to have no 
Preachers but Itinerary : I {hall only tranferibe 
a few Lines, which you may read in an ordi- 
nary Book, intitled, A Reply to Father Parfons'* 
Libel, written by William Clark a Roman Prieft, 



where % are thefe Words : * Such as have read 
[Parfons' * Manorial far Reformatio] being 

Priefts and Men of Credit, unto feme of 
whom Father Parfons himfelf (hewed the (aid 
Book (as fecretly as now it is kept) do report. 
That his Directions arc, that the Municipal 
Laws of our Country [England] lhail be f» 
altered, that the Civil Laws muft bear the 
Sw^y.' And a little after, ' For our Clergy 
alio chev fejr, That all Men fliould be nut to 
Penfions in the Beginning ; and the Colleges 
both in Oxford and Cambridge, in the fame 
Sort, deprived of their Lands and Revenue-, 
and become Penfioners Ail Religious Or- 
ders (except only one, i. e. Jefuits) he ex- 
cludeth out of England (as they affirm) for 
the firit Seven Years and more ; that Mafter- 
Jefuits, in the mean Time, may have the 
Sway of all, and enter into the Houfes, 
Livings, and PofTeflions of other religious 
Orders, &c. 



* Concerning this Book (being condemned in Parliament, Ann. 3 5 Eliz. when it was ena&ed, That ivhc- 
pver Jkculd ha<ve it in his Houfe Jhould be guilty of High-Treafon, and the Printer was hanged, drawn, and 
quartered) fee a Book intitled, His Majejlfs MefJ'age for Peace, p. 125. Printed by R. Royfton, 1648. Or 
fee Mr. Prynne's Speech in the Houfe of Commons, Dec. 4, 1648. /. 109. where Mr. Prynne afr.rrr.eth, 
That he himfelf, and others, complained 0/" this Book, but that nothing i>j as done to 'vindicate the Houfe from 
this grofs Imputation; and it may be looked upon as one great Means of corrupting the Nation, feducing it 
from its Allegiance to the Crown, and bringing the King's Head to theBlo:k. 

f The fame that Gundamore wifhed a Roman Cathoiick to expeel, and then (and net till then) a Tolera- 

X Page 72. 



tion of the Reman Religion. 



The Proteftants Doom in Popifli Times. 



A Prince putting himfelf, and his Domini- 
ons, under the Authority of the Pope, 
and admitting (as he muft unavoidably) 
the Laws and Decrees or the Rsmifn Church, all 
his Proteftant Subjects being, by the Judgment 
and Sentej ce of that Church, Hereiicks, do 
forthwith lie under the Penalty which thofc 
Laws and Conftitutions will have inflicted upon 
Hereticks ; Herefy being the higheft Degree of 
High-Trecfon ; called, therefore, by them, L&- 
ftz Crimen Majejlatis Divinee ; So the Englifl) 
Proteftant muft be a Traytor, and the worft of 
T ray tors, and expofed to the Penalties of High- 
Trea 



The LAWS and DECREES of the 
mifh Church agahijl Hereticks. 



Ro- 



Herefy is denounced infamous, and the Here- 
tick muft be dealt with as luch ; which are many 
Penalties in one. 

FtrJ}, Whereby they are deprived of all No- 
bility, Jurifdicfion, and Dignity, and debarred 
from all Offices, and public Councils, Parlia- 
ments as others ; being made uncapable of choof- 
ing, and being chofen : So that it reacheth all 
Sorts of Clergy, Laity, Noble and Ignoble ; 
which is extended to their Children alfo : For, 
they fay, Tlie IJfue of Traytors, Civil and Spi- 
ritual,. 



The Proteftants Doom 

ritual, lofe their Nobility. And all, that owe 
any Duty to fuch infamous Perfons, are dif- 
charged and exempted therefrom ; as Subjects 
from their Prince, Servants from their Majlers, 
Children from their Parents ; whom they alfo 
may lawfully kill. 

Whereby we may fee a little, to what Con- 
dition the Admimon of a Papal Authority would 
reduce us, expelling both Nature and Humani- 
tv, and making the deareft Relatives unnatural 
I barbarous to one another : It would leave 
no Protejiant either Dignity or Authority, ei- 
ther Safety or Liberty ; Nobles are fentenced to 
Peafcnts, and Peafants to Slaves. 

Secondly, Another Penalty, to which Here- 
ticks are condemned by their Laws, is Confifca- 
tior. of Goods and Eftate ; and this they incur 
Ipfo jure, & ipfo failo ; that is, immediately, 
as foon as they {hew themfelves Hereticks, be- 
fore any legal Sentence have pafTed : For which 
there is an exprefs Decree in the Canon-Law, 
Bona Ha:reticorum ipfo jure difcernemus Confif- 
cata ; We decree the Goods of Hereticks to be 
conhfcated by Sentence of Law. The Effect of 
this Conjifcation, wherein they all agree, makes 
the Severity of the Law apparent, viz. Firjl, 
All the Profits made of the Eftate, from the firft 
Day of their Guilt, is to be refunded. Secondly, 
All Alienations by Gift, Sale, or other wife, be- 
fore Sentence, are null and void ; and all Con- 
tracts, for that Purpofe, refcinded. Thirdly, 
Children, Heirs of Hereticks, are deprived of 
their Portions ; yea, tho' they be Papijls. 

Whereby it appears, that, as foon as the Pa- 
pacy is admitted, all Title and Property is loft 
and extinct among us : And, therefore, we muft 
not think that Pope acted extravagantly, who de- 
clared, Tloat all his Majejly's Territories ivere 
his own, as forfeited to the Holy See for the He- 
refy of Prince and People. Not only Abby- 
lands are in Danger, whoever poffefs them, but 
all Eftates are forfeited to his Exchequer, and 
legally confifcated : All is his own, which Pro- 
tejlants, in thefe three Nations, have, or ever 
had, if he can but meet with a Prince fo wife, 
as to help him to catch it ; whofe Procefs fol- 
lows them beyond their Grave, and ruins their 
Children, and Children's Children after the i. 
And, when they have ftripped the Heretic of his 
All, they provide that no other lhall relieve him, 
viz. That nonejhall receive him into their Houj'es, 
nor afford him any Help, nor Jheiv him any Fa- 
vour, nor give him any Counfel. We aic here, 
in England, zealous for Property j and all the 



in Popifli Times. 29 

Reafon in the World we fhould fo be : But we 
muft bid Adieu to this, when we once come under 
the Pope's Authority ; for, as foon as this is ad- 
mitted, all the Prot'Jlants in thefe Nations are 
Beggars by Law, viz. by the Laws of that 
Church ; which will then of Neceflity be ours, 
diverting us of all Property and Title to what- 
ever we count our own. 

Thirdly, Another Penalty, which their Law 
inflicts on Hereticks, is Death, which is the 
Sentence of the Canon-Law ; and which is fo 
abfolute, that no Secular Judge can remit ; and 
which is the Judgment of all the Doctors, It a 
decent amnes Dsclores ; And from which Penal- 
ties, neither Emperors nor Kings themfelves are 
to be freed or exempt. And the Death they in- 
flict is Burning alive : No Death more tole- 
rable, or of lefs exquifite Torture, will fatisfy 
the Mercy of that Church. The Canon faith 
thus : Decernimus ut vivi in confpeclu hominum 
comburantur ; We decree, Tint they fhall be 
burnt alive, in the Sight of the World. So 
our laft Popijh SuccefTor, Queen Mary, practi- 
fed upon near three-hundred Perfons, without 
Regard either to Age, Sex, or Quality. The 
Scripture, they urge for it, is John xv. 6. If any 
one abide not in me, Men gather them, and call 
them into the Fire, and they are burnt. 

So that, as foon as the Papal Authority is ad- 
mitted among us, all the Protejlants in thefe 
Nations are dead Men in Law ; being under a 
Law, that hath fentenced us to be burnt alive ; 
and under a Power that hath declared it neceffa- 
ry, that no one of us efcape with Life. 

Fourthly, Where legal Penalties cannot take 
Place, by Reafon of oppofite Strength, they 
hold War neceffary, and lawful, to chaftife He- 
reticks : For which we might give you divers 
Authorities ; but let Cardinal Allen, our Coun- 
try-man, fuflice ; who afferts, it is not only 
lawful, but neceffary : His Words are thefe ; 
It is clear, faith he, what People or Perfons fo- 
ever be declared to be oppofite to God'* Church, 
with what Obligation focver, either of Kindred, 
Friendjlip, Loyalty, or Subjection, I be bound 
unto than ; I may, or rather mujl, take up 
Anns againjl them ; And then muff we take 
them for Hereticks, xvhen our lawful Popes ad- 
judge them fo to be. And which (faith Cardinal 
Pool) is a JVar more holy, than that againji the 
Turks. 

Fifthly, To deftrov them, by Maffacres, is 
fometimes held more advifeable, than to run the 
Hazard of War\ and which, they fay, is both 

lawful 



to 



Vje Pro tenants Doom in Popifli Times. 



lawful and meritorious, for the rooting out a 
pcftilent Hi , and the promoting the Romijh 
Interelt. This fct a-foot the Ir'ijh Maffacre, 
that inhuman, bloody Butcherv, not fo much 
from the Savagends and Cruelty of their Na- 
tures, as the Doctrines and Principles which di- 
rected, and encouraged it : As alfo that of Pa- 
ris ; than which nothing was more grateful and 
acceptable to their Pipes, as their Bulls make 
manifeft, and the Picturing it in the Pope's 
Chamber ; and for which, as a moft glorious 
Action, Triumphs were made, and publick 
Thankfgivings were returned to God. So in 
Savoy, and elfewhcre, both in former and later 
Times. And this was that which the late Con- 
fpirators aimed at fo full/, intending a Maffa- 
cre. Thdfe that efcaped a Maffacre, faith Dug- 
dale *, muji be cut off by the Army. And Coleman 
tells the Internuncio, in his Letter f, That their 



< King 5 but that it was lawful and mcritc- 

* to kill him, and all other Hereticks, within 
' this Realm of England, for the Advancem 

« and Inlargcment of the Authority and Jurif- 
c diction of the Pope, and for the Keftoring of 
4 the Romijh Religion. This -was that Garnet, 
whom the Papifts here honoured as a Pope, 
and kijfcd his Feet, and reverenced his Ju 
ment as an Oracle ; and, fence his Death, have 
given him the Honour of Saintjhip and Mart 
dom. Dugdale depofed ||, That, after they had 
' difpatched the King, a MafTacre was to fol- 

* low. 

But furely, it may be fuppofed, that the Tem- 
per of fuch a Prince, or his Intereft, would ob- 
lige him to forbid or reftrain fuch violent Exe- 
cutions in England : I, but what if his Tem- 
per be to comply with fuch Courfes ? Or if his 
Temper be better ? What if it be over- ruled ? 



Defegn profpered fo well, that he doubted not, in What if he be perfuaded as all other Catholicks 



a little Time, their Bufenefs would be managed, 
to the utter Ruin of the Proteftant Party : The 
Effecting of whereof was fo deferable and meri- 
torious, that if he had a Sea cf Bhod, and an 
hundred Lives, he would lofe them all, to carry 
on the Defegn. And if, to effect this, it were 
tieceffary to dcflroy an hundred Heretical Kings, 
he would do it. Singleton, the Prieft, affirmed %, 



are, that he muft in Confcience proceed thus ? 
What if he cannot do otherwife, without Hazard 
of his Crown and Life ? For he is not to hold 
the Reins of Government alone, he will not be 
allowed to be much more than the Pope's Pof- 
tilion ; and muft look to be difmounted, if he 
act not according to Order. The Law § tells us, 
That it is not in the Power of any Civil Magiferate, 



That he would make no more to ftab forty to remit the Penalty, or abate the Rigour cf the Law. 



* Parliament-men, than to eat his Dinner.' Ge- 
rard and Kelley, to encourage Prance to kill 
Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, told him, ' It was no 

* Murder, nor Sin ; and that to kill twenty of 

* them was nothing in that Cafe ; which was 
' both a charitable and meritorious Act.' And 
Grant, one of the maflacring Gun-powder 
Traytors, faid, upon his Execution, to one that 
urged him to repent of that wicked Enterprize, 

* That he was (o far from counting it a Sin, 

* that, on the contrary, he was confident, That 



Nay, if the Prince mould plight his Faith by 
Oath, that he would not fufrer their bloody Laws 
to be executed upon his diflenting Subjects, this 
would fignify nothing ; for they would foon tell 
him, * That Contracts made againft the Car.on- 

* Law are invalid, though confirmed by Oath ; 
1 And, That he is not bound to ftand to his 

* Promife, though he had fworn to it : And t 
' That Faith is no more to be kept with He- 

* reticks, than the Council of Corflar.ce would 
' have it.' So that Protefeants are to be burnt, 



4 that noble Defign had fo much of Merit in it, as John Hufs and Jerom of Prague were by that 

Council, though the Emperor had given them 
his fafe Condu£t in that folemn Manner, which 
could fecure them only (as they faid) from the 
Civil, but not Church Procefs, which was the 
greateft. For it is their general Rule, That Faith 



' as world be abundantly enough to make Sa- 
* tisfa£tion for all the Sins of his whole Life.' 
Sir Everard Digby, fpeaking to the fame Pur- 
pofe alfo. The Provincial, Garnet, did teach 
the Confpirators the fame Catholick Doclrine. 



viz. That the King, Nobility, Clergy, and , ; either not to be given, or not to be kept with He- 



whole Community of the Realm of England, 
(Papifls excepted) were Hereticks ; and, That 
all Hereticks were accurfed and excommuni- 
cated ; and, That no Heretick could be a 



reticks. Therefore, faith Simanca, * That Faith 
e engaged to Hereticks, though confirmed by 
' Oath, is in no Wife to be performed ; for, 
1 faith he, If Faith is not to be kept with Ty- 



* Five Jefuits Tryal, Page 28. \ Co/man's Letter to the Pope's Nuncio. % See Prance's Narrative, 
4. || See the 'Tryal of the five Jefuits, p. 25. § Viz. The Law of the Romijh Church, which be- 



gins, Caput Offcium. 



rants 



The Proteftants Doom in Popifti Times. 31 

and others who kill the quire a Parliament, there is no Queftion but 

they may get fuch a one as will ferve their 
Turns. For fo have every of our former Princes 
in all the Changes of Religion, that have been a- 
mongft us : As Henry VIII, when he was both 
for and againft Popery ; Edward VI, when he 
was wholly Proteftant ; Queen Mary, when me 
was for Burning alive ; and Queen Elizabeth^ 
when fiie ran fo counter to her Sifter. And the 



' rants and Pirates, 

* Body, much lefs with Hereticks who kill the 

* Souls ;' And that the Oath, in Favour of them, 
is but Vinculum Iniquitatis, a Bond of Iniquity. 
Though Popifh Princes the better to promote 
their Interefts, and to infnare their Proteftant 
Subjecls, to get Advantage upon them, to their 
Ruin, have made large Promifes, and plighted 
their Faiths to them, when they did not intend 



to keep it ; as the Emperor to John Hufs and Reafon is clear, that he, who has the Making of 



"Jerom ; Charles the Ninth of France to his Pro- 
teftant Subjecls before the Maflacre ; the Duke 
of Savoy to his Proteftant Subjects, before their de- 
figned Ruin ; and Queen Mary, before her 
Burning of them. But if there were neither Law 
nor Confcience to hinder, yet in Point of Inte- 
reft he muft not (hew Favour to Hereticks, with- 
out apparent Hazard, both of Crown and Life, 
for he forfeits both if he doth. The Pope eve- 
ry Year doth not only curfe Hereticks, but every 
Favourer of them, from which none but him- 
felf can abfolve. Becanus very elegantly tells 
us, ' If a Prince be a dull Cur, and fly not up- 
* on Hereticks, he is to be beaten out, and a 

c keener Dog muft be got in his Stead.' Henry had forfeited all their Rights and Privileges. 
the Third, and Henry the Fourth*, were both But, 77>/V<//y,Suppofe our Laws were valid, as 

aiTaffinated upon this Account, and becaufe they enacted by competent Authority, and fuch good 
were fufpected to favour Hereticks. And are we and wholefome Provifions, as were thofe Sta- 
not told by the Difcoverers of the Popijh Plot f, tutes made by our Popifh Anceftors, in thofe 
That, after they had difpatched the King, they Statutes of Provifoes in Edward the Firft's and 
would depofe his Brother alfo, that was to fuc- 
ceed him, if he did not anfwer their Expecta- 
tion?, for rooting out the Proteftant Religion. 



publick Officers and the Keys of Preferment and 
Profit, influenceth and fwayeth Elections and 
Votes as he pleafeth. And, by how much the 
Throne comes to be fixed in Popery, the Pro- 
teftants muft expect to be excluded from both 
Houfes,as they have excluded the Papifts : For, 
as Hereticks and Tray tors, they, as ignominious 
Perfons, CSV. you have heard forfeit all Right, 
either to chufe or be chofen in any publick Coun- 
cils ; and then all Laws, which have been made 
for the Proteftants, and againft the Popifh Reli- 
gion, will be null and void, as being enacted 
by "an incompetent Authority, as being the Acts 
of Hereticks, Kings, Lords, and Commons, who 



Edward the Third's Time ; and that of Pre- 
munire in Richard the Second's and Henry the 
Fourth's, for Relief againft Papal Incroachments 
and Oppreffions ; yet being againft the Laws 
and Canons of Holy Church, the fovereign Au- 



long 



But may not Parliaments fecure us by Laws 
.and Provifions, reftraining the Power which en- 
dangers us ? Not poffible, if once they fecure thority, they will be all fuperfeded ; for fo they 
and fettle the Throne for Popery : For, 

Firft, They can avoid Parliaments as 
as they pleafe, and a Government, that is more 
arbitrary and violent, is more agreeable to their 
Defigns and Principles : It being apparent, that 
the Englijh Papifts have loft the Spirit of their 
Anceftors, who fo well afterted the Englijh Li- 
berties, being fo generally now fixed for the 
Pope's Univerfal Monarchy, facrificing all to 
that Roman Moloch ; being much more his Sub- 
jects than the King's ; and, though Natives by ed by the Pope's Authority 
Birth, yet are Foreigners as to Government, 
Principle, Intereft, Affection, and Defign ; and 
therefore no Friends to Parliaments, as our Ex- 
perience hath told us. 

But, Secondly, If their Neceflity fhould re- 

* Kings of France. 



often influenced by his Poi^ ifli Brother. 



f See Oat's Nar. p. 4, is'c. 



determine, * That when the Canon and the 
' Civil Laws clafh, one requiring what the o- 

* ther allows not, the Church- Law muft have 

* the Observance, and that of the State neglect- 

* ed : And Conftitutions, fay they, made againft 
4 the Canons and Decrees of the Roman Bifhops, 
4 are of no Moment : Their beft Authors are 
4 pofitivein it.' And our own Experience and 
Hiftories teftify the Truth thereof; for how 
were thofe good Laws before- mentioned defeat- 

fo that there was 
no effectual Execution thereof till Henry the 
Eighth's Time, as Dr. Burnet tells us ? And 
how have the good Laws, to funprefs and pre- 
vent Popery, been very much obftructed in their 
Execution, by Popijh Influence J? 

In the Reing of King Charles II, who was too 



+ 



The 



( 32 ) 



The Prefent CASE of ENGLAND, and the P rot eft ant 

Intereft. 



SINCE the prefent Condition of the 
Kingdom *, and the whole Proteftant 
Intereft by the Conjunction of France 
and Spain Abroad, and a more horrid 
Combination of feveral at Home, muft 
needs affect with the moft melancholy Reflexi- 
ons all true EngHJh Hearts, all fuch as have any 
real Love or Zeal for their Religion, or their 
native Country : I cannot think it amifs to 
prefent a fhort and impartial View to fuch as 
have not confidered the fame. 

In the Beginning of the laft f Age, the Pro- 
teftant Intereft, in Europe, was more than a 
Match for the Roman Catbolick ; the Kingdom 
of Bohemia was almoft all Proteftant ; near 
half the Subjects of Hungaria, of Aujlria, and 
Moravia^ were Proteftant (and did many Times 
defend themfelves, by Force, againft the Em- 
peror himfelf, when opprefled by him for the 
Sake of their Religion.) That, in Germany, 
the Houfes of Newburgb were Proteftant, the 
Palatinates for the moft Part of them Proteftant, 
of the ftricleft Sort ; the Saxons intirely Prote- 
ftant, and, being hearty, unanimous, and feat- 
ed in the Midft of Germany, were a Bulwark 
and Defence to the Proteftants of many other 
lefler States, as often as they were opprefled 
for their Religion, by their own or their neigh- 
bouring Princes : That many of the Subjects of 
Bavaria, Bamburgh, Cologn, JVurfzlmrgh, and 
JVorms were Proteftants. Befides thefe, that 
the Proteftants of trance were fo powerful, as 
to maintain eight or nine Civil Wars in De- 
fence of their Religion, and always came off 
with Advantage. The Vaudois in Italy were 
ail of them Proteftant, and great Numbers of 
the Inhabitants of the Spanijh Low-Countries % 
were of the Reformed Religion. Befides Eng- 
land and Holland, and the Northern King- 
doms of Denmark and Sweden, and the Dutchy 
of Brandenburgh, were intirely Proteftant. But 



now, inftead of this, Is not the Proteftant Power 
deftroyed almoft over Europe ? The whole 
Kingdom of Bohemia intirely Popifli r Are not 
the Proteftants of Poland, Aujlria, Moravia, 
utterly deftroyed ? Is not their Deftru&ion now 
carrying on, and almoft finifhed in Hungary ? 
In Germany the Newburgbers of Proteftants are 
become fierce Enemies of the Proteftant Reli- 
gion. The Proteftants of Bavaria, Bamburgh, 
Cologn, Wurt%burgh, and Worms are all deftroy- 
ed. In France, the Spanijh Low Countries, Sa- 
voy, and Vaudois, after long and mighty Strug- 
gles, the Religion is utterly extinguifhed. A- 
gainft the poor Palatines the Perfecution is now 
carrying on with its ufual Barbarity, and their 
Neighbours, the Saxons, are fo far from being 
able to help them, that they are under the fear- 
ful Apprehenfion of fuffering the like from their 
own Prince j| (lately turned Roman Catholick to 
obtain the Kingdom of Poland) fo foon as his 
Wars with Sweden, and other Troubles, crea- 
ted him by his Polijh and Lithuanian Subjects, 
will give him Leave. Befides this, two Nor- 
thern Princes have given great Caufe to fuf- 
pect their Converfion to the Romijh Religion : 
That Sweden, by its Separation from the reft of 
Europe by the Baltick, is unable to give Aflif- 
tance to the Proteftants in any Part of Europe, 
without the Confent of the German Princes 
bordering on the Baltick, which will never be 
granted by Papifts in Favour of the Prote- 
ftants. 

Thus the Proteftant Religion, which had 
fpread itfclf over almoft all Europe, which had 
gained the intire Pofleflions of fome Countries, 
the greater Part of others, and mighty Intereft 
in moft, has, through the reftlefs Malice and En- 
deavours of its Enemies, been fubverted and de- 
ftroyed in Country after Country, till it is at 
laft reduced to a little Corner of what it once 
§ poflefled (England and Holland). And do we 



* In the Year 1 690. 
Houfe of Auflria. 

n of Queen Elizaletb. 



•f- Or Sixteenth. J Now divided between France and the 

Father to the prefent Eleflor of Saxony and King of ? eland. § In the 

think 



*the Cafe of England and the Proteftant Interefl. 



"think our Enemies will not accomplifh (what 
they have thus profperoufly carried on To far) our 
utter Deftruclion ? Is it not high Time then to 
think ourfdves in Danger, to look about us to 
enquire what it is hath thus weakened us, 
brought us fo near our Ruin, what Meafures will 
certainly accomplifh it, and what we muft take 
for the Prevention of it. 

The Romijh Methods of converting the Pro- 
tectants have been in all Countries the fame, 
viz. Confifcation of their Eftates, Goals and 
Imprifonments, Fire and Sword, Dragooning 
and Maflacring, and inflicting the mod inhu- 
man Torments, that Rage and Fury could in- 
vent upon fuch, whofe Refolution and Zeal for 
their Religion could not be moved by the for- 
,mer Means *. 

If this be the true Cafe of England, and the 
Proteflant Religim, then what is wanting to 
give the finifhing Stroke to our Deftruclion ; but 
only an Ability in the King of France, to break 
the Powers of England and Holland? And when 
we confider, how, in the Year 1672, the King 
of France marched his Army through the Midft 
of Flanders, fell directly upon Holland, then un- 
provided, entered their ftrongeft Towns like 
open Villages; fome without Defence, oralmoft 
Denial, moft of them without any Blows at all, 
and all of them with very few, and made him- 
felf Mafter of three Parts of Holland in two 
Months Time ; for which Sir fVtlliam Temple, 
King Charles the Second's Ambaflador (then in 
Holland) tells us the Reafon was, * That the 

* Dutch, then not fufpecling fuch a Thing, had 

* no Field Army, fufEcient to encounter their 
e Enemies, or fuccour any Town ; that walled 
x Towns will not defend the Men within, unlefs 
' the Hearts of the Men will defend their Walls ; 
8 that no Garrifon will make any refolute De- 
' fence, without the Profpect or Hopes at lead 
' of Relief.' It is true, that the French King, 
having then all Flanders on his Back, garrifoned 
with Spanijh Troops (then his implacable Ene- 
mies) a powerful Army of the German Princes 
marching upon him down the Rhine ; Spain and 
England (alarmed by his Succefles) preparing to 
attack him on all Quarters, was glad to vomit 
up all again, and return Home with as much 
Precipitancy as he had invaded them, left the 
Provifions and Retreat of his Army through 
Flanders fhould be cut ofF. But now the Cafe 
is otherwife, he has pofleffed himfelf of Flanders, 



35 

extended his Dominion to the very Frontiers of 
Holland; Spain is all united to him ; feme Ger- 
man Princes (then his Enemies) are new become 
his Friends ; ethers entered into Conditions of Neu- 
trality with him : And fhould he now, by a fatal 
Battle (which God of his infinite Mercy forbiJ) 
break the Dutch Army, which they have, with 
infinite Charge and matchlefs Vigour, gathered 
up from Denmark, Brandenburgh, cnJ other re- 
mote Countries of Germany, might he not enter 
the Heart of their Country ? And whence then 
can their ftrong Cities and Towns depend upon 
Relief? May he not, as formerly, pofTefs h : m- 
felf of their whole Country in lefs than one 
Campaign ? It was the Opinion of that great 
Statefman, Sir IVilliam Temple, 4 That Holland 

* would make a flout Refiftance in any Quar- 
' rel remote from their own Doors ; but that 

* which enables them (their Wealth) to carry 

* on a foreign War with Vigour, would in 
' a War at Home render them defencelefs ; 
c rich and populous Towns are not fit for Sieges, 

* or were ever known to make any long and re- 
' folure Defence.' If this be our Cafe, if the 
whole Power of the Proteflant Religion refts now 
in a Manner, in England and Holland ; if the 
Deftruclion of England, as well as of our holy 
Religion, muft inevitably follow the Lofs of 
Holland : If Holland by one unfortunate Battle 
might happen to be loft in one Campaign or lefs, 
are we not in a moft fad and deplorable Con- 
dition ? And, if fome Men are without their 
Fears, have we not the greater Reafon to fear 
for ourfelves, our Religion, and our Country ? 
What fhould we judge of thofe who tell us, it is 
too early yet for England to declare ? The Ene- 
my has raifed his Armies, furnifhed his Maga- 
zines ; and it is too early for us to think of 
raifing a Man. The Enemy is before our Out- 
works, and it is too foon for us to prepare our- 
felves to be on our Guard : Will not thofe 
Men tell us, when Holland is loft, it will then 
be too late? To what Purpofe (will they fay) 
now do you think of railing Forces ? Is not 
the French King Mafter of Holland ? Po'efTed 
of all their Ports ? Where will you Ian J them? 
To what Ufe will you put them ? Does not 
fuch Language as this plainly fhew the Intention 
of the Authors ? Is it not plainly to deliver us 
blindfold, bound Hand and Foot, into the Ene- 
mies Hand ? Is not their Defign now fo vifible 
as not to be difguifed ? Do not fome of the Party 



* See this particularly defcribed on Page 2?, ifc. 

F 



begi ft 



34 2& Pre-eminence and Pedigree of Parliament. 

begin to throw off the Mafic, and tell us, It 
wdl not be well with us till our old Majler * 
returns, till the Government returns to its na- 
tural Channel f. And are not thofe that were 



prefented as Betrayers of us, as having fold m 
to France : Would it not be a Piece of rare re- 
fined Policy, if France could hang up her great- 



eft Enemies, under the Notion of her dearett 
the very Tools and Inftruments of Popery and Friends, and give Encouragement to her an- 



arbitrary Power in former Reigns, and that owe 
their Lives to Acts of Indemnity in this, induf- 
trioufly reprefented by fome as the Patriots of 
their Country •, and by a ftrangc Kind of Para- 
dox thofe that have been alwavs hearty for the 
Church, and were for defending of it when o- 
thers were for pulling it down ; that were hear- 
ty for the King's % Acceffion to the Throne, and 
to his Perfon and Government ever fince, are re- 



tient Friends under the Notion of bein^ her E- 



nemies 



Let us, therefore, while it is yet in our Power 
(as we tender our Religion and our Countrv, 
ufe our utmoft Endeavours, by all legal Ways to 
alTift his Majefty and his Government, againft 
all his and our Enemies both at Heme and A- 
broad. 



* Viz. King James. 

\ Is not this the Language of the DifafFeded to a Proteftant Succeflion to this Day ? who are always 
plotting to difturb the Quiet of that happy Government under which we all erjoy our Liberty, Propeity, and 
Religion ; and combine with the Enemies of our Church and State to reduce them to Popery and Slavery, bv 
Force of Arms ; which has been no lefs than Five Times threatened or attempted by France, fmcejhe Publi- 
cation of this Pamphlet in the Year 1690. 

| King William and Queen Mary. 



The Pre-eminence and Pedigree of Parliament. By ^ames 
Howell^ Efq; Printed at London^ in 1677. 



I Am a free-born Subject of the Realm of 
England; whereby I claim, as my na- 
tive Inheritance, an undoubted Right, 
Propriety, and Portion in the Laws of the 
Land ; and this diftinguifheth me from a 
Slave. I claim alfo an Interefr, and common 
Right in the High National Court of Parliament, 
and in the Power, the Privileges, and Jurifdic- 
tion thereof, which I put in equal Balance with 
the Laws, in regard it is the Fountain vuhence 
they fpring ; and this I hold alio to be a princi- 
pal Part of my Birth-right : Which great Coun- 
cil I honour, refpedt, value, and love, in as 
high a Degree as can be ; as being the Bulwark 
of our Liberties, the main Boundary and Bank 
which keeps us from Slavery, from the Inundati- 
ons of tyrannical Rule, and unbounded JVill-go- 
vernment. And I hold myfelf obliged, in a Tye 
of indifpenfable Obedience, to conform and fub- 
mit myfelf to whatfoever fhall be tranlacted, 
concluded, and conftituted, by its Authority, 
in Church or State \ whether it be by making, 
enlarging, altering, dimihUhing, difannullingj 
repealing, or reviving of any Law, Statute, Act, 



or Ordinance whatfoever, either touching Mat- 
ters Ecclefiaftical, Civil, Common, Capital, 
Criminal, Martial, Maritime, Municipal, or 
any other ; of all which, the tranfeendent and 
uncontroulable Jurifdiction of that Court is ca- 
pable to take Cognizance. 

Amongfl the three Things which the Atheni* 
an Captain thanked the Gods for, one was, 
That he was born a Grecian, and not a Barba- 
For fuch was the Vanity of the Greeks, 



nan. 



and after them, of the Romans, in the Flourifh of 
their Monarchv, to arrogate all Civility to 
themfelves, and to term all the World befides, 
Barbarians : So I may fay, to have Caufe to 
rejoice, that I was born a VaiTal to the Crown 
of England ; that I was born under fo well 
moulded and tempered a Government, which 
endows the Subjecl: with fuch Liberties and In- 
franchifements, that bear up his natural Courage, 
and keep him ftill in Heart ; fuch Liberties, that 
lence and fecure him eternally from the Gripes 
and Tallons of Tyranny ; And all this may be 
imputed to the Authority and Wifdom of this 
High Court of Parliament^ wherein there is 

fuch 



The Pre-eminence -and 

iach a rare Co-ordination of Power (though the 
Sovereignty remain frill intire, and untransfer- 
able in the Perfon of the Prince) there is, I fay, 
fuch a wholefome Mixture betwixt Monarchy, 
Optimacy, and Democracy ; betwixt Prince, 
Peers, and Commonalty, during the Time of 
Confutation, that of fo many diftindf Parts, 
bv a rare Co-operation and Unanimity, they 
xnake but one Body Politick (like that Sheaf of 
Arrows in the Emblem) one intire concentri- 
<:al Piece ; and the Refults of their Deliberati- 
ons, but as fo manv harmonious Diapafons ari- 
fing from different Strings. And what greater 
Immunity and Happinefs can there be to a Peo- 
ple, than to be liable to no Laws, but what 
they make themfelves ? To be fubject. to no 
Contribution, Affeffment, or any pecuniar Le- 
vy whatfoever, but what they vote, and vo- 
luntarily yield unto themfelves ? For, in this 
compacted Politick Body, there be all Degrees of 
People reprefented ; both the Mechanick, Tradef- 
man, Merchant, and Yeoman, have their in- 
elufive Vote, as well as the Gentry, in the 
Perfons of their Truftees, their Knights and 
Burgeffes, in palling of all Things. Nor is this 
Sovereign Superintendent Council an Epitome 
of this Kingdom only ; but it may be faid to 
have a Reprefentation of the whole Univerfe ; 
as I heard a fluent well-worded Knight deliver 
in the laft Parliament, who compared the beau- 
tiful Compofure of that High Court, to the 
great Work of God, the World itfelf : The 
King is as the Sun, the Nobles the fixed Stars, 
the Itinerant Judges, and other Officers (that 
go upon Meffages betwixt both Houfesj to the 
Planets ; the Clergy to the Element of Fire ; 
the Commons, to the folid Body of the Earth, 
and the reft of the Elements. And to purfue 
this Comparifon a little farther ; as the heaven- 
ly Bodies, when three of them meet in Con- 
junction, do ufe to produce fome admirable Ef- 
fects in the elementary World : So when thefe 
three States convene and affemble in one fo- 
lemn great Junta, fome notable and extraor- 
dinary Things are brought forth, tending to the 
Welfare of the whole Kingdom, our Micro- 
tofm. 

He, that is never fo little verfed in the Annals 
of this Ifle, will find, that it hath been her Fate 
to be four Times conquered. I exclude the Scot ; 
for the Situation of his Country, and the Qua- 



* The Senate or Parliament Houfe. f 
:ives of the People. 



Pedigree zf Parliament. 35 

lity of the Clime, hath been fuch an Advantage 
and Security to him, that neither the Roman 
Eagles would fly thither for fear of freezjno; |heir 
Winss, nor any other Nation attempt the 
Work. 

Thefe fo many Conquefls muff, needs 1 
with them many Tumblings and Tailings, ma- 
ny Difturbances and Changes in Government ; 
yet, I have obferved, that, notwithftanding thefe 
Tumblings, it retained ftill the Form of a Mo- 
narchy, and fomething there was always, that- 
had Analog)- with the great Alfembly, the 
Parliafnent. 

The firft Conqueft, I find, was made by 
Claudius Cafar ; at which Time (as fome well 
obferve) the Roman Enjigns, and the Standard 
of Chrijl, came in together. It is well known 
what Laws the Roman had ; he had his Co?nitia y 
which bore a Refemblance with our Conventi- 
on in Parliament ; the Place of their Meeting 
was called Pratorium *, and the Laws which 
thev enacted, Plebifcita f . 

The Saxon Conqueft fucceedcd next, which 
were the EngUJh, there being no Name in 
JVclch or Irijh for an Englijhman, but Saxon, to 
this Day. They governed by Parliament, tho' 
it were under other Names, as Michel Sincth, 
Michel Gemote, and Witenage Mote. 

There are Records above a thoufand Years 
old, of thefe Parliaments, in the Reigns of King 
Ina, Offa, Ethelbert, and the reft of the {even 
Kings, during the Heptarchy. The Britijh 
Kings alfo, who retained a great While fome 
Part of the Ifle unconquered, governed and made 
Laws by a Kind of Parliamentary Way ; wit- 
nefs the famous Laws of Prince Houel, called 
Howel Dha (the good Prince Howtl) whereof 
there are yet extant fome JVelch Records. Par- 
liaments were alfo ufed after the Heptarchy, by 
King Kcnui'phus, Alphred, and others ; witnefs 
that renowned Parliament held at Grately, by 
King Jthel/lon. 

The third Conqueft was by the Danes, and 
they governed alfo' by fuch general Jffemblies 
(as they do to this Day) witnefs that great 
and fo much celebrated Parliament, held by 
that mighty Monarch Canutus, who was King of 
England, Denmark, Norway, and other Regions, 
1 50 Years before the compiling of Magna Char- 
ta ; and this the Learned in the Laws do hold 
to be one of the fpecialeft, and moil authen- 

e. The voluntary Ads or Laws made by the Rejrefenta- 
F 2 tick 



3 6 



The Pre-eminence and 



tick Pieces of Antiquity we have extant. Ed- 
ward the Confeffbr made all his Laws thus, 
(and he was a great Legijlator) which the Ner- 
tltian Conqueror did ratify and eftablifh, and di- 
gefted them into one intire methodical Syftem, 
which, being violated bv Rufus * (who came 
to fuch a difafterous End, as to be fhot to 
Death in Lieu of a Buck, for his Sacrileges) 
were reftored by Henry the Firfl, and fo they 
continued in Force till King "fobn, whofe Reign 
i;. renowned for firft confirming Magna Charta, 
the Foundation of our Liberties ever fince : 
Which ma)' be compared to divers Outlandijh 
Grafts fit upyr< our Englifh Stock ; or to a Poly 
of fundry fragrant Flowers ; for, the cboiceft 
of the Britijh, Reman, Saxon, Danij.b, and 
Norman Lawr, being culled and picked out, and 
gathered, as it were, into one Bundle ; out of 
them the forefaid Grand Charter was extracted : 
And the EftablifJhment of this great Charter 
was the "Work of a Parliament. 

Nor are the Laws of this Ifland only, and 
the Freedom of the Subject, conferved bv Par- 
liament ; but all the beft policed Countries of 
Europe have the like. The Germans have their 
Diets, the Danes and Swedes their Riicks Dachs ; 
the Spaniard calls his Parliament, Las Cortes ; 
and the French have (or mould have, at leaf!) 
their AJfe7nbly of three States, though it be grown 
now in a Manner obfolete, becaufe the Autho- 
rity thereof was (by Accident) devolved to the 
King. And very remarkable it is, how this 
happened ; for when the EngUjh had taken fuch 
large Footing in moft Parts of France, having 
advanced as far as Orleans, and driven their then 
King Charles the Seventh to Bcurges in Berry, 
the Ajfembly of the three States, in thefe Pref- 
fures, being not able to meet after the ufual 
Manner, in full Parliament ; becaufe the Coun- 
try was unpaflable, the Enemy having made 
fuch firm Invafions up and down through the 
very Bowels of the Kingdom ; that Power, which 
formerly was inherent in the Parliamentary Aj- 
fembly, of making Laws, of affeifing the Sub- 
ject with Taxes, fubfidiary Levies, and other 
Impofitions, was tranfmitted to the King, du- 
ring the War ; which, continuing many Years, 
that intrufted Power, by Length of Time, 
grew, as it were, habitual in him, and could 
never after be re-afTumed, and taken from him ; 
io that, ever fince, his EdiSis countervail A:is 
•f Parliament : And that which made the Bufi- 



Pedigree of Parliament. 

nefe more feafible was, that the Burthen fd! 
moft upon the Commonalty (the Cler^v and 
Nobility not feeling the Weight of it) who 
were willing to fee the Peafant pulled down a 
little ; becaufe, not many Years before, in that 
notable Rebellion, called, La 'Jaquerie de Beau- 
vof.n, which was fuppreffed by Charles the JVife ; 
the common People put thcmfelvcs boldlv in 
Arms againft the Nobility and Gentry, to leflen 
their Power. Add hereunto, as an Advantage 
to the Work, that the next fucceeding King,. 
Lewis the Eleventh, was a clofe, cunning Prince, 
and could well tell how to play his Game, and 
draw Water to his own Mill ; for, amongft all 
the reft, he was faid to be the firft that put the 
Kinjs of France, hors de page, out of their 
Minority, or from being Pages \ any more, tho', 
thereby, he brought the poor Pcafants to be 
worfe than Lacquies. 

With the Fall, or, at leaft, the Difcounte- 
nance of that ufual Parliamentary Affembly of 
the three States, the Liberty of the French Na- 
tion utterly fell ; the poor Roturier and Vine- 
yard-man, with the reft of the Yeomanrv, be- 
ing reduced ever fince to fuch an abject ajinine 
Condition, that they ferve but as Sponges for the 
King to fqueefe when he lijl. Neverthclefs, rs 
that King hath an Advantage hereby one Wav, 
to monarchife more abfolutelv, and never to 
want Money, but to ballajl his Purfe when he 
will : So there is another mizhtv Inconvenience 
arifeth to him and his whole Kingdom another 
Way ; for this illegal Peeling of the poor Pea- 
fant hath {o dejected him, and cowed his na- 
tive Courage fo much, by the Senfe of Poverty 
(which brings along with it a Narrcxunefs of 
Soul) that he is little ufeful for the War : 
Which puts the French King to make other 
Nations mercenary to him, to fill up his Infan- 
try ; infomuch, that the Kingdom of France 
may be not unfitly compared to a Body that 
hath all its Blood drawn up into the Arms, 
Breaft, and Back, and fcarce any left from the 
Girdle downwards, to cherifh and bear up the 
lower Parts, and keep them from ftarving. 

All this ferioufly confidered, there cannot be a 
more proper and pregnant Example, than this 
of our next Neighbours, to prove how infinitely 
neceffary the Parlia?nent is, to aflert, to prop 
up, and preferve the public Liberty, and national 
Rights of the People, with the Incolumity and. 
Welfare of a Country. 



■am the Scco.n.i, Son anl Saccefibr to the Conqueror, f Minors. 



Nor 



The Pre-eminence and 

Nor doth the Subjecl only reap Benefit thus 
by Parliament, but the Prince (if it be well 
confidered) hath equal Advantage thereby; it 
rendereth him a King of free and able Men, 
which is far more glorious than to be a King of 
Slaves, Beggars, and Bankrupts ; Men, that 
by their Freedom, and Competency of Wealth, 
are kept ftill in Heart to do him Service againft 
any foreign Force. And it is a true Maxim 
in all States, that it is lefs Danger and Difhonour 
for the Prince to be poor, than his People : 
Rich Subjedls can make their King rich, when 
they pleafe ; if he gain their Hearts, he will 
quickly get their Purfes. Parliament increafeth 
Love and good Intelligence betwixt him and 
his People ; it acquaints him with the Reality 
of Things, and with the true State and Difeafes 
of his Kingdom ; it brings him to the Know- 
ledge of his better Sort of Subjects, and of their 
Abilities, which he may employ accordingly up- 
on all Occafions ; it provides for his Royal If- 
fue, pays his Debts, finds Means to fill his Cof- 
fers : And it is no ill Obfervation, The Parlia- 
mentary-monies (the great Aid) have profpered 
beft. with the Kings of England; it exceeding- 
ly raifeth his Repute Abroad, and enableth-him 
to keep his Foes in Fear, his Subjedls in Awe, 
his Neighbours and Confederates in Security ; the 
three main Things which go to aggrandife a 
Prince, and render him glorious. In Sum, it 
is the Parliament that fupports and bears up the 
Honour of his Crown, and fettles his Throne 
in Safety, which is the chief End of all their 
Confultations L For whofoever is entrusted to 
be a Member of this High Court, carrieth 
with him a double Capacity ; he fits there as 
a Patriot, and as a Subjecl ; As he is the one, 
the Country is his Object, his Duty being to 
vindicate the Publick Liberty, to make whole- 
fome Laws, to put his Hand to the Pump, and 
ftop the Leaks of the great VefTel of the State ; 
to pry into, and punifh Corruption and Op- 
preflion ; to improve and advance Trade ; to 
have the Grievances of the Place he ferves for 
redreffed, and caft about how to find fomething 
that may tend to the Advantage of it. 



Pedigree of Parliament. 37 

But he muft not forget, that he fits there al* 
fo as a Subject, and according to that Capacity* 
he muft: apply himfelf to do his Sovereign's Bufi- 
nefs, to provide not only for his publick, but 
his perfonal Wants ; to bear up the Luftre and 
Glory of his Court ; to confider what Occafions 
of extraordinary Expences he may have, by In - 
creafe of Royal Iffue, or Maintenance of any of 
them Abroad ; to enable him to vindicate any 
Affront or Indignity, that might be offered to 
his Perfon, Crown, or Dignity, by any Fo- 
reign State or Kingdom ; to confult what may 
inlarge his Honour, Contentment, and Pleafure. 
And as the French Tacitus (Comines) hath it, 
The Englijh Nation was ufed to be more for- 
ward and zealous in this Particular than any 
other ; according to that ancient eloquent 
Speech of a great Lawyer, Domus Regis vigi- 
lia defendit omnium, otium illius labor omnium, 
delicia illius indujiria omnium, vacatio illius oc- 
cupatio omnium, falus illius periculum omnium, 
honor illius objcclum omnium, i. e. Every one 
fhould ftand Centinel, to defend the King's 
Houfes ; his Safety fhould be the Danger of all, 
his Pleafures the Indujlry of all, his Eafe fhould 
be the Labour of all, his Honour the Objccl of 
all. 

Out of thefe Premifies this Conclufion may 
be eafily deduced, that, The principal Fountain , 
whence the King derives his Happinefs and Safety r 
is his Parliament : It is that great Conduit- Pipe 
which conveighs unto him his People's Boun- 
ty and Gratitude ; the trueft Looking-glafs, 
wherein he difcerns their Loves ; now the Sub- 
jecl s Love hath been always accounted the prifnc 
Cittadel of a Prince. In his Parliament he ap- 
pears as the Sun in the Meridian, in the Alti- 
tude of his Glory, in his highejl State Royal, as 
the Law tells us. 

Therefore whofoever is averfe or difaffecled 
to this Sovereign Law-making Court, cannot 
have his Heart well planted within him : He 
can be neither good Subjecl, nor good Patriot ; 
and therefore unworthy to breathe Englijh Air, 
or have any Benefit, Advantage, or Protection 
from the Laws. 



The 



( 3« ) 

_" ' ■ ■ ■ !■■■■!■■ .. . . 

The Milchie'fs and Unreafonablenefs of Endeavouring to deprive 
his Majefty of the AfFe&ions of his Subjects, by mifreprefenting 
him and his Minifters. 

Com hominum animi vanis timoribus 6c fufpicionibus implentur, calumniae & 
maledicta in Principes fine ullo veri falfive difcrimine avide accipiuntur, avide 
communicantur. Fam. Strada de bello Belg. 

1 ■ ■ I., 

This Loyal Tracl, containing the true Senfe of every good Subject, was originally publijked to 
er the Subjects of Great-Britain and Ireland, from fomenting that D'.fcontent Qgainjl 
Kingly Government, which brought thefe Nations into that horrid Rebellion, that began 
in the Tear 1641, anddejerves to be recorded, fo long as Monarchy /ways thefe Kingdoms ; 
and always neceffary to be read,fo long as thai bejl of Government sis Jlruck at by defigning 
Men ; or ignorantly traverfed in the Converfation of the caufelefly difcontented Subject. 

1 have only taken the Liberty to firike out form Expreffions that were temporary, in order 
to render it the more general and ufeful at all 'Times. 

IT is the common Unhappinefs of nil States, the feditious Preachers, who endeavoured to 
that feme Perfons every where are proud of gain the People's Hearts by afperfing their King, 
being thought wikatfufpecling, and of an and {hewing them Dangers and Enemies round 
extraordinary Reach in foreseeing Evils, about them, where none meant to hurt them ; 
which, perhaps, never come to pafs. The who with Scripture Phrafes, and facred Railing, 
Vanity of appearing more acute and fagacious and profane Abufe of God's Word to bafe and 
than their Neighbours does fo pofTefs them, that malicious Purpofes, demonftrated their Governors 
they make it their Bufinefs and Employment, to to be the Defigners of their Ruin, were not the 
difcover or to invent approaching Mi fchiefs. And, leaft Promoters of all our fhameful Confufions. 
if we look into thofe Hiftories which give us an But either we are fo unwilling to reflect up- 
Account of the grand Tranfac~lions and Revo- on what then followed, or fo inclinable to gra- 
Jutions of Kingdoms ; which do not barely tell tify our own little Humour that Way, that we 
Things as Tales, and fay, only fuch and fuch too generally tread in the Steps of the Fomen- 
Things happened, but do fearch into the real ters of thofe Disturbances, without the leaft 
Caufes of, and acquaint us what occafioned Mifgivings of what it may end in. V\ e are as 
them : We fhall find, that this Humour has fre- politick and as fharp-fighted, and as difingenu- 
quently been of greateft Confequence, and that ous as thev were in 1641. We do, indeed, en- 
rone have contributed more to the Unhappinefs joy our Liberties and Properties, and the free 
and Deftrudb'on of a Nation, than the over- Exercife of our Religion, Peace, and Pi 
politick and notable Men ; who by Shew of Con- fujiice equally diftributed to all, are governed 
cern for the Public, and great Infight into In- by known Laws, and «s Man is opprefTed, and 
trigues and Cabals, have laboured to bring the yet we have Grievances to complain of ; Dan- 
Government into Sufpicion, and to alienate g«rs we forefee do threaten us; we groan, and 
the Hearts of the People from their Prince, figh, and cry out at the Badnefs of the Times, 
But we need not appeal to foreign Occurrences, are apprehenfive of ftrange Defigns en Foot, 
or elder Times. The Miferies, which thefe three and cannot afford our Governors one good 
Kingdoms for feveral Years groaned under, do Word. Indeed, they among us who have a 
fufficiently atteft it ; and they who underftand great Reach, and would be thought Politic 
any Thing of England's Troubles * , in the of the firft Rate, do give only notable Hints, 
grand Rebellion, are not ignorant that the grave emphatical Nods, intimate fomewhat of our 
Men of Fears and Jealoufies, who difcovered Fears, but darkly ; fpeak dubioufly of what 
what no Man could ever find out fince ; and may happen, wifh the King better advifed, whif- 

* Vid. The View of the late Troubles in England, p. 96. & alibi. 

per 



The Mijchiefs and Unreafonablenefs, &c. 



per fomewhat about evil Counfellors, and the 
like. But the vulgar Part of us are more raft, 
and blunder it out more plainly, and prophefy 
of arbitrary Government ; cry out that we are 
fold and betrayed, and not far from being en- 
flaved. 

Some Men have fo ftrange fond Conceits of 
themfelves, that they are too ready to fancy 
their own petty Interejls and abfurd Deftres fo 
twitted and interwoven with the publick Happi- 
nefs of the Nation, that, from any little Difap- 
pointment of their ill-laid Projects, they will 
take Occafion to predict fome lignal Mifchiefs, 
if not Ruin to the Commonwealth. For they 
look on themfelves as Perfons no kfs in Favour 
with God, norlefs wife in their Defigns than o- 
thers ; and huw can publick Mifchiefs be brought 
on us, but by the ill Adminiftration of thofe 
who are concerned in the Government ? And 
when this prophetical Foundation is once laid, 
then every Accident which happens fhall mini- 
fter fome Jealoufies and Sufpicions, every Sufpi- 
cion {hall beget another ; and can a Man think 
much, and fay Nothing of fuch Matters ? 

Befides, fome Men ftrangely affecl the Fa- 
vour and good Word of the common People, and 
what readier Way to obtain it, than by per- 



39 

feditious Re- 



Cenfures and filly Concluiions_ 
pinings and Difcontents ? 

Bur, certainly, no wife Man can think the, 
worfe of any Government, becaufe unthinking 
People fpeak ill of it, nor will he, who is but a 
little above the Multitude, think himfelf in 
Danger, and bound to vex and to be difcon tent- 
ed ; becaufe they are not pleafed ! 

Indeed, we have been fo long ufed to con- 
cern ourfelves in Matters that do not belong 
to us, to arraign, and, at our Pleafure, to con- 
demn the Government, that either our Go- 
vernors muft publifh to the World all their 
Defigns and Confultations, and inform the 
People of all their Motives to fuch or fuch 
Refutations ( which would be the molt ab- 
furd Thing in the World, and the greateft 
Contradiction to all the Ufes and Ends of Go- 
vernment) or elfe they muft expect to have evil 
Cenfures palled on them for all they do, to be 
complained of as Enemies to their Country, and 
Betrayers of their Truft. A Humour fit for the 
fenfelefs Rabble, but below any one of Parts and 
Ingenuity. 

But now let us think a little what will be the 
End of all thefe Things ? The mod experi- 
enced and ableft Difturbers have always firft 
ftruck at the Reputation of the Government, 



fuading them that they are not fo well govern- 
ed as they ought to be ? Some Things will hap- and frequently with great Succefs. For can there 
pen amifs, let Men do what they can, and the 
common People who fee the immediate and ob- 
vious Effects of fome Inconveniencies, to which 
all Sorts of Governments are fubject, have not 
the Judgment to difcern the fecret Lets and 



be Obedience, where there is not fo much as Refpecl ? 
Will their Knees bow, vvhilft their Hearts in- 
fult, and their Actions fubmit, whilft their Ap- 
prehenfions and Tongues do rebel ? 

And when the People are thus prepared with 



Difficulties, which in publick Proceedings are Jealoufies and Difcontents, and fome Accidents 



innumerable and inevitable. And docs not the 
Reproving the fuppofed Diforders of State fhew 
the Perfons, who do fo, to be principal Friends 
to the common Intereft, and honelr. Men of 
fingular Freedom of Mind ? And what can be 
more popular and plaufible ? 

Once more. When every private and ordi- 
nary Perfon turns Statefman, and with a judi- 
cious Gravity canvafTes and determines the par- 
ticular Interefts and Defigns of Kings and 
Princes ; when he, perhaps, who has haruly 



happen, which offer an Opportunity, then out 
Steps fome bold hypocritical Rebel, and heads the 
difcontentcd Party, puts forth Remonftrances of 
Grievances and Mifdemeanors in the Govern- 
ment, and engages to remedy them ; and the 
Devil, who L never wanting to Men, that are 
fet upon Mifchief, fets forward the Work, till 
it improve into an open and deteftable Civil 
War. All Hiftoriesare full of Examples, and we 
are not (o happy as not to know, and to be one. 
Away, therefore, with our Murmuring and 



Wit enough to govern his own littl. Family, Queruloufnefs, we do but affit evil Men, and 



takes upon him to fettle the Affairs of Cb/iiien 
dom, and fancies himfelf able to give tiiis or 
the other Prince Advice how to govern his Sub- 
jects, and enlarge his Dominions : In fin., whea 
Men fpend that Time, they mould mpioy in 
their feveral Callings to gain their T . . hood, 
in running about after News, and make ItfiW ■ 
felves p .>v Idlencfs and Negligence, . t 
can we expect among thefe Pecple b ; 



vex and trouble ourfelves bv them. Let us do 
our Du:y, every one in his Place, and leave the 
great Bui'nefs of all to God, and to the King, 
whom he ha< given us. Let not our Curiofity, or 
what is wo fe, make us over- careful and folici- 
tous, about v v. Things which belong not to us, 
but rather, ta^e Ehe Advice given us in Scripture, 
Study to be quid, and do our own Bujinefs, and 
wait with Patience and Modejly. The Reports, 

which 



40 The Mi/chiefs and 

which we hear, concerning our Governor's De- 
terminations, are very uncertain, and often falfe, 
and fet about by feditious and unquiet Men, 
who perhaps underhand work for that Defign, 
which they feem to the World to be moft vio- 
lently fet againft. And as to thofe, which are 
true, we, who know not the Circumftances of 
them, mutt, be very arrogant and prefumptuous, 
if we take upon us to judge of their Conveni- 
encv or Inconvenlency. But this we may be 
allured of, that all our Malicious and Seditious 
Difcourfes will very little promote the Safety 
of ourfelves, or of our Governors, and that 
there are thofe, who have better Information, 
and greater Abilities than we, who will be as 
much concerned for their Lives, their Liberties, 
and their Religion, as any of us can pretend to 
be. Let us affift them with our Prayers, and the 
Reformation of our Lives, which are the moft 
effectual Means to fecure our other Interefts. 

To inforce this yet farther. It is by God 
that Kings reign, and from Him alone, can 
they receive their Authority ; and fince he has 
Sufficiently declared that he would have us be 
ilibmimve and refpedtful, patient and obedient ; 
if we murmur againft them, we murmur at 
God's Management of the World ; we arraign 
Providence, and (hew, that, let us talk as much 
as we will of it, we are not for it, but when 
it is for us. 

let us queftion, as a good Man among the 
feivs did ; IVlwfe Ox has our King taken, or 
wbofe Afs has he taken ? or whom has he de- 
frauded? IVhom has he opprejfed? or of whcfe 
Hands has he received any Bribes, to blind his 
Eves thernvith ? 

We talk of Arbitrary Government ; What 
Man has loft his Life or Eftate under this Go- 
vernment, but by due Form, and Procedure of 
Law ? We talk of Tyranny ; Can any Man 
charge this Prince, with the leaft Aft of Cruel- 
ty ? Did he ever fhew any Thing of a bloody 
revengeful Spirit ? Or can we read of a more 
merciful, and condefcending, and obliging King, 
that ever ruled in Europe ? And all the Returns 
that we make to fo much Juftice, and Sweetnefs, 
and Goodnefs, are unkind, and rude, and unduti- 
ful Reflexions. We moft ungratefully endea- 
vour to render him as odious in the Eyes of the 
World as we can ; and, not only fo, but fettle 
a Way of putting a moft invidious Interpreta- 
tion on all his future Actions. But, (hould we 
endeavour to ruin the Reputation of one of the 
meaneft of our Neighbours, would it not be a 
great Sin in the Eyes of God, and a great In- 
jury and Wrong to him ; and, would not we 
cftetm it to, in our own Cafe, if we were fo 



Unreafinablefi, &cc. 

dealt with by others ; and, do we not trunk it 
a Sin of much greater Magnitude, to fpeak evil 
of Dignities, to revile God\ Vice-Gercnt, and 
to lay his Honour in the Duft ? Certainly we 
muft be very partial to ourfelves, if we jud^e 
otherwife. And indeed, this is a Crime "of fo 
extenfive a bad Influence, and fo much Mifchief, 
that they, who confider the Injury the Public 
receives by it, admire that no feverer Puriifh- 
ments are appointed by the Laws, for thofe who 
are guilty of it ; and they, who confider the He> 
noufnefs of the Sin, do not lefs wonder, that our 
Divines do not more frequently lay open the 
Guilt of it to the People. 

To make an End. Could all our Complaints 
and Unquietnefs take away the pretended Occa- 
fions of them; could our fancying ourfelves in 
an ill Condition deliver us out of it ; could our 
perfuading ourfelves, that our Liberty and Re- 
ligion is in Danger, make both fecure ; and, 
our wilful Fears and jealous Surmifes prevent 
real Evils : It were unkind to difTuade vou from 
murmuring, and he would prove vour Enemv, 
who would make you fo yourfelves. Could 
groundlefs Fears and imaginary Dangers efta- 
blifh Peace on a lafting Foundation ; could 
falfe Alarms and mutinous Difcourfes contribute 
any thing to the Plenty and Quiet of the King- 
dom : Could our fufpecting our Governors ren- 
der our Fellow- fubjecls more obedient, and our 
afperfing thofe, who are concerned in the Ma- 
nagement of higheft Affairs, ftrengthen your 
Hands, and infpire their Refolutions, then we 
could have fome Pretence for our Reftlefnefs and 
Clamoroufnefs. 

But fince it ftands upon Record in the His- 
tories of all Ages, fince we have had late and 
difmal Effects of fuch Practices, and have tco 
frequently found that Jealoufies and Sufpicions, 
Out-cries and Complaints, vain Fears and ima- 
ginary Grievances, have produced real Mifchief, 
and brought on us thofe Misfortunes, which 
they feemed only to foretel : Since they are 
the moft effectual Inccuragements to feditious 
Perfons, and afpiring Difturbers need no greater 
than to have their Pretences abetted by fober, 
grave Men, and their Caufe voted up by the 
common Cry of the whole People ; it cannot be 
thought indifcreet, or ufelefs, or pragmatical in 
any one to intreat you to live at Eafe, and to 
enjoy yourfelves, the bleffed Serenity of an un- 
difturbed Mind ; to banifh out of your Hearts 
and Mouths fuch hurtful Follies ; and to per- 
fuade you to let Peace and Profperity continue 
among You, whilft they feem to court you, 
and to beg only your Confent. 

Dublin, May, 24. 1681. 
A W O R D 



( 4i ) 



A Word Without-Doors, concerning the Bill for Succeffion. 



The Occafion of Writing this Pamphlet, was the great Difpute concerning the Exciufion of 
the Duke of 'York from the Throne of thefe Kingdoms, upon the Death of King Charles 
II, his Brother, on Account of his Religion, having profejfed himfelf a Papift, and open- 
ly declared himfelf a zealous Protetlor of all fuch as were fo affecled. 

The Argument is founded upon the Divine Infiituiion and proper End of Government ; the 
Laws of the Land; the Reafons that may warrant fuch an Exciufion ; Examples cf the 
tike Proceedings and the Impcjfibility that a Popifh King can ever prove a true Defen- 
der of the Proteftant Christian Faith ; all which equally ferves tojuftify the Revolution 
in 1688, and the Proteftant EJlablifhment of the Crown in the Protectant Houfe of Han- 
over, and the Neceffity of preserving the faid Eftablijhment, as to perpetuate a Memorial 
of that noble Stand againft Popery, and the utmoft Effort of that Parliament here men- 
tioned, to fecure our Religion and Laws j even at the Hazard of their own Dffolulion, 
■which the Duke was able to obtain. 

SIR, My Occafions obliging me one Day to attend 

I Am very fenfible of the great Honour you the Coming of a Friend in a Coffee houfe near 

were pleafed to dome in your laft, which Charing- crofs, there happened to lit at the fame 

I received immediately after our late un- Table with me two ingenious Gentlemen, who, 

happy DifTolution ; but could have wifh- according to theFranknefs of Converfation now 

ed you would have laid your Commands ufed in the Town, began a Difcourfe on the 

on fome more able Perfon, to have given you fame Subject % you defue to be more particu- 

Satisfaction in the Matter you there propofe re- larly informed in ; and having ex coiled the late 

lating to the Duke *, who, you feem to infi- Houfe of Commons, as the beft Number of Men 

nuate, was like (if the Parliament had conti- that had ever fat within thofe Walls ]| ; and that 

nued) to have received hard Meafure +. Imuft no Houfe had ever more vigoroufly maintained 

ingenuoufly confefs to you, I was not long fince and averted Englijh Liberty and Proteftant Reli- 

perfedly of your Opinion, and thought it the gion than they had done, as far as the Nature of 

higheft Injuftice imaginable, for any Prince to the Things that came before them, and theCir- 

be debarred of his native Right of Succeffion cumftances of Time would admit (to all which 

upon any Pretence whatfoever. But, upon a I very readily and heartily aflentcd :) They then 

more mature Deliberation and Enquiry, I added, That the great Wifdom and Zeal of 

found my Error proceeded principally from the that Houfe had appeared in nothing more, thaa 

falfe Notions I had took up of Government it- in ordering a Bill to be brought in for Debar- 

felf, and from my Ignorance of the Practices of ring the Duke of Yoikfrom Inheriting the Crozvn* 

all Communities of Men in all Ages, when- A Law they affirmed to be the moft juir. and 

ever Self- prefer vation and the Neceffity of their reafonable in the World, and the only proper 

Affairs obliged them to declare their Opinion in Remedy to eftablifh this Nation on a true and 

Cafes of the like Nature: To the Knowledge folid Intereff, both in Relation to the prefent 

of all which, the following Accident, I fhall re- and future Times §. 
late to you, did very much contribute. 

* Of Tori, afterwards King James II. 

•f- *. e. To have been excluded from Succeeding to the Crown of England, upon the Demife of hii 
Brother, King Charles II, who faid that he had no lawful IfTue. 

% Of the Succeffion to the Crown. 

|j Becaufe they without Refpeft to Perfons would have excluded the Enemies of our holy Religion from 
the Throne, and eftablifhed a true Proteftant Succeffion, under which only it is poffiblefor us •:.; be happy. 

§ As it has been long fince manifefted, both in King James II's Male Adminiftration, and the Happinef* 
we now enjoy under a Protejiant King. 

G To 



4 2 A Word Without-Doors, concerning the Bill for Succejfion, 

Tj which I could not but reply, That I their particular Acquaintance ; and both he 

begged their Pardon, if I differed from them and I readily complied with fo generous a Mo- 

in Opinion ; and did believe, That, how tion. 

honeftly foever the Houfe of Commons might We had no fooner drank a Glafs round, but 

intend in that Matter, yet that the Point of the old Gentleman was pleafed to renew his 

Succefiim was fo facred a Thing, and of (o Difcourfe, and faid, It was undoubtedly true, 

high a Nature, that it was war fubjecled to that the Inclination of Mankind to live in Com- 

their Cognizance : That Monarchy was of pany (from whence come Towns, Cities, and 

Divine Right : That Princes fucceeded by Na- Commonwealths) did proceed of Nature, and 

ture and Generation only, and not by Autho- confequently of God, the Author of Nature, 

rity, Admiflion, or Approbation of the Peo- So likewife Government, and the Jurisdiction 

pie; and confequently, That neither the Me- of Magiftrates in general (which does neceffarily 

rit or Dement of their Perfons, nor the dif- flow from the living together in Society) is alfo 

ferent Influences from thence upon the Peo- of Nature, and ordained by God for the com- 

ple, were to be re'pected or had in Confidera- mon Good of Mankind ; but that the particu- 

tion ; but the Commonwealth ought to o- lar Species and Forms of this or that Govern- 

bey and fubmit to the next Heir, without a- ment, in this or that Manner, to have many, 

ny further Inquifition ; and, if he proved feiv, or one Governor ; or that the)' mould have 

a worthy, virtuous, and juft Prince, it was this or that Authority, more or lefs, for a lon- 

a great Happinefs ; if unjuft, barbarous, and ger or a fhorter Time ; or whether ordinarily 

tyrannical, there was no other Remedy, but by Succejfion or by Election, all thefe Things 

Prayer, Patience, and an intire Submiflion to (he faid) are ordained and diverfified by the par- 

fo difficult a Difpenfation of God's Providence, ticular Laws of every Country, and are not efta- 

I had no fooner ended my Difcourfe, but blifhed either by Law Natural or Divine, but 
one of the Gentlemen (that was the mod feri- left by God unto every Nation and Country, to 
ous in the Company) feeing me a young Man, pitch upon what Form of Government they 
gravely replied, That he could not but be ex- (hall think moft proper to promote the com- 
tremely concerned to hear, that fuch pernicious mon Good of the Whole, and beft adapted to 
Notions againft all lawful Government had the Natures, Conftitutions, and other Circum- 
been taught in the World : That he believed, fiances of the People ; which accordingly, for 
they were in me purely the Effects of an Uni- the fame Reafons, may be altered or amended 
verfity-Education ; and, That it had been my in any of its Parts, by the mutual Confent of 
Misfortune, to have had a very high Church- the Governors and Governed, whenever they 
man * for my Tutor, who had endeavoured (hall fee reafonable Caufe fo to do ; all which 
(as it was their conftant Practice to all young appears plainly, both from the Diverfity of Go- 
Gentlemen under their Care) to debauch me vernments extant in the World, and by the 
with fuch Principles as would enflave my Mind fame Nations living fometimes under one Sort 
to their Hierarchy and the Monarchical Part of of Government, and fometimes under another, 
the Government, without any Regard at all So we fee God himfelf permitted his peculiar 
to the Arijlocratical and Popular ; and that fat People, the Jews, to live under divers Forms 
Parfonages, Prebendfhips, Deanries, and Epif- of Government ; as, firfr, under Patriarchs ; 
copal Sees, were the certain and conftant Re- then under Captains ; then under Judges ; then 
wards of fuch Services f : That the Place we under High-priejls\ next under Kings ; and then 
were in, was a little too publick for Difcourfes under Captains and High-priejls again, until 
of this Nature ; but, if I would accept of a they were conquered by the Remans, whothem- 
Rottle of Wine at the next Tavern, he would felves alfo firft lived under Kings and then Confuls, 
undertake to give me jufter Meafurcs ; adding, whofe Authority they afterwards limited by a 
It was Pity fo hopeful a Gentleman Inould be Senate, by adding Tribunes of the People ; and, 
tiinted with bad Principles. My Friend, com- in extraordinary Emergencies of the Common- 
ing in at the fame Time, proved to be one of wealth, they were governed by Diclators, and 

* Which, in thofe Days, fignified one that was ready to turn Papiil as foon as the Prince fhould counte- 
nance that Superftition. 

f This deicribes the Way to Preferment in the Church, when the Duke of York influenced his Brother's 
Counfels, anl difpofed of his Places in Church and State. 



A Word- JVithout-Doon, concerning the Bill for Succeffion. 4;; 



lad of all by Emperors. So that it is plain, no 
Magiftrate has his particular Government, or 
an Intereft of Succeffion in it, by any Infiitution 
of Nature, but only by the particular Corflitu- 
tkn of the Commonwealth within itfelf. And as 
the Kinds of Government are different, fo alfo 



Amongft the Jeivs, the Laws of Succeffion 
did ordinarily hold ; and accordingly Remfo- 
am, the lawful Son and Heir of Soldmon, after 
his Father's Deceafe, went to Sichcm, to be 
crowned and admitted by the People ; and the 
whole Body of the People of Ifracl, being there 



are the Meafures of Power and Authority in gathered together, did (before they would ad 



the fame Kind, in different Countries. 

I fhall begin (faid he) with that of the Roman 
Empire, which, though it be the firft in Dignity 
amongft Chriftian Princes, yet it is fo reftrain- 
ed and limited by the particular Laws of the 
Empire, that he can do much lefs in his State, 
than other Kings in theirs. He can neither 
make War, nor exact any Contribution of Men 



mit him their lawful King) make i.nto him cer- 
tain Propofitions for taking away fome heavy 
Taxes that had been impofed on them by his Fa- 
ther Solomon ; which he refilling to gratify them 
in, and following the Advice of young Men, 
ten of the twelve Tribes immediately chofe Je- 
roboam t a Servant of Rehobcam's, a meer Stran- 
ger, and of mean Parentage, and made him 



or Money, but by the Confent of all the States their King ; and God approved thereof, as the 



of the German Diet : And as for his Children 
and Relations, they have no Intereft or Pre- 
tence to fucceed, but only by Election, if they 
thall be thought worthy. Nay, the chiefeft 
Article the Emperor fwears to keep, at his Ad- 
miffion to that Honour, is, That he fhall never 



Scriptures in exprefs Words do teftify : For, 
when Rehoboam had raifed an Army of One- 
hundred and Four-fcore Thoufand Men, intend- 
ing by Force of Arms to have juftified his Claim, 
God appeared unto Semajah, and commanded 
him to go to Rehoboam, and to the Houfe of 



endeavour to make the Dignity of the Empire Judah and Benjamin, faying, Return every Man 



Hereditary to his Family 

In Spain and in France the Privileges of 
Kings are much more eminent, both in Power 
and Succeffion ; their Authority is more abfo- 
lute ; every Order of theirs having the Validity 
of a Law, and their next of Blood does ordi- 
narily inherit, though in a different Manner. 
In Spain the next Heir cannot fucceed, but by 



to his Houfe, for this "thing is of me, faith the 
Lord. So that, fince God did permit and al- 
low this in his own Commonwealth, which was 
to be the Pattern for all others, no Doubt he 
will approve the fame in other Kingdoms, 
whenever his Service and Glory, or the Happinefs 
of the Weal-Fublick (hall require it. 

The next Inftance, I fhall give you, fhall be 



the Approbation of the Nobility, Bifhops, and in Spain, where Don Alonfo de la Cerda, having 

and States of the Realm. In France the been admitted Prince of Spain, in his Father's 

Women are not admitted to fucceed, Jet them Life-Time (according to the Cuftom of that 

be never fo lineally defcended. In England our Realm) married Blancha, Daughter of Lewis 



Kings are much more limited and confined in 
their Power, than either of the two former j 
for here no Law can be made, but by Confer 
and Authority of Parliament ; and as to the 
Point of Succeffion, the next of Kin is admit- 
ted, unlefs in extraordinary Cafes, and when 
important Reafons of State require an Altera :,';>>: 
And then the Parliaments of England (accord- 
ing to the antient Laws and Statutes cf the 

Realm) have frequently directed and appointed Life-Time, by his and the States Confent ; 
the Succeffion of the Crown in other Manner and, this was done at a Parliament f held at Sego* 
than in Courfe it would have gone ; of which via, in the Year 1276 ; and in the Year 1284 
I fhall give you fome Examples in Order. (Alonfo the Ninth being dead) Don Sancho was 

But firft let us look Abroad, and fee how acknowledged King, and the two Princes im- 
Things have been carried, as to this Point, in o- prifoned ; but at the Mediation of Philip the 
ther Countries. Third, King of France, their Uncle, they were 



the Firft, King of France, and had by her two 
Sons , named Alonfo and Hernando de la Cerda > 
but their Father (who was only Prince) dying 
before Alonfo the Ninth, then King, he re- 
commended them to the Realm as lawful Heirs 
apparent to the Crown ; but Don Sancho, their 
Father's younger Brother, who was a great War- 
rior, and firnamed El Bravo *, was admitted 
Prince, and they put by, in their Grand- father's 



The Valiant. 



f Or Cortes, i. e. The general Meeting of the State*. 



G 2 



&c 






44 ^ #W Without -Doors, concerning the Bill for Succeffion. 

fet free, and endowed with confiderable Reve- " principal Care is to have a good Prince to 

nues in Land ; and from them do defcend the " lead and guide us happily in this Way of 

Dukes De Medina Cell at this Day ; and the " Civil and Politick Life; which is the End 

prefent King of Spain that is in Pofleflion * de- " for which Princes are appointed." 
fcendeih from Don Sancho. And with this Msflage ended his Succeffion 

In France, Lewis the Fourth had two Sons, and Life, he dying not lung after in Prifon. 
Loiharin, who fucceeded him, and Charles, 

■whom he made Duke of Lorrain. Lotharin dy- And now I (hall come Home, and give you 
ing, left an only Son, named Lewis, who dying an Inftance or two in England ftnee the Con- 
without Illue, after he had reigned two Years, queft, and fo conclude. 

the Crown was to have defcended on his Uncle JVilliam Rufus, fecond Son of JVilHam the 

Charles, Duke of Lorrain. But the States of Conqueror, by the Affiftance of Lanfrank Arch- 

France did exclude him, and chofe HugoCapetus, biihop of Canterbury, who had a great Opi- 

Earl of Paris, for their King ; and, in an O- nion of his Virtue and Probity, was admitted 
ration made by their Ambaflador to Charles of King by the Confent of the Realm, his elder 

Lorrain, did give an Account of their Reafons Brother Robert Duke of Normandy being then 

for fo Doing, as it is related by Belforejl, a in the War at J.erufalem. William dvin^, his 

French Hiftorian, in thefe very Words : younger Brother Henry, by his Ingenuity and 

fair Carriage, and by the Afliftance of Henry 

" Every Man knoweth (Lord Charles) that Earl of Warwick, who had greateft Interefl in 

" the Succeifion of the Crown and Kingdom of the Nobility; and Maurice Bifhop of London, 

*' France, according to the ordinary Rights and a Leading-man amongft the Clergy, obtained 

" Laws of the fame, belongeth unto you, and alfo the Crown. And Robert Duke of Nor- 

" not unto Hugh Capet now our King : But mandy was a fecond time excluded. And though 

yet the fame Laws, which do give unto you this King Henry could pretend no other Title 

fuch Right of Succeffion, do judge you alfo to the Crown, than the Eleclion and Jdmijfion 

" unworthy of the fame; for that you have of the Realm; yet he defended it fo well, and 

* ' not endeavoured, hitherto, to frame your Life God profpered him with fuch Succefs, that, when 

" according to the Prefcript of thofe Laws, his elder Brother Robert came to claim the 

*' nor according to the Ufe and Cuftom of the Kingdom by Force of Arms, he beat him in a 

" Kingdom of France ; but rather have allied pitched Battle, took him Prifoner, and fo ho 

* c yourfelves with the Germans, our old Ene- died miferably in Bonds. 

" mies, and have accuftomed yourfelf to King Henry had one only Daughter named 

" their vile and bafe Manners. Wherefore, Maud, or Matilda, who was married to the 

" fince you have abandoned and forfaken the Emperor ; and he dying without Iffue, fhe was 

" antient Virtue, Amity, and Sweetnefs of your afterwards married to Geoffrey Plant agenet, Earl 

" Country, your Country has abandoned and of Anjou, in France, by whom (he had a Son 

" forfaken you ; for we have chofen Hugh named Henry, whom his Grandfather declared 

" Capet for our King, and have put you by, Heir-apparent to the Crown in his Life-time ; 

',* and this without any Scruple in our Con- yet, after his Death, Henry was excluded, and 

** fciences at all ; efteeming it far better, and Stephen, Earl of Bulhine, Son of Adela, Daughter 

*' more jufr, to live under Hugh Capet, the Pof- of William the Conqueror, was, bv the States, 

" feffor of the Crown, with enjoying the an- thought more fit to govern than Prince Henry, 

" tienc Ufeof our Laws, Cuftoms, Privileges, who was then but a Child. And this was done 

if and Liberties, than under you, the next Heir, by the Perfuafion of Henry, Bifhcp of Winche- 
*■ by Blood, in Oppreffion, ftrange Cuftoms, Jler, and at the Solicitation of the Abbot of 

*' and Cruelty. For as they, who are to make Glajlenbury, and others, who thought they might 

*' a Voyage in a Ship on a dangerous Sea, do do the fame lawfully, and with a good Conference, 

*' not fo much refpecl, whether the Pilot claims for the publick Good of the Realm. 
" Title to the Ship or no, but rather whether But the Event did not prove fo well as they 

" he be fkilful, valiant, and like to bring them intended ; for this occafioned great Factions and 

*' in Safety to their Way's End; even fo our Divifions in the Kingdom ; for the Q^ietingof 

* Ar:i:o 1 678. 

which x 



A Word Without-Doors, concerning the Bill fir Succej/ion. 



which, there was a Parliament held at Wal~ 
lingford, which parted a Law, c That Stephen 
4 fhoulj be King only during his Life, and that 
* Prince Henry and his Off-fpring fhould fuc- 
' ceed him ;' and by the fame Law debarred 
William t $on of K'mgStephen, from inheriting the 
Crown, and only made him Earl of Norfolk. 

Thus did the Parliament difpofe of the 
Crown in thofe Days, which was in the Year 
1 153, which fufficiently proves what I have 
aliened. 

The Sum of all I have faid, amounts to this: 



45 

this Bill, I will, ex abundantly add a Word or 
two more to that Particular. 

Whereupon he plucked a Paper out of his 
Pocket, intituled : Great and iv eighty Confedera- 
tions relating to the Duke, and Succejfor of the 
Crown, &c. Which, as foon as he had read un- 
to us, You fee here, faid he, the true Temper of 
thofe Men, of whom I firfi gave you Caution. 
There never was an Endeavour (though in a 
Legal and Parliamentary Way) after any Refor- 
mation either in Church or State, but the Pro- 
moters of it were fure to be branded by them 
That Government in general is by the Law of with the odious Imputations of Fanatic'ifm and 
Nature, and confequently the Ordinance of God ; Faclion : Nay, if the Country- Eleclcrs of Par- 
hut that the different Forms of Government, liament-Men will not pitch upon fuch Rake- 
whether to refide in one, few, or many ; or hells of the Nation as are ufually propofed by 
whether it (hall be continued by Succeffion or them, but, on the Contrary, make Ufe of their 
by Election, together with the different Mea- Freedom and Confciences in chufing able, up- 
fures ajid Limitations of Power and Authority right, and deferving Perfons ; and if good Men, 
in Governors of the fame Kind in feveral Coun- thus chofen, do but (according to their Duty in 
tries : All thefe Things, I fay, are ordained by, the Houfe) enquire into publick Grievances, pur- 
and purely depend upon pofitive and human fue in a legal Courfe notorious Offenders, and 
Laws. From whence it will neceflarily follow, confult and advife the Security of the Govern- 
That the fame human Authority (refiding in ment and Protejlant Religion, the Tirne-ferver 
King, Lords, and Commons, here in England) immediately fwells, and, in a Paflion, tells you, 
which gave Being to thofe Laws for the Good That all this proceeds from the old Phanatick 
of the Community, is fuperintendent over them, Leven, not yet worn out amongft the People ; 
and both may and ought to make any Addition That we are going back again to Forty-One * ; 
to, or Alteration of them, when the publick and acting over afrefh the Sins of our Fore- 



Good and Welfare of the Nation fhall require 
it ; unlefs you will admit, That an human Au- 
thority, eftablifhing any Thing intentionally 
for the common Good of the Society, which 
in Trail of Time, by Reafon of unforefeen 
Gircumftances and Emergencies, proves deftruc- 
tive of it, has by that Act concluded itfelf, and 
made that accidental Evil, Moral and Unchange- 
able ; which to affirm, is fenfelefs and re- 
pugnant. 

And now. Sir, I hope, by this Time (faid 



fathers. 

Thus ignorantly do they compliment the 
Times and Perfons they endeavour to expofe, bv 
appropriating to them fuch Virtues as were 
common to good Men in all Ages. But enough 
of this. 

In the next Place, pray obferve how hypocri- 
tically the Confiderer puts this Queftion, viz. 

TVhether Protejlant Religion was not fettled in this 
Nation by the fame mighty Hand of God that ejla- 

the old Gentleman) you begin to think that the blijhcd J eroboam in the Kingdom of Ifrael? [And 

Bill for difabling the Duke was not fo unjuft and then adds] Whether we (like that wicked King) 

unreafonable as was pretended; and that the fhould fo far defpair of God's Providence inprefcr- 

Courfe of Succeffion (being founded upon the ving the Work of his own Hands, as never to think it 

fame Bottom with other Civil Conflitutions) fafe, unlefs it be ejlablijhed on the Quick-fands of 

might likewife as juftly have been altered by the our own wicked Inventions f [viz. The Bill againft 

King, Lords, and Commons, as any other Law the Duke.J 
or Cuftom whatever. 

And here I might conclude ; but becaufe, a And, throughout his whole Difcourfc, he fre- 

late Penfionary Pen has publickly arraigned the quently calls all Care of preferving our Religion, 

Wifdom, Loyalty, and Juftice of the honour- a Miftruft of God's Providence ; and on that 

able Houfe of Commons, on the Account of Score calls out to the Nation, ye of little Faith P 



Viz.. To grow feditious. 



&c. 



A Word Witkout-Doon, concerning the Bill for SucceJJion. 

&c. Now I will allow him, That the leajl him his Life, but debar him of the Succefllon \ 

Evil is not to be done, that the greatejl and This, I fay, only to (hew the Abfurdity of his 

mo/} important Good may enfje : But that the Argument. 

Bill for Difabling the Duke is highly juflifi- Mv Anfwer is this : No Man am bear Alle- 

able both by the Laws of God, and Confti- gianee to two Perfons at the f2rre Time; nor 

tution of our Government, I think by my for- cai Allegiance be ever due to a Subject, and, 

mer Difcourfe I have left no Room to doubt ; therefore, my Obligation by the Word [Heir] 

and, the Confiderer having fcarce attempted to in the Oath, does not commence till fuch Heir 

prove the Contrary, it is prepofteroufly done of has a prefnt Right J to, or aclual Pojfcffum of 

him, to give us his Ufe of Reproof, before he the Crown ; which, if he never attains, either 

has cleared his Doctrine, by Reafon of Death, or any other Act that in- 

However, I owe him many Thanks for put- capacitates and bars him, then can my Obli- 

ting me in Mind how Protejlant Religion was gation to him by the Word Heir in the Oath 

firft eftablifhed here in England ; it was, indeed, never have a Beginning. 

by the mighty Hand of God influencing the But, befides all this, it cannot be denied but 
Publick Councils of the Nation, fo that all that Mr. Confiderer's Doctrine does bring great 
imaginable Care was taken both by Prince and Inconvcniencies on Succeffion ; for ne next 
People, to refcue themfelves from under the-Ro- Heir (by his Way of arguing) is let loofe from 
mifo Yoke ; and, accordingly, moft excellent all the Restrictions and Penalties of Human 
Laws were made againft the Ufurpation and Laws ; and has no other Ties upon him not to 
Tyranny of that Man of Sin *. Our Noble fnatch the Crown out of the Hands of the Pof- 
Anceftors, in thofe Days, did not palliate a feflor, than purely thofe of his own Confcience; 
Want of Zeal for their Religion, with a lazy which is worthy Mr. Confiderer's higheft Con- 
Pretence, oftrufting in God's Providence; but, fideration. 

together with their Prayers to, and Affiance in I {hall only take Notice of one Objection 

Heaven, they joined the Acts of their own more, and then conclude ( fearing I have too 

Duty, without which (they very well knew) much trefpalTed on your Patience already.) 
they had no Reafon to expert a Bleffing from 

it. It is very hard (fays he) that a Man Jhculd hfe 

But now be pleafed to take Notice of the his Inheritance, becauje he is of this or that Per- 

Candor of this worthy Confiderer ; nothing lefs fuafion in Matters of Religion. 
will ferve his Turn, than the proving all the 

Voters for the Bill guilty of the higheft Per- And, truly Gentlemen, were the Cafe only 
iury : For (fays he) they have all fworn in the fo, I {hould be intirely of his Mind. But, alas ! 
Oath of Allegiance, to bear Faith and true AUe- Popery (whatever Mr. Confiderer is pleafed to 
gianee to His Majefiy, His Heirs and Succeffors : insinuate) is not an harmlefs innocent Perfua- 
But the Duke is Heir, Ergo, £sV. A very hope- fion of a Number of Men differing in Mat- 
ful Argument, indeed ! But what if it fhould ters relating to Chriftian Religion ; but is real- 
happen (as it is neither impoflible, nor very im- \v and truly a different Religion from Chrifiia- 
probable to imagine it) that the next Heir to nity itfelf. Nor is the Inheritance, he there men- 
the Crown {hould commit Treafon, and con- tions, an Inheritance only of Black Acre 2nd 
fpire the Death of the prefent PoffefTor -f, and JVhite Acre, without any Office annexed, which 
for this Treafon fhould not only be attainted requires him to be par Officio: But the Govern- 
by Parliament, but executed too ; pray, Mr. ment and Protection of feveral Nation? 
Confiderer, would the Parliament, in this Cafe, Making of War and Peace for them ; th ?re- 
be guilty of Murder and Perjury ? I am confi- fervation of their Religion ; the Difpofal of 
dent, you will not fay it. If, therefore, the publick Places and Revenues ; the Executm 
next Heir become obnoxious to the Government of all Laws; together with many 01 Things 
in a lower Degree, why may not the fame Au- of the greateft Importance, are, in - Cafe, 
thority proportion the Punifiiment, and leave claimed by the Word Inlieritance , :..ch, if 

* The Pope. f This was laid to the Charge of the Duke of York. % Alluding to the ■ :ibiliry 

that £ing Charles the Second might have a legitimate Child before he died. 

you 



Robin Confcience : Or, Confcionable Robin. 



you confider, and at the fame Time refle& up- 
on the enflaving and bloody Tenets of the 
Church of Rome, more particularly the hellifh 
and damnable Confpiracy thofe of that Com- 
munion are now carrying on againft our Lives, 
our Religion, and our Government ; I am con- 
fident, you will think it as proper for a IVolf 
to be a Shepherd, as it is for a Papijl to be the 
Defender of our Faith, &c. 

The old Gentleman had no fooner ended his 
Difcourfe, but I returned him my hearty 



47 

Thank?, for the Trouble he had been pleafed 
to give himfelf on this Occafion ; and I could 
not but acknowledge, he had given me great 
Satisfaction in that Affair ; what it will give 
thee, Charles, I know not : I am fure, I part- 
ed from him very melancholy, for having been 
a Fool fo long. Adieu. 

I am ihy Affeclionate, 

J. I* 



Robin Confcience : Or, Confcionable Robin : His Progrefs through 
Court, City, and Country ; with his bad Entertainment at each 
feveral Place, &c. Edinburgh, Printed in the Year 1683. 



I Have been quite through England wide, 
With many a faint and weary Stride, 
To fee what People there abide, 
That loves me. 
Poor Robin Confcience is my Name, 
Sore vexed with Reproach and Blame : 
For ajl, wherever yet I came, 
reprove me. 
Few now endure my Prefence here : 
I (hall be banilh'd quite I fear j 
I am defpifed every where, 

and fcorned. 
Yet is my Fortune now and then 
To meet fome good Woman or Man, 
Who have (when they my Woes did fcan) 

fore mourned, 
To think that Confcience is defpifed, 
Which ought to be moft highly prized : 
This Trick the Devil hath devifed, 

to blind Men. 
'Caufe Confcience tells them of their Ways, 
Which are fo wicked now-a-davs, 
They ftop their Ears to what he fays, 

unkind Men. 
I firft of all went to the Court, 
Where Lords and Ladies did refort, 
My Entertainment there was fhort, 

cold Welcome. 
As foon as e'er my Name they heard, 
They ran away full fore afraid, 
And thought fome Goblin had appear'd, 
from Hell come. 



Confcience, quoth one, be gone with Speed, 
The Court few of thy Name doth breed, 
We of thy Prefence have no Need, 

be walking. 
Thou teH'fl us of our Pride and Lufr, 
Which fpight of thee we follow mutt, 
So out of Court was Confcience thrull j 

no Talking. 
Thus banifh'd, from the Court I went ' 
To Wejlminfter incontinent, 
Where I, alas ! was forely fhent 

for Coming. 
The Lawyers did againfl me plead : 
'Twas no great Matter, fome there faid, 
If Confcience quite wer* knock'd in th' Head. 

Then running 
From them I fled with winged Hafte, 
They did fo threaten me to bafte, 
Thought, it was vain my Breath to wafte 

in Counfel. 
For Lawyers cannot me abide, 
Becaufe for Falfhood I them chide, 
And he, that holds not on their Side, 

mull down ftill. 
Unto the City hied I then, 
To try what Welcome there Trades- men 
Would give poor Rcbin Cctfcience, when 

I cannot there. 
The Shop-keepers, that ufe Deceit, 
Did come about me and did threat, 
Unlefs I would be gone, to beat 
me lame there. 



And 



4 8 Robin Confcience : 

And every one, both high and low, 
Held Confcience as a mortal Foe, 
Becaufe he doth ill Vices (how 

each Minute. 
Therefore the City in Uproar 
Againft me rofe, and me (o tore, 
That I'm refolved, I'll never more 

com? in it. 
On Friday I to Smihfield went, 
Where being come incontinent, 
The Horfe-courfers, with one Confent, 

did chide me. 
They faid, that I was not myfelf, 
And faid, I was a pinching Elf, 
And they could get more Store of Pelf 

befide me. 
I told them of a cheating Trick, 
Which make* the Horfes run and kick, 
By putting in an Eel that's quick, 

i'th Belly. 
Another which they ufe full oft, 
To bear their lame Jades Heads aloft, 
And beat their Buttocks till they're foft, 

as Jelly. 
I told them that their Wealth would rot, 
That they by cheating Men thus got, 
But they for this fame Tale would not 

abide me. 
And charg'd me' quickly to be gone : 
Quoth they of Confcience we ufe none. 
Thofe, whom I follow with my Mone, 

out-ride me. 
From thence I ftepp'd into Long-lane, 
Where many Brokers did remain, 
To try how they would entertain 

poor Confcience. 
But my Name when I to them told, 
The Women did begin to fcold, 
The Men faid, they that Word did hold 

but Nonfenfe. 
For Confcience is fo hard a Word, 
That fcarce the Broker can afford 
To read it, for his Mouth is ftor'd 

with Lying. 
He knows not what this Confcience means, 
That is no Caufe unto his Gains j 
Thus I was fcorned for my Pains, 

all crying ; 
Away with Confcience from this Lane, 
For we his Prefence do difdain. 
They faid, if I come there again 

among them, 



Or, Confcionahle Robin. 

They faid, they'd band me Back and Side, 

Being menaced, away I hie'd ; 

Thus Worldlings think that, when I chide, 

I wrong them. 
Among the Butchers then went I, 
As foon as e'er they did me fpy, 
They threaten'd me moft fpightfully, 

to kill me. 
Quoth one, if Confcience here fhould dwell, 
We were not able to live well, 
Nor could we gain, by'th Meat we fell, 

nor will we 
Be bound to follow Confcience nice, 
Which would confine us to a Price : 
Robin be rul'd by my Advice, 

quoth he then, 
And get thee to fome other Place, 
We hate to look thee in the Face. 
I, hearing this, from thence a- pace 

did fly them. 
To New-gate Market went I then, 
Where Country-women, Maids, and Men 
Were felling needful Things; and when 

they faw me ; 
At me the Butter- woman rails, 
Whofe Butter weigh'd not down the Scales ; 
Another comes, and with her Nails 

did claw me. 
The Bakers, which flood in a Row, 
Began to brawl at me alfo, 
And charged me away to go, 

becaufe I 
Told them they did make lefTer Bread; 
Did not the Law put them in Dread; 
There's fome of them would wifh them dead, 

might Laws die. 
Thus chid of them, my Way I took, 
Unto Pye-corner, where a Cook 
Glanc'd at me as the Devil did look, 

o'er Lincoln. 
Confcience, quoth he, thou fhew'ff not Wit, 
In coming to this Place unfit : 
I'll run thee thorow with a Spit ; 

then think on 
Thofe Words to thee which I have faid, 
I cannot well live by my Trade, 
If I mould ftill require thy Aid 

in Selling ; 
Sometimes one Joint I muff roaft thrice, 
'Ere I can fell it at my Price, 
Then here's for thee (who art fo nice) 

no Dwelling. 



Per- 



Robin Confcience : Or, Confcionable Robin. 



49 



Perforce he dravc me backward ftill, 

Until I came unto Snow'hill, 

The Sale-men there with Voices fhrill 

fell on me. 
I was fo irkfome in their Sight 
That they conjured me to Flight, 
Or elfe they fwore (fuch was their Spight) 

they'd {tone me. 
At Turn-again Lane, the Fifh- wives there, 
And Wenches did fo rail and fwear, 
Quoth they, no Confcience {hall come here, 

we hate him : 
Their Bodges, which for Half- pecks go, 
They vowed at my Head to throw : 
No Confcience they were bred to know, 

but Prating. 
Awav thus frighted by thofe Scolds, 
To Fkel-Jireet ftraight my Love it holds, 
Where Men, whofe Tongues were made in 
of Flattery, (Moulds 

Did cry, what lack you Country -men ? 
But feeing me away they ran, 
As though the Enemy had began 

his Battery ; 
One (aid to others, Sir, ill News, 
Here Confcience comes us to abufe, 
Let us his Prefence all refufe 

together, 
And boldly ftand againft him all, 
We ne'er had Ufe of him, nor {hall 
He live with us, what Chance did call 

him hither ? 
The Haberdafhers, that fell Hats, 
Hit Robin Confcience many Pats, 
And, like a Company of Cats, 

they fcratch'd him : 
Quoth they, why com'ft thou unto us 
We love not Confcience, rufaing thus, 
They gave him Words opprobrious, 

and match'd him. 
The Mercers and Silk- men alfo, 
That live in Pater-nofier Row, 
Their Hate againft poor Confcience fhow : 

and, when I 
Came to that Place, they all did fet 
On me, 'Caufe I their Gain would let, 
Who will both fwear and lye to get 

one Penny. 
From thence unto Cheapfide I paft, 
Where Words in vain I long did wafte, 
Out of the Place I foon was chac'd. 
Quoth one Man, 



Confcience, for thy Preemption bafc, 

Intruding to this golden Place, 

Thou Death deferv'ft, therefore a- pace,, 

begone, Man : 
Think'ft thou that we have fo much Gold, 
Before our Eyes ftill to behold, 
Will this by Confcience be controll'dj 

and curbed ! 
Oh, no poor Fellow, hafte away, 
For, if long in this Place ihou ftay, 
Thou (halt be (I'll be bold to fay) 

difturbed. 
From thence I turned down Bread'Jirect, 
A Cheefe-monger I there did meet, 
He hied away with winged Feet 

to fhun me. 
How now, quoth I, why run ye fo ? 
Quoth he, becaufe I well do know, 
That thou art Confcience my old Foe, 

thou'ft done me 
Great Wrong ; while I made Ufe of thee, 
And dealt with all Men honeftly, 
A rich Man I could never be : 
but fince then, 
I banifti'd have thy Company, 
And us'd Deceit with thofe that buy, 
I thrive, and therefore Robin hie 
thee hence then. 
I left him with his bad Intent, 
And into Fifh-Jlreet ftraight I went, 
Among thofe Lads, who wifh that Lent 

were all Year : 
As foon as e'er they me efpy'd, 
They all at once upon me cry'd, 
And fwore that Confcience fhould not guide 

a Stall there. 
I feeing Things thus feeming ftrange, 
That all Men did from Goodnefs range, 
Did hie me ftraight to the Exchange: 

A Merchant 
Was Co affrighted when I came, 
But prefently he blufli'd for Shame, 
His Countenance did (hew the fame 

in fearchant. 
Quoth he, Friend Robin, what doft thou, 
Here among us Merchants now, 
Our Bufinefs will not allow 
to ufe thee : 
For we have Traffick without thee : 
And thrive beft, if thou abfent be, 
I for my Part will utterly 
refufe thee. 



H 



I, be- 



50 Robin Confclence : 

I, being thus abus'd below, 

Did walk up Stairs, where on a Row, 

Brave Shops of Ware did make a Show 

moft fumptuous. 
But, when the Shop folk me did fpy, 
They drew their dark Light inftantly, 
And faid, in Coming there was I 

prefumptuous. 
The gallant Girls, that there fold Knacks, 
Which Ladies and brave Women lacks, 
When they did fee me they did wax 

in Choler. 
Quoth they, we ne'er knew Confclence yet, 
And, if he comes our Gains to let, 
We'll banifh him, he'll here not get 

one Scholar. 
I, being jeered thus and fcorn'd, 
Went down the Stairs, and forely mourn'd, 
To think that 1 fhould thus be turned 

a Begging. 
To Gracechurch-jireet I went along, 
Where dwell a great ungracious Throng, 
That will deceive both Old and Young 

with Cogging: 
As Drapers, Poulterers, and fucb, 
Who think they never get too much : 
The Word Confcience to them is Dutch, 

or Spsnifh. 
And harder too, for Speech they'll learn, 
With all their Heart to ferve their Turn, 
But Confcience, when they him difcern, 

they banifh. 
I feeing all the City given 
To ufe Deceit in Spight of Heaven, 
To leave their Company, I was driven 

perforce then. 
So over London-bridge in Hafte, 
I hifs'd and fcoff'd of all Men paft, 
Then I to Smthvuark took, at laft, 

my Courfe then. 
When I came there, I hop'd to find 
Welcome according to my Mind, 
But they were rather more unkind 

than London: 
All Sorts of Men and Women, there, 
Afk'd how I durft to them appear, 
And fwore my Prefence they would clear 

abandon. 
I being fore a-thirft did go, 
Unto an Ale-houfe in the Row, 
Meaning a Penny to beftow 

on ftrong Beer. 



Or, Confclonable Robin 

But, 'caufe I for a Quart did call, 

My Hoftefs fwore fhe'd bring me Small, 

Or elfe I fhould have none at all, 

thus wrong'd there. 
I bade her on her Licence look ; 
Oh, Sir, quoth fhe, ye are miftook, 
I have my Leflbn without Book, 

moft perfect. 
If I my Licence fhould obferve, 
And not in any Point to fwerve, 
Both I and mine, alas ! fhould ftarve, 

not furfeit : 
Inftead of Quart-pot of Pewter, 
I fill fmall Jugs, and need no Tutor : 
I Quartridge give to the Geometer 

moft duly. 
And he will fee, and yet be blind, 
A Knave made much of will be kind, 
If you be one, Sir, tell your Mind, 

no truly. 
No, no, quoth I, I am no Knave, 
No Fellowfhip with fuch I have : 
My Name is Robin Confcience brave, 

that wander 
From Place to Place, in Hope that fome 
Will as a Servant give me Room : 
But all abufe me where I come 

with Slander. 
Now, when my Hoftefs heard me tell 
My Name, fhe fwore I fhould not dwell 
With her, for I would make her fell 

full Meafure. 
She did conjure me to depart .' 
Hang Confcience, quoth fhe, give me Art r 
I have not got, by a Penny a Quarr, 

my Treafure. 
• So out of Doors I went with Speed : 
And glad fhe was to be thus freed 
Of Confcience, that fhe might fpeed 

in Frothing. 
To the King's Bench I needs would go, 
The Jailor did me backward throw : 
Quoth he, for Confcience here ye know 

is nothing. 
Through Blackman-Jireet I went, where Whores 
Stood gazing, there is many Doors, 
There two or three Bawds againft me roars 

moft loudly : 
And bade me get hence a-pace, 
Or elfe they'd claw me by the Face : 
They fwore they fcorn'd me and all Grace, 

moft proudly. 



I walk'd 



Robin Confeience : 

I walk'd into St George's Field, 

Where rooking Rafcals I beheld, 

That all the Year their Hopes did build 

on Cheating: 
They were clofe playing at nine Pins, 
I came and told them of their Sins: 
Then one among the reft begins 

intreating, 
That I would not torment them To : 
I told them that I would not go : 
Why then, quoth he, I'll let thee know, 

we care not : 
And yet we'll banifti thee perforce : 
Then he began to fwear and curfe, 
And faid, prate on till thou art hoarfe, 

and fpare not. 
I left them in their Wickednefs, 
And went along in great Diftrefs, 
Bewailing of my bad Succefs, 

and Speed. 
A Wind- mill {landing there hard by, 
Towards the fame then patted I, 
But when the Miller did me fpy, 

he cryed, 
Away with Confeience I'll none fuch, 
That fmell with Honefty fo much, 
I fhall net quickly fill my Hutch 

by due Toll ; 
I muft, for every Buftiel of Meal, 
A Peck if not three Gallons fteal, 
Therefore with thee I will not deal, 

thou true Soul. 
Then leaving Cities, Skirts and all, 
Where my Welcome it was but fmall, 
I went to try what would befal 

i' th' Country. 
There thought I to be entertain'd : 
But I was likewife there difdain'd 
A long Time bootlefs I complain'd 

to th' Gentry. 
And yet no Service could I have, 
Yet, if I would have play'd the Knave, 
I might have had Maintenance brave 

among them. 
Becaufe tliat I was Confeience poor, 
Alas ! they thruft me out of Door, 
For Confeience, many of them fwore, 

did wrong them. 
Then went I to the Yeomenry, 
And Farmers all of the Country, 
Defiring them moft heartily 

to take me ; 



Or, Gonfcionable Robin. 

I told them I would fell their Corn 
Unto the Poor ; but then did turn 
Me out of Doors, and with great Scorn 

forfake me ; 
One faid, he had no Ufe of me, 
To fell his Corn, for, I quoth he, 
Muft not be only rul'd by thee, 

in Selling. 
If I fhall Confeience entertain, 
He'd make me live in grofling Gain, 
Here is for thee, I tell thee plain, 

no Dwelling. 
Thus, from the rich Men of the World, 
Poor Confeience up and down is hurl'd, 
Like angry Curs at me they fnarl'd, 

and check'd me. 
Alas ! what fhall I do thought I, 
Poor Robin, muft I ftarve and die ? 
I, that I muft, if no body 

refpe£t me. 
At laft I to myfelf bethought, 
Where I muft go ; and Heaven brought 
Me to a Place where poor Folks wrought 

moft forely, 
And there they entertain'd me well 
With whom I ever mean to dwell, 
With them to ftay, it thus befel 

though poorly. 
i hus People, that do labour hard, 
Have Robin Confeience in Regard ; 
For which they fhall have their Reward 

in Heaven. 
For all their Sorrows here on Earth, 
They fhall be filled with true Mirth, 
Crowns fhall to them at fecond Birth 

be given. 
And all thofe Caitiffs that deny'd, 
To entertain him for their Guide, 
When they by Confcie?ice fhall be try'd 

and judged. 
Then will they wifh that they had us'd 
Poor Confeience whom they have refus'd, 
Whofe Company they have abus'd, 

and grudged. 
Thus Robin Confeience that hath had, 
Amongft moft Men, but Welcome bad, 
He now hath found, to make him glad, 

Abiding. 
'Mong honeft Folks that hath no Lands, 
But got their Living with their Hands, 
Thefe are the Friends that to him ftands, 

and's Guiding. 



5* 



H 2 



Theft 



S 2 



An ADDRESS, tec. 



Thefe ftill keep Confcience from grim Death, 
And ne'er gainfav whate'er he faith : 
Thcfe lead their Lives fo here beneath, 

that dying, 
They may afcend from Poverty, 
To Glory and great Dignity, 
Where they fhall live and never die : 

While frying 
In Hell the Wicked lie, who would 
Not ufe true Confcience as they mould : 
This is but for a Moral told 

you in it. 



He that obferves may fomewhat fpr r 
That favours of Divinity, 
For Confcionable Folks do I 

begin it. 
And fo I'll bring all to an End, 
It can no honeft Man offend, 
For thofe, that Confcience do defend, 

it praifes. 
And if that any gall'd Jade kick, 
The Author hath devis'd a Trick, 
To turn him loofe i'th Fields to pick 

up Daifies. 



An A D D R E S S agreed upon at the Committee for the 
French War, and read in the Houfe of Commons, Jlpril the 
19th, 1689. 




E Your Majefty's moil: Loyal Sub- 
jects, the Commons of England in 
Parliament Affembled, have taken 
into our moft ferious Confiderati- 
on the Condition and State of this Nation, in 
refpe<5r. of France, and Foreign Alliances ; in 
Order to which, we have examined the Mif- 
chiefs brought upon Chriftendom in late Years 
by the French King, who, without any Refpeft 
to Juftice, has, by Fraud and Force, endeavour- 
ed to fubjeel: it to an Arbitrary and Univerfal 
Monarchy. 

In Profecution of this Defign, fo pernicious 
to the Repofe and Safety of Europe, he has neg- 
lected none of thofe Means, how indirect fo- 
ever, which his Ambition or Avarice could fug- 
ged, to him. The Faith of Treaties among all 
Princes, efpecially Chriftian Princes, ever held 
moft inviolable, has never been able to reftrain 
him, nor the folemnejl Oaths to bind him, when 
any Occafion prefented itfelf for Extending the 
Limits of his Kingdom, or Oppreffmg thofe, 
whom his Intereft inclined him to qualify by 
the Name of his Enemies. Witnefs his haughty 
and groundlefs Declaration of IVar againft the 
States General of the United Provinces, in the 
Year 1672, in which he affigned no other Reafon 
for difiurbing that profound Peace, which, thro' 
God's Mercy, all Europe enjoyed at that Time ; 
but his own Glory, and his Reflation to punifh 



the Dutch, for fome imaginary Slights and Difre- 
fpects, which he would have had the World 
believe, they had put upon him : Whereas the 
true Occafion of that War was nothing elfe but 
a formed Defign, laid down and agreed upon 
by that King and his Accomplices, for the Sub- 
verfion of the Liberties of Europe, and for Abo- 
lifhing the Commonwealth of Holland, as being 
too dangerous an Example of Liberty to the 
Subjects of neighbouring Monarchs. The Zeal 
for Catholick Religion, which was pretended by 
him in this and the following Wars, did after- 
terwards fufficiently appear to the World, to be 
no other than a Cloak for his unmeafurable Ambi- 
tion ; for, at the fame Time when the Perfecution 
grew hotteft againft the Proteftants of France-, 
Letters were intercepted (and publifhed) from 
him to Count Teckely, to give him the greateft 
Encouragement, and promife him the utmoft 
AfFiftance in the War, which, in Conjunction 
with the Turk, he then managed againft * the 
firft and greateft of all the Reman Catholick 
Princes. 

Witnefs alfo the many open Infractions of the 
Treaties, both of Aix la Chapelle and N:?nengucn 
(whereof Your Majefty f is the ftrongeft Guar- 
ranty) upon the moft frivolous Pretences imagi- 
nable, of which the moft ufual was that of De- 
pendencies ; an Invention let on Foot on Purpofe 
to ferve for a Pretext of Rupture with all his 



* The King of Hungary, &c. 
the Second, Page 1 $. 



-f- As King of England. Sec the Emperor's Letter to King Jama 



Neigh> 



Neighbours, unlefs they chofe rather to fatisfy 
his enuLfs Demands, by abandoning one Flace 
after another, to his infatiable Appetite of Em- 
pire, and for maintaining whereof, the two 
Chambers of Metz and Brijfach were eredted 
to find out and forge Titles, and to invent Equi- 
•z^rf/Conftructions for eluding the plain Meaning 
of Treaties concluded and fworn with the great- 
eft Solemnity, and than which nothing can be 
more facred among Mankind. 

From hence it was alfo, that Strajlurg was fo 
infamoufly furprifed by the French King in a Time 
of full Peace, and though great Conditions were 
agreed and promifed to the Inhabitants of that 
City ; yet no fooner was he in Pofleffion of it, 
but all Stipulations were forgotten, and that an- 
cient free City doth now groan under the fame 
Yoke with the reft of that * King's Subjects. 

The building the Fort of Hunninghen, con- 
trary to fo many folemn AfTurances given to the 
Swifs, and the Affair of Luxemburg!}, are too 
well known, to need a particular Deduction. 
In a Word, the whole Series of the French King's 
Actions, for many Years lajl pajl, has been 
fo ordered, as if it were his Intention, not only 
to render his own People extremely miferable, 
by intolerable Impofition of Taxes, to be em- 
ployed in maintaining an incredible Number of 
Dragoons, and other Soldiers, to be the Inftru- 
ments of his Cruelty upon fuch of them as re- 
fufe in all Things to comply with his unjuft 
Commands, but likewife to hold all the neigh- 
bouring Powers in perpetual Alarm and Ex- 
pence, for the maintaining Armies and Fleets, 
that they may be in a Pofture to defend them- 
felves againft the Invador of their common Safe- 
ty and Liberties. 

Examples of this Sort might be innumerable ; 
but his Invafion of Flanders and Holland, fince 
the laft Truce of 1684, and the Outrages com- 
mitted upon the Empire, by attacking the Fort 
of Philip/burg, without any Declaration of War, 
at the fame Time that his Imperial Majefty 
was employing all his Forces againft f the 
Common Enemy of the Chriftian Faith, and 
his wafting the Palatinate with Fire and Sword, 
and murdering an infinite Number of innocent 
Perfons, for no other Reafons, as himfelf has 
publickly declared, but becaufe he thought the 
Elector Palatine faithful to the Intereft of the 
Empire, and an Obftacle to the compafling his 



An ADD RES S, 6cc. 53 

ambitious Defigns, are fufficient Inftances of 



this. 

To thefe we cannot, but with a particular 
Refentment, add the Injuries done to your Ma- 
jefty, in the moft unjuft and violent Seizing of 
your Principality of Orange, and the utmoft In- 
folencies committed on the Perfons of your Ma- 
jefty 's Subjects there; and how, to facilitate his 
Conquefts upon his Neighbour Princes, he en- 
gaged the Turks in a War againft Chriftendom 
at the fame Time. > 

And, as if violating of Treaties, and ravaging 
the Countries of his Neighbours States, were not. 
fufficient Means of advancing his exorbitant 
Power and Greatnefs, he has conftantly had Re- 
courfe to the vileft and meaneft Arts, for the 
Ruin of thofe whom he had taken upon him to ' 
fubdue to his Will and Power, infinuating him- 
felf, by his Emiflaries, under the facred Name 
and Character of Publick Minijlers, into thofir 
who were intrufted in the Government of Kino-- 
doms and States, fuborning them by Gifts and 
Penfions, to the felling their Mafters, and be- 
traying their Trufts, and defcending even to In- 
trigues by Women, who were fent or married 
into the Countries of diverfe potent Princes, to 
lie as Snakes in their Bofoms, to eat out their 
Bowels^ or to inftil that Poifon into them, 
which might prove the Deftruction of them and 
their Countries, of which Poland, Savoy, and 
Spain, to mention no more at prefent, can give 
but too ample Teftimonies. 

The infolent Ufe he has made of his ill-got- 
ten Greatnefs has been as extravagant as the 
Means of procuring it, for this the fingle In* 
ftance of Genoa may fuffice ; which without the 
Ieaft Notice or any Ground of a Quarrel what- 
foever was bombarded by the French Fleet, and 
the Doge, and four principal Senators of that 
Free-ftate, conftrained in Perfon" to humble 
themfelves at that Monarch's Feet ; which in 
the Style of France was called Chajlifing Sove- 
reigns for cajling Umbrage upon his Greatnefs. 

His Practices againft England have been of 
the fame Nature, and by corrupt Means he has 
conftantlv, and with too much Succefsj endea 1 - 
voured to get fuch Power ill the Court of Eng- 
land, in the Time of King Charles the Second, 
and the late King fames, as might by Degrees 
undermine the Government, and true Intereft 
of this flourifhing Kingdom J. 



French. 



The Turk, 



X See the Emperor's Letter in Page 1 8. 



Another 



54 

Another Art which he has ufed to weaken 
England, and fubject it to his afpiring Defigns, 
was never to admit an equal Balance of Trade, 
nor confent to any jujl Treaty or Settlement of 
Commerce, by which he promoted our Ruin at 
our own Charge. 

When, from a juft Apprehenfion of this for- 
midable growing Power of France, the Nation 
became zealous to right themfelves ; and the 
Houfe of Commons, in the Year 1677, be- 
ing allured they fhould have an actual War a- 
gainft France, cheerfully raifed a great Sum of 
Money, and an Army as readily appeared to car- 
ry on the War ; that Intereft of France had frill 
Power enough to render all this ineffectual, and 
to fruftrate the Nation of all their Hopes and 
Expectations. 

Nor did France only render this defired War 
ineffectual, but had Power enough to make us 
practife their Injuftice and Irregularities (fome 
Years before) by turning our Force againft our 
next Neighbours *, by aflaulting their Smyrna 
Fleet. 

Nor were they more induflrious, by corrupt 
Means, to obtain this Power, than careful, by 
the fame Ways to fupport it ; and knowing 
that from Parliaments only could probably pro- 
ceed an Obftruction to their fecret Practices, 
they attempted to make a Bargain f, That they 
fhould not meet in fuch a Time ; in which they 
might hope to perfect their Defigns, of en- 
flaving the Nation. 

In the fame Confidence of this Power they 
violently feized upon Part of Hudfon's Bay ; 
and, when the Matter was complained of by 
the Company, and the Injury offered to be 
proved, the beft Expedient France could find, 
to cover their Injuftice, and prevent Satisfacti- 
pn, was to make Ufe of their great Intereft in 
the Court of England to keep it from ever 
coming to be heard. 

The French King, in Purfuance of his ufual 
Methods, of laying hold of any Opportunity 
that might increafe his Power, and give Dis- 
turbance to others, has now % carried on an ac- 



An AD DRESS, &c. 



tual War in Ireland, fending thither a great 
Number of Officers with Money, Arms and 
Ammunition, and, under the Pretence of aflift- 
ing the late King James, he has tak^n the Go- 
vernment of ArTairs into his Hands, by putting 
all Officers into Commands, and managing the 
whole Bufinefs by his Minifters, and has already 
begun to uf_- the fame Cruelties and Violences 
upon your Majefty's Subjects, as he has lately 
practifed in his own Dominions, and in all other 
Places, where he has got Power enough to de- 
ftroy. 

Lajlly, The French King's Declaration of 
War againft the Crown of Spain, is wholly 
grounded upon its Friendihip to your Majefty's 
Royal Perfon, and no other Caufe of denoun- 
cing War againft it is therein alledged, than the 
Refolution taken in that Court, to favour your 
Majefty, whom he moft injurioufly terms, the 
Ufurper of England, an lnfolence never-enough 
to be refented and detefted by your Majefty's 
Subjects. 

After our humble Reprefentation of all thefe 
Particulars to your Majefty, if your Majefty 
fhall think fit to enter into a War againft France, 
We humbly aflure your Majefty, That we will 
give you fuch Affiftance in a Parliamentary 
Way, as fhall enable your Majefty to fupport 
and go through the fame ; and we fhall not 
doubt, but by the Bleffing of God, upon your 
Majefty's prudent Conduct, a Stop may be put 
to that growing Greatnefs of the French King, 
which threatens all Chrijlendom with no lefs 
than abfolute Slavery ; the incredible Quantity of 
innocent Blood fhed may be revenged ; his op- 
prefled Neighbours reftored to their juft Rights 
and Pofleflions ; your Majefty's Alliances, and 
the Treaty of Nimenguen || fupported to that 
Degree, that all Europe in General, and this 
Nation in Particular may for ever have Occa- 
fion to celebrate your Majefty as the great 
Maintainer of Juftice and Liberty, and the Op- 
pofer and Overthrower of all Violence, Cruel- 
ty, and Arbitrary Power. 



* The Dutch. f With the King and Miniftry. % In the Year 1689. f By which proper 

Caution was taken to curb the haughty Defigns of France, to maintain the Balance of Europe, and to fe- 
cyre the Profperity of the Proteitant States. 



MACHIAVEL't 



(55) 



MAC HI AV ' EL\ Vindication of Himfelf and his Writings, 
againft the Imputation of Impiety, Atheifm, and other high 
Crimes ; extracted from his Letter to his Friend Ze?iobiu s. 



In this Apologctical Letter, Machiavel endeavours to clear himfelf of three Accufations : 
i. Of his favouring Democracy. 2. Of his vilifying the Church, as Author of all the 
Mifgovernment in the World -, and, by fuch Contempts, making Way for Prof anenefs and 
Atheifm. 3. Of teaching Monarchs, in his Booh cf the Prince, all the execrable Villa- 
nies that can be invented, and injlrucling them how to break Faith, and fo to opprefs and 
enjlave their Subjects -, which Particulars, are generally laid to his Charge. 

I. To the Firft, he anfwers, That being born and brought up in a Commonwealth, viz. 
Florence, and having had his Share in the managing Affairs, fometimes in the Quality 
of Secretary of that City, and fometimes employed in Embaffages Abroad ; to quit himfelf 
of his Duty, he began to read the Hiflories of ancient and modern Times, and thereupon - 
made fome Obfervations en Livy, wherein he carefully avoided all Dogmaticalnefs, and 
never concluded, from the Excellency of the Roman Counfels and Achievements, that 
they naturally proceeded from their Government, and were a plain Effecl and Confequence 
of the Perfetlion of their Commonwealth : But, fays he, if Readers will thus judge, 
how can I in Reafon be accufed for that ? 

Then he gives you a Defer ipt ion of Rebel 1 ion, which he extends, not only to a Rifing in Arms 

■ againft any Government we live under, but to all clandeftine Con/piracies too, and be- 
lieves it to be the greateft Crime that can be committed amongji Men ; and yet a Sin,, 
which will be committed, while the World lafts, as often as Princes tyrannife over 
their Subjects ; for, let the Horror and Guilt be never fo great, it is impoffible 
that Human Nature, which confifts of Paffion, as well as Virtue, can fupport, 
with Patience and Submiflion, the greateft Cruelty and Injuftice, whenever either 
the Weaknefs of their Princes, the Unanimity of the People, or any other favour- 
able Accident mail give them reafonable Hopes to mend their Condition, and pro- 
vide better for their own Intereft by Infurredlion. 

But as to thofe who take up Arms to maintain the Politick Conftitution or Govern- 
ment of their Country, in the Condition it then is, and to defend it from being 
changed or invaded by the Craft or Force of any Man, though it were the Prince, 
or chief Magistrate himfelf; if fuch Taking up of Arms be commanded or autho- 
rifed by thofe who are, by the Orders of that Government, legally intruded with 
the Cuftody of the Liberty of the People, and Foundation of the Government : 
Our Author is fo far from accounting it a Rebellion, that he believes it laudable, 
and the. Duty of every Member of fuch Commonwealth. If this be not grant- 
ed, it will be in vain to frame any mixt Monarchies in the World. 



IT. At 



56 MachiaveV; Vindication of Hi mf elf and his Writings, &c. 

II. As to the Accufation of Impiety, Machiavel denies, that his laying the Blame upon the 
Church of Rome, net only for all the Mifgovernment of Chrijtendom, but even for the 
Depravation, and ahnoft total DflruBion of theChriflian Religion in Italy ; he denies, I 
fay, that fitch a Blame fiould make Way for Alheifm. In order to a further Clearing of 

himfelf, he makes a mofl pure Profejfton. of Faith, and then goes on to prove, that the 
Popes have corrupted the Chrijliamfm : Nay, adds he, we have fomething more to 
fay againft thofe facrilegious Pretenders to God's Power ; for whereas all other falfe 
Worfhips have been fet up by Tome politick Legiflators, for the Support and Pre- 
fervation of Government •, this falfe, this fpurious Religion, brought in upon the 
Ruins of Chriftianity, by the Popes, has deformed the Face of the Government in 
Europe, deftroying all the good Principles and Morality left us by the Heathens 
themfelves ; and introduced, inftead thereof, fordid, cowardly, and impolitick 
Notions, whereby they have fubjected Mankind, and even great Princes and States 
to their Empire ; and never fuffered any Orders or Maxims to take Place (where 
they had Power) that might make a Nation wife, honeft, great, and wealthy. 
This I have fet down fo plainly, in thofe PalTages of my Book, which are com- 
plained of, &c. And, indeed, I remember to have read many Things to that Purpofe, 
in his Obfervations on Livy. True, it is, that he does not there exprefs his Mindfo 
fully, but what may be written in a Letter to particular Friends, may not be allowed in 
a Book, efpecially under the Tyranny of the Inquifition, to which he was fubjecl. 
Afterwards he purfues to enumerate the Prevarications of the Church of Rome, and Jhews, 
That the Popes are fo far from being the Succeffors of St. Peter, and the Vicars of Chrifl, 
that they are rather the Antichrift, and Man of Sin. He briefly confutes the Wor- 
fhip of Ijpages, the Invocation of Saints, the Perfecution of Hereticks, the Indulgences 
and Purgatory, the Immunities of the Clergy and Monks, &c. There he fays fomething, 
by the Way, worthy our Obfervation, namely, That the very fame Year in which Lu- 
ther began to thunder againft the Pope's Indulgences, our Author prophefies, that 
the Scourge of the Church was not far off, IVfjal Kind of Prophecies thofe of Ma- 
chiavel might be, I leave Politicians to judge. However, this undeniably proves, that 
this Letter is genuine. I might add, that thofe, who are excellently learned in that Science, 
have fomething Divine in them -, and, becaufe of the great Chain of Confequences they fore- 
fee, may for etel fever al Things fome Ages before the Event. The Prophecy of our Author, 
concerning the Reformation, and the Reviving of Popery, may be an Inflance of it. 

III. Concerning the lafl Accufation, That he teaches Princes how to enflave and opprefs 
their Subjecls : He anfwers, That his Treatife is both a Satyre againft Tyrants, and a 
true Character of them ; and that he only defigned to draw fuch Monfters to the Life, 
that People might the better know and avoid them. Jufl as a Phyfician defcribes a foul 
Diftafe, to the end Men may be deterred, and Jhun the Infettion of it, or may difcern and 
cure it, if it comes upon them. And as to what he affirmed in another Book, That in. 
what Way foever Men defended their Country, whether by breaking or keeping their 
Faith, It was ever well defended ; he fays, he meaned it not in a flricl moral Senfe, 
or Point of Honour ; but would only fignify, that the Infamy of the Breach of Word 
would quickly be forgotten and pardoned by the World \ which is fo true, that even goca 
Sficcefs, a far lefs Confederation than Piety to our Country, commonly cancels the Blame 

of 



MachiavelV Vindication of Himfe/f and his Writings, 6cc. 57 

wffucb a Perfidy. As we fee Czefar (though not a Whit better than Catalinc) not only 
not detejied by Pojlerity, but even crowned with Renown and immortal Fame. 



TH E Difcourfe we had lately (dear 
Zenobio) and the prefling Importuni- 
ty of Guilio Salviati, that I would 
ufe fome Means to wipe off the 
many Afperfions caft upon my Wri- 
tings, gives you the prefent Trouble of reading 
this Letter, and me the Pleafure of writing it. — 
I have yielded, you fee, to the Intreaty of 
Guilio, and the reft of that Company, for that 
I eiteem it a Duty to clear that excellent Socie- 
ty, from the Scandal of having fo dangerous and 
pernicious a Perfon to be a Member of their 
Converfation : For by Reafon of my Age, and 
fince the Lofs of my Liberty, and my Sufferings 
under that Monfter of Luft and Cruelty, Alex- 
ander de Medici, fet over us T>y the Divine Ven- 
geance for our Sins, I can be capable of no o- 
ther Defign or Enjoyment, than to delight and 
be delighted in the Company of fo many choice 
and virtuous Perfons, who now affemble them- 
felves with all Security, under the happy and 
hopeful Reign of our new Prince Cofimo ; and, 
we may fay, that, though our Commonwealth 
be not reftored, our Slavery is at an End, and, 
that he, coming in by our own Choice, may prove, 
if I have as good Skill in Prophefying, as I have 
had formerly, Anceflor to many renowned 
Princes, who will govern this State in great 
Quietnefs, and with great Clemency ; fo that 
our Pofterity is like to enjoy Eafe and Security, 
though not that Greatnefs, Wealth and Glory, 
by which our City hath for fome Years part, 
even in the moft factious and tumultuous Times 
of our Democracy, given Law to Italy, and 
bridled the Ambition of Foreign Princes. But, 
that I may avoid the Loquacity incident to old 
Men, I will come to the Bufinefs ; if I remem- 
ber well, the Exceptions, that are taken to thefe 
poor Things I have publiihed, are reducible to 
three. 

Firft, Tlyat in all my Writings I injinuate my 
great Affeclion to the Democratical Government, 
even fo much as to undervalue that of Monarchy 
in refpett of it ; which laji I do not obfcurely in ma- 
ny Paffages teach, and, as it were, perjuade the Peo- 
ple to throw off. 

Next, That in fome Places I vent very great Im- 
pieties, /lighting and vilifying the Church as Au- 
thor of all the Mifgovernment in the World, and 
by fuch Contempt make Way for Atheifm and Pro- 
fanenefs. 



And laftly, That, in my Book of the Prince, / 
teach Monarchs all the execrable Villan'ies that can 
be invented, and infirucl them hew to break Faith, 
and to opprefs and to enjlave their Subjects. 

I fhall anfwer fomething to every one of thefe ; 
and, that I may obferve a right Method, will be- 
gin with the firft. ■■ 

I (hall fpeak to that which is indeed fit to be 
wiped off, and which, if it were true, would 
not only juftly expofe me to the Hatred and 
Vengeance of God, and all good Men, but e- 
ven deftroy the Defign and Purpofe of all my 
Writings; which is to treat in fome Sort, as 
well as one of my fmall Parts can hope to do, 
of the Politicks : And how can any Man pre- 
tend to write concerning Policy, who deftroys 
the moft effential Part of it, which is Obedience 
to all Governments ? It will be very eafy then 
for Guilio Salviati, or any other Member of our 
Society, to believe the Proteftation I make, That 
the Animating of private Men, either directly or 
indirectly to difobey, much lefs to/bake off any Go- 
vernment, how defpotical foever, was never in my 
Thoughts or Writings ; thofe, who are unwilling 
to give Credit to this, may take the Pains to 
aflign, in any of my Books, the Paffages they 
imagine to tend that Way (for I can think of 
none myfelf ) that fo I may give fuch Perfon 
more particular Satisfaction. 

I muft confefs I have a Difcourfe in one of 
my Books to encourage the Italian Nation, to 
affume their ancient Valour, and to expel the 
Barbarians, meaning, as the ancient Romans ufe 
the Word, all Strangers from among us ; but 
that was before the Kings of Spain had quiet 
Poffeffion of the Kingdom of Naples, or the 
Emperor of the Dutchy of Milan ; fo that I 
could not be interpreted to mean that the Peo- 
ple of thofe two Dominions fhoulJ be ftirred up 
to fhake off their Princes, becaufe they were 
Foreigners ; fince at that Time Lodovic Sforza 
was in Poffeflion of the one, and King Frederick 
reftored to the other, both Natives of Italy. But 
my Defign was to exhort our Country- men not 
to fuffer this Province to be the Scene of the 
Arms and Ambition of Charles VIII. or King 
Lewis his Succeffor, who, when they had a Mind 
to renew the old Title of the Houfe of Anjcu to 
the Kingdom of Naples, came with fuch Force 
into Italy, that not only our Goods were plun- 
dered, and our Lands wafted; but even the Li- 
I berty 



58 



Machiavel'j Vindication of Himfelf and his Writings, &c. 



berty of our Cities and Government endanger- 
ed ; but to unite and oppofe them, and to keep 
this Province in the Hands of Princes of our own 
Nation ; this my Intention is (o vifible in the 
Chapter itfelf, that I need but refer you to it. 
Yet, that I may not anftver this Imputation 
barely by denying, I fall affcrt in this Place wloat 
my Principles are in that which the World calls 
Rebellion ; which I believe to be, not only a 
Rifing in Arms againft any Government we live 
under, but to acknowledge that Word to ex- 



exploded in this Age, That the Interejl of Kings 
and of their People is the fame : Which Truth,, 
it hath been the whole Defign of my Writings, 
to convince them of. 

Now, having gone thus far in the Defcription 
of Rebellion, I think myfelf obliged to tell you, what 
1 conceive not to be Rebellion. Whofoever then 
takes Arms to maintain the Politick Conflitution or 
Government of his Country in the Condition it then 
is, I mean, to defend it from being changed or 
invaded by the Craft or Force of any Man (at- 



tend to all clandefline Conf piracies too, by which though it be the Prince, or chief Magi/Irate him- 

the Peace and Quiet of any Country may be ftlf ) provided, that fuch Taking up of Arms, 

interrupted, and, by Confequence, the Lives be commanded or authorifed by thofe, who are r 

and Eftates of innocent Perfons endangered ; by the Order of that Government, legally en- 

P*ebellion, then, fo defcribed, I hold to be the great- trufted with the Cuftody of the Liberty of the 



eft Crime that can be committed among Men, both 
againft Policy, Morality, and in foro Confiden- 
tly ; but, notwithstanding all this, it is an Of 
fence, which will be committed whiljl the World 
lafts, as often as Princes tyrannife, and, by enfla- 
ving and oppreffing their Subjects, make Ma- 
giftracy, which was intended for the Benefit of 
Mankind, prove a Plague and Deftruclion to it ; 
for, let the Terror and the Guilt be never fo 
great, it is impoffible that human Nature, which 
confifts of Paflion, as well as Virtue, can fup- 
port, with Patience and Submiflion, the great- 
eft Cruelty and Injuftice, whenever either the 
Weaknefs of their Princes, the Unanimity of 
the People, or any other favourable Accident, 



People, and Foundation of the Government ; 
this I hold to be fo far from Rebellion, that I 
believe it laudable ; ray, the Duty of every 
Member of fuch Commonwealth ; for that he 
who fights to fiupport and defend the Government he 
was born and lives under, cannot deferve the odious 
Name of Rebel, but he who endeavours to deflrcy 
it ; if this be not granted, it will be in vain to 
frame any mixt Government in the World : 
Yet fuch is, at this Day, the happy Form, un- 
der which almoft all. Europe lives, as the Peo- 
ple of France, Spain, Germany, Poland, Swede- 
land, Denmark, Sec. wherein the Prince hath 
his Share, and the People theirs : Which laft, if 
they had no Means of recovering their Right, 
{hall give them reafonable Hopes to mend their if taken away from them, or defending them, if 
Condition, and provide better for their own In- invaded, would be in the fame Eftate, as if they 



tereft by Infurreclion. So that Princes and 
States, ought, in the Conduct of their Affairs, 
not only to confider what their People are bound 
to fubmit to, if they were infpired from Hea- 
ven, or were all moral Philosophers : But to 
weigh likewife what is probable, de fatlo, to fall 
out in this corrupt Age of the World, and to 
reflecl upon thofe dangerous Tumults which 
have happened frequently, not only upon Op- 
preffion, but even by reafon of Malverfation, 
and how fbme Monarchies have been wholly 



had no Title to them, but lived under the Em- 
pire of Turky or Mufccvy ; and fince they have 
no other Remedy but by Arms, and that it 
would be of ill Confequence to make every private 
Man judge when the Rights of the People are 
invaded (to which they have as lawful a Claim 
as a Prince to his) which would be apt to pro- 
duce frequent, and fometimes caufelefs Tumults ; 
therefore, it hath been the great Wifdom of the 
Founders of fuch Monarchies, to appoint Guar- 
dians to their Liberty, which, if it be not other- 



fubverted, and changed into Democracies, by the wife exprefled, is, and ought to be underftood, to 

Tyranny of their Princes ; as we fee, to fay no- refide in the Eftates of the Country ; which for 

thing of Rome, the powerful Cantons of Swit- that Reafon (as alfo to exercife their Shares in 

xerland, brought, by that Means, a little before the Sovereignty, as making Laws, levying Mo- 

the laft Age, to a confiderable Commonwealth, ney) are to be frequently affembled in all the 

courted and fought toby all the Potentates in Regions of Europe, before- mentioned : Thefe are 

Chriftendom. If Princes will ferioufly confider to aflert and maintain the Orders of the Go- 

this Matter, I make no Queftion, but they will vernment and the Laws eftablifhed, and (if it 

rule with Clemency and Moderation, and return cannot be done otherwife) to arm the People to 

to that excellent Maxim of the Ancients, almoft defend and repel the Force that is upon them : 

Nay, 



Machiavel'j Vindication of Uimfe/f and his Writings 6cc. 59 

Nay, the Government of Arragon goes farther, far in Con/piracy againjl all Mankind, that they 
and, becaufe, in the Intervals of the Eftates or afjert, that in the Text, this foall be the Manner 
Courts, many Accidents may intervene to the of your Khgs, God teas giving that People the 
Prejudice of their Rights, or Jurcs, as they call Jus Divinum of 'Government, when in Truth he 
them, they having, during the Intermifiion, ap- was threatening them with the Plagues of Ty- 
pointed a Magiftrate called El Jujlicia, who is, rants : But, I fpare the Divines here, fince I 
by the Law and Constitution of that Kingdom, fhall have Occafion, in difcourfing of my next 
to afTemble the whole People to his Banner, Accufation, to (hew how that Sort of People 
when ever fuch Rights are incroached upon ; have dealt with God's Truth, and with the In- 
who are not only juftif.ed by the Laws, for fuch terefi of Men ; and to be as good as my Word, 
Coming together, but are feverely punifhable in I fhall prefently fall upon that Point, having 
Cafe of Refufal ; fo that there is no Queftion, been tedious already in the former, 
but that if the Kings of Arragon, at this Day, / am charged then, in the fecond Place, with 
very powerful by the Addition of the Kingdom Impiety, in vilifying the Church +, and fo to make 
of Naples, and of Sicily, and the Union with Way for Atheifm. I do not deny, but I have 
C<3/?/Y(?,fkould in Time to come invade their King- very frequently in my Writings laid the Blame 
dom of Arragon, with the Forces of their new upon the Church of Rome, not only for all the 
Dominions, and endeavour to take from them Mifgovernment of Chriftendom, but even for 
the Rights and Privileges, they enjoy lawfully, the Depravation, and almoft total Deftruc~T.ion 
by their Conftitution, there is no Queftion, I of Chriftian Religion itfelf, in this Province % ; 
fay, but they may (tho their King be there in Per- but that this Difcourfe of mine doth or can tend 
fan againfl them) afTemble under "Jujlicia, and de- to teach Men Impiety, or to make Way for A- 
fend their Liberties with as much Juftice, as if theifm, I peremptorily deny : And, although, for 
they were invaded by the French, or by the Proof of my Innocence herein, I need but re- 
Turk : For it were abfurd to think, fince the Pes- fer you and all others to my Papers themfelves, 
pie may be legally affembled to apprehend Robbers j as they are now publifhed, where you will find 
nay, to deliver Pojfejficn forcibly detained againjl all my Reafons drawn from Experience and fre- 
the Sentence of fome inferior Court, that they may, quent Example cited, which is ever my Way of 
and ought not to beflir themfelves, to keep in being, arguing j yet, fince I am put upon it, I fhall, in 
and preferve that Government which maintains them a few Lines, make that Matter poffibly a little 
in Poffejfwn of their Liberties and Properties, and clearer, and (hall firft make Proteftation, That, 
defends their Lives too, from being arbitrarily taken as I do undoubtedly hope by the Merits of Chrift and 
away. But I know, this clear Truth receives by Faith in him to attain eternal Salvation, fo I 
Opposition in this unreafonable and corrupt Age, do firmly believe the Chrijlian ProfeJJion, to be the 
when Men are more prone to flatter the Luff, of only true Religion now in the World. Next, I am 
Princes than formerly, and the Favourites are fully perfuaded that all divine Virtues, which God 
more impatient to bear the Impartiality of Laws, then defigned to teach the World, are contained in 
than the Sons of Brutus were, who complained the Books of the Holy Scripture, as thy are now 
Leges ejjefurdas; that is, though they were fine extant and received among us. From them I un- 
Gentlemen, in Favour with the Ladies, and derjland, that God created Man in Purity and In- 
Minifters of Kings Pieafure, yet they could not nocence, and that the firjl of that Specie:, by their 
opprefs, drink, whore, nor kill the Officers of Frailty, lojl at once their Integrity and their Para- 
Juftice, in the Streets, returning from their dife, and entailed Sin and Mifery upon their Pojle- 
Night-Revels ; but the Execution of the Laws rity : That Almighty God, to repair this Lofs, did 
would reach them, as well as others, who in the out of his infinite Mercy, and with unparalleUed 
Time of Tarquin, it feems, found the Prince Grace and Gosdnefs, fend his only begotten Son in- 
more elczable. Nay, the Divines* themfelves help to the World to teach us new Truths, to be a per- 
with their Fallacies to oppugn this Doclrine, by feci Example of Virtue, Goodnefs, and Obedience 
making us believe, as I faid before, that it is God's to rejlore true Religion, degenerated among the 
Will, all Princes Jhould be abfolute ; and are fo Jews into Superjlition, Formality, and Hypocrijy, 

* Of the Church of Rome, and fuch as would make their Court to an arbitrary Prince. f Of Rome. 
X Viz. Italy or wherever Popery fways the People. 

I 2 U 



Co Machiavcl'j Vindication of Hi mf elf and his Writings, Sec. 

to die for the Solvation of Mankind, and, in fine, to nity by the Popes, hath deformed the Face of 

give to us the holy Spirit to regenerate our Hearts, Government in Europe, deftroying all the good 

fuhport our Faith, and lead us into all Truth. Principles and Morality left us by the Heathens 

Now, if it (hall appear, that as the Luft of themfelves, and introduced, inftead thereof, for- 

our firft Parents did, at that Time, dilappoint did, cowardly, impolitickNotions, whereby they 

the good Intention of God in making a pure have fubjedted Mankind, and even great Prin- 

World, and brought in by their Difbbedience ces and Srates to their own Empire, and never 

the Corruptions that are now in it ; fo that fuffered any Orders or Maxims to take Place, 

fince likewife the Bilhops of Rome, by their un- where they have Power, that might make a Na- 

fatiable Ambition and Avarice, have defignedly, tion wife, honejl, great, or wealthy ; this I have 

as much as in them lies, fruftrated the mer- fet down fo plainly in thofe PafTages of my 

ciful Purpofe, he had in the happy Reftoration Book which are complained of, that I fhall fay 

he intended the World by his Son, and in the nothing at all for the Proof of it in this Place, 

Renewing and Reforming of human Nature, but refer you thither ; and come to fpeak a 

and have wholly defaced and fpoiled Chriftian little more particularly of my firft Affertion, 

Religion, and made it a Worldly and Heathen- That the Pope and his Clergy have depraved 

ifh Thing, and altogether uncapable, as it is Chriftian Religion : Upon this Subject I could 

praclifed among them, either of directing the infinitely wifh, now Letters begin to revive a- 

Ways of its Profeffors to Virtue and good Life, gain, that fome learned Pen would employ it- 

or of faving their Souls hereafter ; if, I fay, felf, and that fome Perfon, verfed in the Chro- 

this do appear, I know no Reafon why I, for nology of the Church, as they call it, would 

detecting thus much, and for giving Warning deduce, out of the Ecclefiaftical Writers, the 

to the World to take Heed of their Ways, Time and Manner how thefe Abufes crept in *, 

fhould be accufed of Impiety or Atheifm ; or why and by what Art and Steps this Babel, that 

his Holinefs fhould be fo inraged againft the poor reaches at Heaven, was built by thefe Sons of 

Inhabitants of the Vallies in Savoy, and again/7 the Earth; but this Matter, as unfuitable to 

the Albigenfes/sr calling him Antichrift. But to the Brevity of a Letter, and, indeed, more to 

find that this is an undoubted Truth, 1 mean, my fmall Parts and Learning, I fhall not pre- 

that the Popes have -corrupted Chriftian Reli- tend to, being one who never hitherto ftudied 

gion,weneed but read the New Teftament, ac- or writ of Theology, further than it did natu- 

knowledged by themfelves to be of infallible rally concern the Politicks ; therefore I fhall not 

Truth, and there we fhall fee that the Faith deal by the New Teftament, as I have done 

and Religion preached by Chrift, and fettled af- formerly by Titus Livius, that is, make Ob- 

terwards by his Apoftles, and cultivated by fervations or Reflexions upon it, and leave you, 

their facred Epiftles, is fo different a Thing and Mr. Guilio, and the reft of our Society, to 

from the Chriftianity that is now profeffed and make their Judgment, not citing, like Preach- 

taught at Rome, that we fhould be convinced, ers, the Chapter or Verfe, becaufe the Reading 

that, if thofe holy Men fhould be fent by God the holy Scripture is little ufed, and, indeed, 

again into the World, they would take more hardly permitted among us f . 

Pains to confute this Gallimaufry, than ever To begin at the Top, I would have any 

they did to preach down the Tradition of the reafonable Man tell me, whence this unmeafur- 

Pharifees, or the Fables and Idolatry of the Gen- able Power, long claimed, and now pofTefred 

tiles, and would, in Probability, fuffer a new by the Bifhop of Rome, is derived, firji, of being 

Martyrdom in that City under the Vicar of Chrift's Vicar, and by that, as I may fo fay, 

Chrift, for the fame Doctrine which once ani- pretending to a Monopoly of the holy Spirit, 

mated the Heathen Tyrants againft them : Nay, which was promifed and given to the whole 

we have fomething more to fay again/7 thefe Sacri- Church, that is, to the Elect or Saints, as is 

legicus Pretenders to God's Power ; for, whereas plain by a Claufe in St. Peter's Sermon, made 

all other falfe Worfhips have been fet up by fome the very fame Time that the miraculous Gifts 

politick Legiflators, for the Support and Prefer- of the Spirit of God were firft given to the 

vation of Government, this falfe, this fpurious Apoftles, who fays to the Jews and Gentiles, 

Religion brought in upon the Ruins of Chriftia- Repent and be baptifed every cm of you, in the 

. * This fhall te done in the Courfe of this Collection. + Roman Catbolids in Fopifb Sates. 

Name 



Machiavel'j Vindication of Himfelf and his Writings, &c. 61 

Name ofjefus Chrijl, for the Remijfton of Sins, your Laughter, and prove too light for fo feri- 

and you /hall receive the Gift of 'the holy Ghoji ; for ous a Matter j yet, becaufe pofiibly you may 

this Promij'e is to you and to your Children, and ntver have heard fo much of this Subject be- 

to all that are afar off, even as many as the Lord fore, I (hall inftance in a few ; they tell you, 

our God Jhall call. therefore, that the Jurifdiction they pretend o- 

Next to judge infallibly of divine Truth and ver the Church, and the Power of pardoning 
to forgive Sins as Chrift did, then to be the Sins comes from Chrift, to St. Peter, and from 
Head of all Ecclefiaftical Perfons and Caufes in him to them. Thou art Peter, and upon this 
the World, to be fo far above Kings and Prin- Rock I will build my Church ; / will give thee 
ces, as to judge, depofe, and deprive them, and the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven ; whatfoe- 
to have an abfolute Jurifdiction over all the Af- ver thou Jhalt bind on Earth, Jhall be 'bound in 
fairs in Chriftendom, in Or dine ad Spiritualia ; Heaven ; and whatever thou Jhalt loofe on Earth, 
yet all this the Canonifts allow him, and he &c. From thefe two Texts, ridiculoufly ap- 
makes no Scruple to affume, whilft it is plain, plied, comes this great Tree, which hath, with 
that, in the whole New Tejlament, there is no its Branches, overfpread the whole Earth, and 
Defcription made of fuch an Officer to be at killed all the good and wholefome Plants grow- 
any Time in the Church, except it be in the ing upon it : The firft Text will never by any 
Prophecy of the Apocalypfe, or in one of St. Man of Senfe be underftood to fay more than 
Paul's Epiftles, where he fays, who it is that that the Preachings, Sufferings, and Minijlry oj 
Jhall fit in the Temple of God, Jljewing kimfelf Peter was like to be a great Foundation and Pil- 
that he is God. Chrift tells us his Kingdom lar of the Doclrine of Chrifl : The other Text, 
is not of this World, and if any will be the as alfo another fpoken by our Saviour and his 
greateft among his Difciples, that he muft be Apojlles, JVhofe Sins ye remit they are remitted, 
Servant to the reft ; which fhews that his Fol- and whofe Sins ye retain they are retained, are, 
lowers were to be great in Sanctity and Humi- by all primitive Fathers, interpreted in this Man- 
)ity, and not in worldly Power. ner, TVherefoever you Jhall effeclually preach the 

The Apoftle Paul, writing to the Chriftians Gofpel, you Jhall carry with you Grace and Remif- 
of thofe Times, almoft in every Epiftle com- fun of Sins to them which Jhall follow your In- 
mands them, to be obedient to the higher Pow- Jlruclions : But the People, who Jhall not have thefe 
ers or Magiftrates fet over them : And St. Pe- joyful Tidings communicated by you to them, foall 
ter himfelf (from whom this extravagant Empire remain in Darknefs and in their Sins. But if a- 
is pretended to be derived) in his firft Epiftle bids ny will conteft, that, by fome of thefe laft 
vsfubmit our -[elves to every Ordinance of Man, for Texts, that Evangelical Excommunication, which 
the Lord's Sake, whether it be to the Kings, or, &c. was afterwards brought into the Church by the 
And this is enjoined, although it is plain, that Apojlles, was here prefignified by our great Ma- 
they who governed the World, in thofe Days, fter, How unlike were thofe Cenfures, to thofe 
were both Heathens, Tyrants, and Ufurpers ; and now thundered out, as he calls it, by the Pope ; 
in this Submiffion there is no Exception or Pro- thefe were for Edification and not Deftrudtion, 
vifo for Ecclefiajlical Immunity. The Practice to afflict the Flefh for the Salvation of the Soul ; 
as well as Precepts of thefe holy Men fhews that Apoflolical Ordinance was pronounced for 
plainly that they had no Intention to leave Sue- fome notorious Scandal or Apoflafy from the 
ceffors, who fhould deprive Hereditary Princes, Faith, and firft decreed by the Church, that is, 
from their Right of Reigning, for differing in the whole Congregation prefent, and then de- 
Religion *, who, without all Doubt, are by the nounced by the Pa/lor, and reached only to de- 
Appointment of the Apoftle, and by the Prin- bar fuch Perfon from partaking of the Commu- 
ciples of Chriftianity, to be obeyed and fubmit- nion of Fellowship of that Church, till Repen- 
ted to in Things wherein the fundamental Laws tance fhould re-admit him, but was followed 
of the Government give them the Power, tho' by no other Profecution or Chaftifement, as 
they were Jews or Gentiles. If I fhould tell is now pr2ctifed f : But fuppofe all thefe Texts 
you by what Texts in Scripture the Popes claim had been as they would have them, how does 
the Powers before-mentioned, it would ftir up this make for the SuccefTors of St. Peter, or 

* Allucing to Doleman, or Father Parjonii Book againfl Queen Elizabeth : And to the Popijb Doflrine 

•f Depofing Kings for their Religion, See Page 28. f In the Church of Rome, 

the 



b 2 "MichhveYs Vindication of Himfclf and his Writings, Sec. 

the reft? Or, how can this; prove the Bijhops obtain it ; and therefore is not in Reafon or 

of Rome to have Right to fuch Succeffion ? But Humanity to be punifhed for wanting it ? And 

I make Hafte from this Subject, and (hall urge Chrift himfelf hath fo clearly decided that 

but one Text more ; which is, The fpiritual Point in bidding us let the Tares and the IVheat 

Man judgeth all Men, but is him/elf judged of grow together till the Harvejl, that I /kail never 

none ; from whence it is inferred by the Ca- make any Difficulty to call him Antichrift, who 

nonijh, that, firft, the Pope is the fpiritual jhall ufe the leaft Perfecution whatfoever, againft 

Man-, and then, that he is to be Judge of all any differing in Matters of Faith from himfelf 



the World ; and laft, that he is never to be liable to 
any Judgment himfelf; whereas it is obvious to 
the meaneft Understanding, that St. Paul, in 
this Text, means to diftinguifh between a 
Perfon infpired with the Spirit of God, and 
one remaining in the State of Nature ; which 



whether the Perfon, fa diffenting, be Heretick, Jew, 
Gentile, or Mahometan. 

Next, I befeech you to obferve in reading 
that holy Book, though Chrijlian Fajls are doubt- 
lefs of Divine Right, zvhat Ground there is for 
enjoining Fijh to be eaten, at leajl Flejh to be ab- 
latter he fays cannot judge of thofe heavenly Jlained from for one third Part of the Year, by 
Gifts and Graces, as he explains himfelf, when which they put the Poor to great Hardfhip, who, 
he fays, The natural Man cannot difcern the not having Purfes to buy wholfome Fifn, are 
Things of the Spirit, becaufe they are Fool'tjhnefs fubje&ed to all the Miferies and Difeafes inci- 
unto him. dent to a bad and unhealthful Diet ; whilft the 

To take my Leave of this Matter wholly Rich, and chiefly themfelves and their Cardi- 
out of the Way of my Studies, I beg of you nals, exceed Lucullus in their Luxury of Oyflers, 

Turbats, tender Crabs, and Carps, brought 



Zenobio, and of Guilio, and the reft of our So- 
ciety, to read over, carefully, the New Te/la- 
ment, and then to fee what Ground there is 
for Purgatory, by which all the Wealth and 
Greatnefs hath accrued to thefe Men ; what 
Colour for their idolatrous TVorJhip of Saints and 
their Images, and particularly for ing in 



fome Hundreds of Miles to feed their Gluttony, 
upon thefe penitential Days of Abftinence from 
Beef and Pork : It may be it will lie in the 
Way of thofe who obferve this, to enquire what 
St. Paul means, when he favs, That in the lat- 
ter Days fome Jhall depart from the Faith, for- 
their Hymns and Prayers to a Piece of Wood, bidding to marry, and commanding to abjlain 
the Crofs I mean, Salve Lignum, &c. And then from Meats, which God hath created to be re- 
fac nos dignos beneficiorum Chri/li, as you may ceived with TJiankfgiving ; but all thefe Things, 
may read in that Office * ; what Colour or ra- and many other Abufes brought in by thefe Per- 
ther what Excufe for that horrid, unchriftian, verters of Chrijlianity, will, I hope, e're long 
and barbarous Engine, called the Inquificion, be enquired into by fome of the Difciples of 
brought in by the Command and Authority of that bold Friar f, who, the very fame Year J in 



the Pope, the Inventor of which Peter, a Do- 
minican Friar, having been {lain among the 
Albigenfes, as he well deferved, is now canoni- 
fed for a Saint, and ftiled San Pietro Martine ? 

In the dreadful Prifons of this Inquifition, 
many faithful and pious Chriftians, to fay no- 



which I prophefied that the Scourge of the 
Church was not far off, began to thunder againft 
their Indulgences ; and fince, hath queftioned 
many Tenets long received and impofed upon 
the World. I fhall conclude this Difcourfe, 
after I have faid a Word of the mojl HelUJh of 



thing of honeft moral Moors or Mahometans^ are all the Innovations brought in by the Popes \ which 

tormented and famifhed, or, if they outlive their is, the Clergy ; thefe are a Sort of Men, under 

Sufferings, burnt publickly to Death, and that Pretence of Miniftring to the People in holy 

only for differing in Religion from the Pope, Things, fet a-part and feparated from the reft of 

without having any Crime or the leaft Mifde- Mankind, from whom they have a very dijlincl 

meanor proved or alledged againft them j and and a very oppojite Interejl by a human Ceremony, 

this is inflicted upon thefe poor Creatures, by called by a divine Name, viz. Ordination ; thefe, 

thofe who profefe to believe the Scripture ; wherever they are found, with the whole Body 

which tells us, that Faith is the Gift of God y of the Monks and Friars, who are called the 

without whofe fpecial Illumination no Man can Regular Clergy, make a Band which may be called 



* The Adoration of the Crofs on Good Triday. 



f Martin Luther, who was an Augnfiine Friar. 

the 



Machiavel'j Vindication of Himfelf and his Writings, Sec. 63 

the Janizaries of the Papacy ; thefe have been pie to rife up in Arms, and conftrain their Go- 

the Caufes of all the Solecifms and Immoralities in vernors to a Submiflion, as happenc'u to this 

Government, and of all the Impieties and Abomi- poor City in the Time of our Anceftors ; when, 

nations in Religion ; and by Confcquence, of all for but forbidding the Servant of a poor Car- 

the Difsrder, Villany, and Corruption we fuffer mclite Friar who had vowed Poverty, and 

under in this detejlable Age ; thefe Men, by the fhould have kept none to go armed, and pu- 

Bifhop of Rc?ne's Help, have crept into all the nifhing his Difobedience with Imprifonment, our 

Governments of Chrijlendom, where there is any whole Senate, with their Gonfalonier, were con- 

Mixtvre of Monarchy, and made themfelves a ftrained to go to Avignon for Abfolution ; and, 

third Ejiate ; that is, have by their Tempora- in Cafe of Refufal, had been maflacred by the 

Ikies, which are almoft a third Part of all the People. It would almcjl aflonijh a wife Man to 

Land in Europe, given them by the blind Zeal, imagine how thefe Folks Jhould acquire an Empire 

or rather Folly of the Northern People, who fo dejlruclive to Chriflian Religion, and fo per- 

cver-ran this Part of the World, flepped into the nicious to the Inierejl of Men ; but it will not 

Throne, and what they cannot perform by thefe feem fo miraculous to them who (hall ferioufly 

Secular Helps, and by the Dependency their confider, that the Clergy hath been for more 

VafTals have upon them, they fail not to claim than this thoufand Years upon the Catch, and a 

and to ufurp by the Power they pretend to formed united Corporation againjl the Purity of 

have from God and his Vicegerent at Rome. Religion and Inter ejl of Mankind, and have not 

They * exempt themfelves, their Lands and only wrefted the Holy Scriptures to their own 

Goods, from all Secular Jurifdiction, that is, Advantage, which they have kept from the Laity 

from all Courts of Juftice and Magistracy, and in unknown Languages, and by prohibiting the 

will be Judges in their own Caufes, as in Mat- Reading thereof; but made Ufe likewife, firft, 

ters of Tythe, &c. and not content with this, of the blind Devotion and Ignorance of the 

will appoint Courts of their own to decide So- Goths, Vandals, Huns, &c. and fmce, of the 

vereignty in Teftamentary Matters and many Ambition and Avarice of Chriftian Princes, 

other Caufes, and take upon them to be the ftirring them up one againft another, and fend- 

fole Punifhers of many great Crimes, as Witch- ing them upon foolifh Errands to theHoly Land J, 

craft, Sorcery, Adultery, and all Uncleannefs. to lofe their Lives and to leave their Domi- 

To fay nothing of the forementioned Judica- nions, in the mean Time, expofed to themfelves 

tory of the Inquifition ; in thefe laft Cafes, they and their Complices ; they have, befides, kept 

turn the^ Offenders over to be punijhed (when they Learning and Knowledge among themfelves, 

have given Sentence) by the Secular Arm (fo ftifling the Light of the Gofpel, crying down 

they call the Magiftrate) who is blindly to exe- moral Virtues as fplendid Sins, defacing human 

cute their Decrees under Pain of Hell-fire; as if Policy, deftroying the Puritv of the Chriftian 

Chrijlian Princes and Governors were appointed Faith and Profeffion, and all that was vir- 

only by God to be their Bravo' s or Hangmen: They tuous, prudent, regular, and orderly upon 

give Protection and Sanctuary to all execrable Earth, fo that whoever would do Good and good 

Offenderst, even to Murderers themfelves, whom Men Service, get himfelf immortal Honour in this 

God commanded to be indifpenfably punifhed Life, and eternal Glory in the next, would re- 

with Death: If they come within their Churches, flore the good Policy (I had almojl faid with my 

Cloyfters, or any other Place which they will Author, Livy, the Santlity too) of the Heathens, 

pleafe to call Holy Ground ; and if die ordinary with all their Valour and other glorious Endow- 

Juftice, nay, the Sovereign Power do proceed merits ; I fay, whoever would do this, muft make 

againft fuch Offender, they thunder out their himfelf power ful enough to extirpate this curfed and 

Excommunication; that is, cut off from the apojl ate Race \ out of the World. 

Body of Chrift not the Prince only, but the I hope I fhall not be thought impious any 

whole Nation and People, fhutting the Church longer upon this Point, I mean for vindi- 

Doors, and commanding Divine Offices to eating Chriftian Religion from the Affaults of 

ceafe, and fometimes even authorifmg the Peo- thefe Men, who having the Confidence to 

* In the Church of Rome. \ In Popijh States, whoever flees to a Convent, Church, or other Place 

fet a-part for Religious Exercifes, is protefted from Juftice. X To recover Jcrufahm from the "Turk. 

\ Of Popery. J J 

believe, 



66 The Life of King Edward the Second. 

believe, or, at leaft, profefs themfelves the the Body of Chrift, which is his Holy Church, 

only Inflruments which God hath chofen, to viciate and wfeel the good Order and true 

or can choofe to teach and reform the World, Policy of Government. 

though they have neither moral Virtues nor na- I come now to the laft Branch of my Charge; 

tural Parts equal to other Men, for the moft which is, That I teach Princes Villany, and 

Part, have by this Pretence prevailed fo far upon how to enfave and opprefs their Subjecls. If any 

the common Sort of People, and upon fome too Man v. ili read over my Book of the Prince 

of a better Quality, that they are perfuaded their with Impartiality and ordinary Charitv, he will 

Salvation, or eternal Damnation, depends upon eahly perctlve, that it is not my Intention 

believing or not believing of what they fay. I therein to recommend that Government, or thofe 

would not be understood to difluade any from Men there defcribed to the World ; much lefs 

honouring the true Apojlolick Teachers, when to teach Men to trample upon good Men, and 

they fhall be re-eftablilhed among us, or from all that is aa d and venerable upon Earth, 

allowing them (even of Right, and not of Alms Laws, Religion, Honefty, and what not : If I 

or Courtefy) fuch Emoluments as may enable them have been a little too punctual in defcribing 

cheerfully to perform the Duties of their Charge, thefe Monfters, and drawn them to the Life in 

to provide for their Children, and even to ufe all their Lineaments and Colours, I hope Mankind 

Hofpitality, as they are commanded by St. Paul, will know them the better, to avoid them, my 

But this / will prophefy before I conclude, That Treatife being both a Satyre againft them, and a 

if Princes fhall perform this Bufmefs by Halves, true Character of them 

and leave any Root of this Clergy, or Priejl- IV: oever in his Empire is tied to no other Rules 

craft, as it now is in the Ground ; then, I fay, than thofe of his own Will and Lujl, muff either 

I mujl foretel, that the Magistrates, will find be a Saint or elfe a very Devil incarnate ; or, if 

th-mfihes deceived in their Exp eel at ion ; and he be neither of thefe, both his Life and his Reign 

that the leajl Fibre of this Plant will over-run are like to be very Jhcrt ; for whofoever takes 

again the whole Vineyard of the Lord, and turn upon him fo execrable an Employment, as to rule 

to a diffufive Papacy in every Diocefs, perhaps Men againjl the Laws of Nature and Reafon, 

in every Parifh : So that God in his Mercy infpire mujl turn all topfy turvy, and never Jlick at any 

them to cut out the Core of the Ulcer, and the thing ; for, if once he halt, he will fall and 

Bag of this Impojlure, that it may never ran- never rife again, C5Y. And fo I bid you farewel 

kit or fejler any more, nor break out hereafter (i April, 1537-) 
to dijfufe new Corruption and Putrefaction through 



The Hiftory of the moft unfortunate Prince, King Edward the 
Second ; with choice Political Obfervations on him and his 
unhappy Favourites, Gavejioti and Spencer : Containing fe- 
veral rare PafTages of thofe Times, not found in other Hifto- 
rians ; found among the Papers of, and (fuppofed to be) writ 
by the Right Honourable Henry Vifcount Faulkland, fome- 
time Lord Deputy of Ireland. 

Henry Cary, Vifcount Faulkland (among whofe Papers the following Hiftory was found) 
was hern at Aldnam in Hertfordfhire ; his extraordinary Pirts, being a moft ace: 
plifhed Gentleman, and a compleat Courtier, got him fuch an Efteem with King James the 
Firft, that he thought him a Perfon fitly qualif.ed to be Lord D puty of Ireland [the Go- 
vernment 



# The Life cf Edward the Second. 65 

- -nt of which Place required at that Time a Man of more than ordinary Abilities) 
bich Tmjl he very well difcharged. Being recalled into England, he lived honour a- 
imtil, by an unfortunate Accident be broke his Leg in Thcobalc'5 Park ; cf 
'•ich foon after he died. He was a Perfbn of great Gal . the Or 

t of bis Country, winch he ferved with no lefs Fa a Prudence Abroad, 

//.-. and Juflice at Home, being an excellent State/man. During bis Stay at 

the Uv.iverfily of Oxford, his Chamber was the Rent- U the en Wits^ Di- 

vines, Pbilofopbers, Lawyers, Hiflorians, and Politicians of thai Time ; for wbofe Con- 
verfation he became eminent in all thofe Qua!; feat:. 

The SubjecJ of the following Hiflory (fujpofed to be written by the above-mentioned Noble- 
man) is the unhappy Lives, and untimely Deaths, of that unfortunate Englifh King 
Edward the Second, and his two Favourites Gavefton and Spsncer •, for his immode- 
rate Love to whom, (fays Dr Heylin) be v:as hated by the Nobles, and contemned 
the C: . This King (faith Sir Richard Baker ) was a comely Perfon, and of 

great Strength, but much given to Drink, which rendered him unapt to keep any Thing 
fecret. His greatefl Fault was, he loved but one, for, if his Love had been divided, it 
could not have been fo violent ; and, though Love moderated be the beji of Affeclions, 
yet the Extremity of it is the word of Pajfwns. Two Virtues were eminent in him, 
above all his Predeceffors, Continence and Abftinence ; fo continent, that he left no 
bafe Ifiue behind him ; fo abftinent, that he took no bafe Courfes/<?r raifing Money. 

Our Author clofes his Hiflory without declaring the Particulars of the Murder of this 
Prince ; wherefore I fh all give you an Account thereof, as I find it fet down by the a- 
forefaid Sir Richard Baker. 

J\Lr>r; Ways were attempted to take away his Life. Firft, they vexed him in his Diet, 
owing him nothing that he could well endure to eat, but this fucceeded not : Then they 
lodged him in a Chamber ever Carrion and dead Carcafes, enough to have poifoned 
him ; and, indeed, he told a Workman at his Window, he never endured fo great a 
Mifery in all his Life ; but neither did this fucceed. Then they attempted it by Poi- 
fons, but whether by the Strength of bis Conflitution, or by the Divine Providence, ; 
ther did this fucceed. At laft the peftilent Achitophel, the Bifhop of Hereford, deviled 
a Letter to his Keepers, Sir Thomas Gourney and Sir John Mattrevers, blaming 
-;n forgiving him too much Liberty, ai ■ not dcirg the Service which was expefted 
from them ; and in the End of his Letter wrote this Line, Edvardum occidere nolite 
timere bonum eft •, craftily contriving it in this doubtful Senfe, that both the Keeptrs 
might find sufficient Warrant, and bimfelfExcufe. The Keepers, gueffing at his Clean- 
ing, took it in the worfl Senfe, and accordingly put it in Execution. They took him in 
his Bed, and cafling heavy Bclflers upon him, and pfejfmg bint down, {lifted him ; and 
ntent with that, they heated an Iron red-hot, and, through a Pipe, thruft: it 
up into his Fundament, that no Marks of Violence might be feen ; but, though none 
were feen, yet fome were heard ; for, when the Fact was in doing, he was to roar 

and cry all the Cajtle ever. This was the lamentable End of King Edward of Car- 
narvan, Son of King Edward the F.rfi. 

What became of the Actors and Abettors of this deep Tragedy, Sir Winfton Churchill 
tells us in thefe Words : 

* Poor Prince, how unkindly was he treated, upon no other Account but that of his own 

* ovrrgreat Kindnefs ! Other Princes are blamed for not being ruled by their CounfeU 

* lors, he for being fo : Who whilfl he lived, they would have him thought to be a Sot, 

* but being dead, they could have found in their Hearts to have made him a Saint. 

K * How 



66 The Life of Edward the Second. • 

* How far he wronged his People doth not appear, there being very few or no Taxa* 

* tions laid upon them all his 'Time ; but, how rude and unjuji they were towards him, 

* *'; but loo manifefi. But their Violence was feverely paid by Divine Vengeance, not 
' only upon the whole Kingdom, when every Vein in the Body Politick was afterwards 

* opened, to the endangering the letting out of the Life-blood of the Monarchy in the Age 
■ following ; but upon every particular Perfon confenting to, or concerned in his Death. 

* For as the Throne of his Son that was thus fet in Blood {though without his own Guilt) 
1 continued to be imbrued all his Reign, which lafled above fifty Years, with frequent 
1 Executions, Battles, or Slaughters ; the Sword of Juflice, or his own, being hardly 
' ever fkeathed all his Time : So it is /aid, that the Queen herfelf died mad, upon the 
4 Appreherifion of her own, in Mortimer' j Difgrace, who was executed at Tyburn, and 
*■ hung there two Days, to be a Speclacle of Scorn. The King's Brother Edmond had 

* this Punifhment of his Difioyalty, to be condemned to lofe his Head for his Loyalty, it 
1 being fuggejled (and happy it had been for him if it had been proved) that he endea- 

* voured the Rejioration of his Brother ; his Death' being imbittered by the Mockery of 

* Fortune, whilft, by keeping him upon the Scaffold five Hours together, before any Be- 
' dy could be found that would execute him, he was deluded with a vain Hope of being 

* faved. The Fiend Tarlton, Bifhop of Hereford, who invented the curfed Oracle 

* thai jujlified the Murderers, died with the very fame Torture, as if the hot Iron, that 
' feared his Confidence, had been thrujl into his Bowels. Of the two Murderers, one 

* was taken and butchered at Sea, the other died in Exile, perhaps more miferable. 
' And for the Nobility in general, that were Aclors in the Tragedy, they had this Curjc 

* upon them, that mofl of their Race were cut off by thofe Civil Difcords of their divid- 

* ed Families, to which this Jlrange Violation gave the firjl Beginning, not long after. 
A dreadful Example, both to Prince and People, that ufurp unlawful Methods to ac-- 
complijh their unjuji Intentions. 

EDWARD the Second, born at Carnar- dation of a happy Monarchy. He makes it his 
van, was immediately after the Death of laft Care Co to inable and inftruct him, that he 
Edward the Firft, his Father, crowned might be powerful enough to keep it fo. From 
King of England. If we may credit the this Confideration he leads him to the Scatijh 
Hiftorians of thofe Times, this Prince was of an Wars, and brings him Home an exact and able 
Afpect fair and lovely, carrying in his outward Scholar in the Art Military. He fhews him the 
Appearance many promifing Predictions of a fin- Benefit of Time and Occafion, and makes him 
gular Expectation. But the Judgment, not the underfland the right Ufe and Advantage. He 
Eye, muft have Preheminence in the Cenfure of inftructs him with the precious Rules of Difci- 
human Paflages, the vifible Calendar is not the pline, that he might truly know how to obev, 
true Character of inward Perfection, evidently before he came to command a Kingdom. Laji- 
proved in the Life, Reign, and untimely Death ly, he opens the Clofet of his Heart, and prefents 
of this unfortunate Monarch. him with the politick Myfleries of State, and 
His Story eclipfeth this glorious Morning, teacheth him how to ufe them by his own Ex- 
making the Noon-tide of his Sovereignty full of ample, letting him know, that all thefe Helps 
tyrannical Oppreffions, and the Evening more are little enough to fupport the Weight of a 
memorable by his Death and Ruin. Time, the Crown, if there were not a correfpondent 
Difcoverer of Truth, makes evident his Impof- Worth in him that wears it. 
ture, and fhews him to the World, in Conver- Thefe Principles make the Way open, but the 
fation light, in Will violent, in Condition way- prudent Father had a remaining Talk of a much 
ward, and in Paflion irreconcileable. harder Temper. He beheld many fad Remon- 
Edward his Father, a King no lefs wife than ftn.tions of a depraved and vicious Inclination, 
fortunate, by his difcreet Providence, and the thefe muft be purified, or his other Cautions 
Glory of his Arms, had laid him the fure Foun- were ufelefs, and to little Purpofe. A Corrup- 
tion 



The Life of Edward the Second. 



6 7 



tion in Nature, that by Practice hath won it- 
felf the Habit of being ill, requires a more than 
ordinary Care to give it Reformation. Ten- 
dernefs of Fatherly Love abufeth his Belief, and 
makes him afcribe the Imperfections of the Son, 
to the Heat of Youth, Want of Experience, and 
the Wickednefs of thofe that had betrayed his un- 
ripe Knowledge, and eafy Nature, with fo bafe 
Impreflions. He imagines, Age, and the fad 
Burthen of a Kingdom, would, in the Senfe of 
Honour, work him to Thoughts more inno- 
cent and noble ; yet he neglects not the beft 
Means to prepare and aflure it. He extends the 
Height of Entreaty, and ufeth the befitting Se- 
verity of his paternal Power, making his Son, 
know, he muft be fit for a Scepter, before he 
enjoy it. He takes from him thofe tainted Hu- 
mours of his Leprofy, and enjoins him by all 
the Ties of Duty and Obedience, no more to 
admit the Society of fo bafe and unworthy Com- 
panions. Gavejion, the Ganymede of his Affec- 
tions, a Man, as bafe in Birth as Conditions, 
he fentenceth to perpetual Exile. 

The melancholy Apparitions, of this loth to 
depart, give the aged Father an AfTurance, 
that this Syren had too dear a Room in the wan- 
ton Cabinet of his Son's Heart. He ftrives to 
enlighten his Mind, and to make him quit the 
Memory of that Dotage, which he forefaw, in 
Time, would be his Deftrudtion. But Death 
overtakes him before he could give it Perfection, 
the Time is come, that he muft, by the Law 
of Nature, refign both bis Life and Kingdom. 

He fummons his Son, and bequeaths him this 
dying Legacy, commanding him, as he will in 
another Day anfwer his Difobedience, never to 
repeal his Sentence. To his Kindred and Peers, 
that with fad Tears, and watery Eyes, were the 
Companions of his Death-bed, he fhortly difcourf- 
eth the bafe Conditions of this Parafite, and lets 
them undjrftand both their own and the King- 
dom's Danger, if they withftood not his Return, 
if it were occafioned. They knew his Injunc- 
tions were juft, and promife to obferve them ; 
he is not fatisfied till they bind it with an Oath, 
and vow religioufly to perform it. This (ends 
him out of the World with more Confidence, 
than in the true Knowledge of his Son's wilful 
Difpofition he had Caufe to ground on. 

The Father's Funeral Rights performed, Ed- 
ward in the Pride of his Years undertakes the 
Crown, and Guidance of this glorious Kingdom. 
He glories in the Advantage, knowing himfelf 
to be an abfolute King, and at Liberty j yet 



thinks it not enough, till the Belief of the King- 
dom did equally aflure it. He efteems no A6t 
more proper to confirm it, than running in a di- 
reel: Strain of Oppofition againft his Predecef- 
for's Will and Pleafure. The ftrong Motive of 
his violent Affection fuggefts Reafons, that the 
Majefty of a King may not be confined from 
his deareft Pleafure. When he was a Son, and 
a Subject, he had witneffed his Obedience ; be- 
ing now a King and a Sovereign, he expe£ts a 
Correfpondence of the fame Nature. Where 
there was fo ready an Inclination in the Will, 
Reafon found Strengh enough to warrant it, 
which made him make Gave/ion's Return the 
firft Aft of his Sovereignty. No Proteftation 
of his Lords, nor Perfuafion of his Council, 
can work a Diverfion, or win fo much as a be- 
fitting Refpecl. The Barons, that were unable 
to withftand, are contented to obey, attending 
the Iflue of this fo dangerous a Refolution, 
Where the News was fo pleafing, the Journey 
is as fudden ; Gavejlon lofeth not a Minute, till 
he felt the Embraces of his Royal Lord and Maf- 
ter. 

Edward, having thus regained his beloved Da- 
mon, is fo tranfported with his Prefence, that he 
forgets the Will and ordinary Refpedt, due to 
the greateft Lords and Pillars of this Kingdom ; 
and hence proceeds their firft Difcontent and 
Murmur. Many Ways are invented to diflblve 
this Enchantment, but none more fit and worthy 
than to engage him in the facred Knot of Wed- 
lock. The Intereft of a Wife was believed the 
only Remedy to engrofs or divert thofe unfted- 
dy Affections, which they beheld fo loofely and 
unworthily proftituted. Ifabel, the Daughter 
of the French King, the goodlieft and beautiful- 
left Lady of her Time, is moved, and the Ten- 
der on all Sides as plaufibly accepted. 

This fends Edward, fcarce a King of nine 
Months ftanding, into France, and brings him 
back, feized of a Jewel, which not being right- 
ly valued, occafioned his enfuing Ruin. The 
ExceiL-ncy of fo fweet and virtuous a Compani- 
on could not (o furprifc her Bridegroom, but 
Gavejion ftill kept Pofleflion of the faireft Room 
in his Affections. He makes it more notorious 
by creating him Earl of Cormvull, and the Gift 
of the goodly Caftle and Lordfhip of Walling- 
ford. 

Gavejion applies himfelf wholly to the Hu- 
mour of the King, and makes each Word that 
falls from his Mouth an Oracle ; their Affecti- 
ons go Hand in Hand, and the apparent Injuf- 
K 2 tice 



68 



The Life of Edward the Second. 



good 
great- 



tice of the one never found Contradiction in the 
other. The Subject's Voice was lb fortunate, 
that it was always concurrent where the King 
maintained the Party : If the Difcourfe were 
Arms, Gavejton extolled it as an Heroic Virtue ; if 
Peace, he maintained it not more ufeful than ne- 
ceffiry ; unlawful Pleafure he ftded a noble Re- 
creation ; and unjufl Actions, the proper and 
becoming Fruits of an ablblute Monarchy. 
Thefe Gloffes fo betray the willing Ear that 
heard them, that, no Honour is thoughi 
and great enough for the Reporter. The 
eft Command and Offices are in the Perlbn or 
Difpofure of Gave/Ion. The Command of War, 
and all Provifions Foreign and Domeftic, are 
committed folely to his Care and Cuftody. All 
Treaties for Peace or War had their Succefs or 
Ruin by his Direction and Pleafure. The King 
figned no Difpatch private or publick, but by his 
Content or Appointment. So that all Men be- 
lieved their Sovereign to be but a meer Royal 
Shadow, without a real Subftance. Neither 
was it enough to advance him beyond his Defert, 
or the Rules of a modeft Proportion ; but his 
Power muft be made more extant in the Com- 
mitment to the Tower of the Bifhop of Chef- 
ter, whom he quarrels, as the Occalion of his 
nrft Baniihment. 

Thefe Infolencies, carried with fo great a 
Height and Contempt, are accompanied with all 
the Remonftrances of a juftly grieved Kingdom 
The ancient Nobility, that 
qual, juftly exclaim again! 
Time, that made him their Superior. The 
grave Senators, that underftood their own 
Worths, are difcontent to fee themfelves re- 
jected, while Upftarts, by Money or Favour, 
poffefs the higher Places. The Soldier, that with 
his Blood had purchafed his Experience, laments 
his own Difhonour, feeing unworthy Striplings 
advanced, while he, like the Ruins of a goodly 
Building, is left to the wide World, without 
Ufe or Reparation. The Commons in a more 
intemperate Fafbion make known their Griefs, 
and fad Oppreffions, 

Gavejlon, that both faw and knew the gene- 
ral Diicontent, fought not to redrefs it, but, 
with aii ill adyifed Confidence, ftrives to out- 
dare the worft of his approaching Danger. Lin- 
coln, Warwick, and Pembroke, whofe noble 
Hearts difdained the overgrown Height of this 
untimely Mufhroom, let the King know 
their Fidelity, and his apparent Error. He muft 



difdained fuch an E- 
the Iniquity of the 



free himfelf, and right them, or elfe they will 
feck it in another Fafhion. 

Edward knew their Complaints were jufl, yet 
was mod unwilling to hear or relieve them ; 
till feeing their ftrong Refolution, and himfelf 
wholly unprovided to withftand the Danger, he 
makes his Affections ftoop to the prefent Necef- 
fitv, and confents to a fecond Baniihment of 
his fo dearly beloved Favourite. Gave/ion, in 
the Height and Pride of his Ambition, is forced 
to leave his Protector, and to make Ireland the 
Place of his abiding. With a fad Heart he takes 
his Leave, departing, yet, with a more De- 
fire of Revenge, than Sorrow for his Abfence. 

All Things thus reconciled, the Kingdom be- 
gan to receive a new Life ; Men's Hopes were 
fuitable to their Defires, and all Things feem to 
promife a fwift and fair Reformation. But the 
bewitching Charms of this wily Serpent made 
it foon evident, that alone his Death muft pre- 
vent his Mifchief. The perfonal Correfpon- 
dency taken away, the Affections of the reft- 
lefs Kins: becomes far more violent. In the fhort 
Interim of his Abfence, many reciprocal and 
fweet Meffages interchangeably pafs betwixt 
them : Edward receives none, but he returns 
with a golden Intereft. He is not more fenfible 
of his Lois, than the Affront and Injury, 
which perfuades him, it were too great Indignity 
for him to fuffer at the Hand of a Subject : 
Though, with his own Hazard, he once more 
calls him Home, pacifying the incenfed Lords, 
with an Affurance of Reconciliation and Amend- 
ment. Thofe ftrict Admonitions, fo fully ex- 
preffed, were not powerful enough to reclaim 
the P^ondnefs of the one, and Iniblency of the 
other. 

The King, regaining thus his beloved Minion, 
doats on him in a far greater Meafure ; and he, 
to make the Mufick perfect, is of a far more 
violent Temper. He affronts and condemns 
his Adverfaries, the ancient Nobility, furrepti- 
tioufly wafting and imbezelling the Revenues of 
the Crown. He inflames the King's Heart, 
fo apt to receive it, with all the Motives of Re- 
venge, Unquietnels, and Diforder. The Jewels 
of the Crown, and that rich Table and Treffels 
of Gold, are purloined and pawned, to fupply 
this wanton Riot. He had fo true a Know- 
ledge of his Mafter's Weaknefs, that he made 
him folely his. His Creatures were alone pre- 
ferred, his Agents were the Guides, and no 
Man hath the King's Ear, Hand, or Purfe, but 

fuch 



The Life of Edward the Second. 



6? 



fuch as were by Gavejisn preferred or recom- 
mended. 

Edward s by his voluptuous Senfuality, fupplies 
the Place ; but he had the fole Execution of 
that Royal Prerogative, that was alone proper 
to the Crown. The Nobility, whofe Lion- 
hearts ftruggled betwixt the Senfe of their juft 
Grief and Allegiance, at length refolve, the 
King, as to himfelf, muft be fo to them and 
the Kingdom, or they may no more endure it. 
With grave and weighty Reafons, they make 
the King know both the Error and the Vanity 
of his Affections ; letting him truly underftand, 
that they had a dear Intereft, both in him and 
the Kingdom, which they would no longer fuf- 
fer to be fo abufed and mifguided. 

Edward, being himfelf thus hardly preffed, 
and that no Entreaty or Diffimulation could pre- 
vail, he muft now fet right the Diforders of the 
Kingdom, or have his Work done to his Hand, 
with lefs Honour, and more Danger. Once 
more he fubfcribes to their Will, which he fees 
he cannot withftand or alter. Gave/ion is again 
banifhed, and makes Flanders, the next Neigh- 
bour, the Place of his Reception. Infinite was 
the Joy of the Kingdom, who now expected a 
fecure Freedom from that dangerous Convulfion 
that threatened Co apparent an inteftine Ruin. 

This, their imaginary Happinefs, was made 
more real and perfect, in the Knowledge, that 
IVindfor had bleffed them with an Heir Appa- 
rent. The Royal Father is pleafed with the 
News, but had not (whether his divining Spirit, 
or Gave/Ion's Abfence, were the Caufe) thole 
true Expreffions of Joy, that in Juftice became 
lb great a BleiTmg. The Abfence of his Mini- 
on could not lighten his heavy Soul ; but all 
other Comforts feemed vain and counterfeit ; 
his diffracted Brains take new and defperate Re- 
futations ; he revokes the Sentence of his Grief, 
and vows to juftify it againftthe utmoft Strength 
of Contradiction. 

He, that dares do thofe Things that are difho- 
neft and unjuft, is not afhamed to juftify and 
maintain them : This Error save this unfortu- 
nate King more Enemies, than he had Friends 
to defend them. Kings that once falfify their 
Faiths, more by their proper Will, than a ne- 
ceffary Impultion, grow infamous to foreign 
Nations, and fearful or fufpected to their own 
peculiar Subjects. He that is guilty of doing 111, 
and ji'.ftifies the Action, makes it evident, he 
hath won unto himfelf a Habit of doing fo, and 
a daring Impudence to maintain it by the Pro- 



tection, of which he believes all Things in a 
politick Wifdom lawful. This Pofition may, 
for a Time, flatter the Profeffor, but it perpe- 
tually ends with Infamy, which ftands with 
Reafon and Juftice ; for, as Virtue is the Road- 
way to Perfection, fo is the Corruption of a 
falfe Heart the true Path to a certain and an 
unpitied Ruin. 

The imaged Barons are not more fenfible of 
their own Difparagement, than the Inconftancy 
and Iniuftice of their Sovereign. They think 
this Affront done to them, and the whole King- 
dom, of too high a Nature to be difpenfed 
with, yet, with a temperate Refolution, they 
a While attend the Iffue. The Actions of In- 
juftice feldom leffen ; they believe Progreflion 
to be in all Things an excellent moral Virtue.- 
He that hath a Will to do 111, and doth it, fel- 
dom looks back, until he be at the Top of the 
Stairs. This makes the ill-affected Return of 
this our Favourite, more infamous and hated.. 
With an imperious Storm, he lets the Lords 
know, he meditates nothing but Revenge, and 
waits a fit Advantage to entertain it. They 
believe Time ill loft in fo weighty a Caufe, and 
therefore draw themfelves and their Forces to- 
gether, before the King could prevent, or his 
Abufer fhun it. The Clouds prefaging fo great 
a Storm, he ftudies the beft Means he could to 
avoid it. The general Diftafte of the Kingdom 
takes from him the Hope of an able Party.- 
Scarborough Caftle, his laft Refuge, he makes ■ 
his Sanctuarv ; but it was too weak againft the 
Number of his Enemies, and the Juftice of 
their Quarrel. He falls at length into the 
Power of thofe, from whom he had no Caufe 
to expect Protection or Mercy. The Butter- ■ 
flies of the Time, that were the Friends of his 
Fortunes, not him, feeing the Seafon changed, 
betake themfelves to the warmer Climate. His 
Greatnefs had won him many Servants; but 
they were but Retainers, that, like Rats, for- 
fook the Houfe, when they beheld it falling, 
The Spring was laden with many glorious and 
goodly Bloffoms, but the Winter of his Age 
leaves him naked, without a Leaf to truft to. 

In this uncomfortable Cafe, remains this slo- 
nous Cedar, in the Hands of thofe, whom, in 
his greater Height, he had too much condemned 
and abufed. They refolve to make fhort and 
fure Work, unwilling to receive a Command 
to the contrary, which they muft not obev, 
though it fhould come from him to whom they 
had fyvorn Obedience. Forfaken, unpitic-d, 

fcornedj , 



jo Tbe Life of Edward the Second. 

(corned, and hated, he falls under the Hands of moft implacable Enemy, and, with a Kind of 
Juftice. G overfeed is the Place which gives the fpeculative Prediction, would often feem to la- 
Epilogue to this fatal Tragedy, whence his Ad- ment the Mifery of the Time, where either 
\ erfaries return more fatisfied than affured. the King, Kingdom, or both muft fuffer. The 

Thus fell that glorious Minion of Edward the Son, whofe noble Heart was before feafoned 

Second, who, for a Time, appeared like a bla- with the fame Impreflions, allures it, which 

zing Comet, and fwayed the Jurifdiction of the he in Time as really performs, though it coft 

State of England, and her Confederates. He him the Lofs of his Eftate, Life, and Honour, 

did not remember, in the Smiles and Embraces Things are too far paft to admit a Reconci- 

of his lovely Miftrefs, that fhe was blind, nor liation ; the King's Meditations arc folely fixed 

made himfelf fuch a Refuge as might fecure him upon Revenge ; and the Lords, how they may 

when fhe proved unconftant. Such a Providence prevent, or withftand it. The Kingdom hangs 

had made his End as glorious, as his Beginning in a doubtful Sufpenfe, and all Men's Minds arc 

fortunate, leaving neither to the juft Cenfure of varioufly carried with the Expectation of what 

Time or Envy. would be the Iffue. Meditation and Intercef- 

The King's Vexations, in the Knowledge, are fion brings it at length to Parliamentary Dif- 

as infinite as hopelefs ; his Paffions tranfport him cuffion, which, being affembled at London, enacts 

beyond the Height of Sorrow. He vows a bit- many excellent Laws, and binds both the King 

ter Revenge, which, in his Weaknefs, he ftrives and Lords by a folemn Oath to obferve them, 

to execute with more Speed than Advifement. Thus the Violence of this Fire is a While fup- 

The graver Senators, that had moft Intereft in preffed, and raked up in the Embers, that it 

his Favour, mildly difcourfe his Lofs to the may (in Opportunity and Advantage) beget a 

beft Advantage. They lay before him his Con- great Danger. 

tempt and abuiive Carriage, his Infolence, Ho- A new Occafion prefents itfelf, that makes 

nour beyond his Birth, and Wealth above his each Part temporife for a While, and {mothers 

Merit, which muft, to all Ages, give a juft the Thoughts of the enfuing Rumour. Robert 

Caufe to approve their Actions, and his For- le Bruce re-enters Scotland, whence he had been 

tune. The leaft Touch of his Memory adds by Edward the Firft expulfed, inverting all the 

more to the King's Affliction, who is fixed not EngUJh Inftitutions, that had fo lately fettled the 

to forget, or forgive, fo bold and heinous a Peace and Subjection of the Kingdom. Ed- 

Trefpafs. ward, tender of his Honour, and careful to pre- 

The Operations in the King were yet fo ferve that Purchafe, that had proved fo dear a 
powerful, but the Jealoufies of the Actors are Bargain, adjourns his private Spleen, and pro- 
as cautelous, fo fair a Warning-piece bids them vides to fupprefs this unlooked for Rebellion. He 
in Time make good their own Security. Lin- knew the Juftice of his Quarrel, and wakens 
coin, the principal Pillar of this Faction, fol- from the Dream, that had given him fo large a 
lows his Adverfarv to Grave, but with a much Caufe of Sorrow. He gives his Intentions a 
fairer Fortune. This Man was a goodlv Piece fmall Intermiflion, and a lefs Refpite ; with all 
of true Nobility, being in Speech and Conver- Speed, he levies an Army, and leads it with his 
fation fweet and affable ; in Refolution grave own Perfon. Whether it were the Juftice of 
and weighty ; his aged Temper active above Be- Heaven, or his own Misfortune or Improvi- 
lief ; and his Wifdom far more excellent in a dence, the Scots attend and encounter him, 
iolid inward Knowledge, than in outward Ap- making Eajlrivelyn the fatal Witnefs of his Dif- 
pearance. after. His Army loft and defeated, he returns 

When the Harbinger of Death plucked him Home laden with his own Shame and Sorrow, 

by the Sleeve, and he faw and knew he muft His Return is welcomed with a ftrange Impoftor, 

leave the World, he calls unto him Thomas Earl that pretends himfelf the Heir of Edward the 

of Lancajler, that had married his Daughter, Firft, and the King, the Son of a Baker. A 

giving him a ftrict Impofition on his Death-bed, Tale, fo weak in Truth and Probability, wins 

that he fhould carefully maintain the Welfare neither Belief or Credit. Voidras, this imagi- 

of the Kingdom, and make good his Place a- nary King, is apprehended, and makes Xor- 

mong the Barons. This reverend old Statefman thampton Gallows the firft Stair of his Prefer- 

faw "the King's Ways, and knew him to be a ment. His Execution is accompanied with as 

ftranee 



ftrange a Story, which fuggefts the Inftigation 
of a Spirit, that, in Likenefs of a Cat, had for 
two Years Space advifed it. 

with a true feeling Grief, la- 



King, 



The 
menting his difhonourable Return from Scot- 
land, where his noble Father had fo oft difplay- 
ed his victorious Arms, doth vow with a fpee- 
dy Refcue to revenge it. He communicates his 
Refolution with the whole Body of his Coun- 
cil, who are, in their Advice, equally concur- 
rent in the Action. The former Lofs exacts a 
more Care, and a better Provifion. Tori, as 
the fitteft Place, is made the Senate of this 
grave AfTembly. Thither refort all the Sages 
of the Kingdom, and make it their firft Delibe- 
ration to fecure Berwick, that is one of the 
Keys of the Kingdom, and expofed to the great- 
eft Hazard. This Charge is given to Sir Peter 
Spalden, who was believed able enough, both 
in Fidelity and Valour. A fhort Time difco- 
vers him truly poflefled of neither. A fmall Sum 
of Money, with an expectant Preferment pro- 
mifed, betrays the Truft repofed, and gives the 
Scots the full Pofleflion of the Charge to him 
committed. 

The Pope, wifely forefeeing into the Mifery 
of this Diflenfion, out of his Chriftian and pi 



The Life of Edward the Second. y i 

out of the Protection of the Law,, and glory in 
their being fo, fall under his Rigour. 

Thofe, that duly examined the Truth of this 
Action, believed the Pretence to be but a Mafk, 
that hid a more perilous Intention. The King, 
by his untemperate and undifcreet Actions, had 
loft the Hearts of his People, and there was a 
general Face of Difcontent, throughout the 
whole Kingdom. The Ulcers feftered daily, 
more and more, which feemed to prefage and 
threaten, without fome fpeedy Prevention, a 
dangerous IfTue. All Men difcover their ill 
Affections, expecting but a Patron, that durft 
declare himfelf, and adventure to hang the Bell 
about the Cat's Neck. If this diforderly At- 
tempt, which was but to tafte the People's In- 
clinations, had fucceeded, the King (as it was 
to be feared) had much fooner felt the general 
Lofs, and Revolt of his whole Kingdom. But 
this Work was referved to future Time, and 
the Operation of thofe who had the Time to 
effect it with more Power and Pretence of Juf- 
tice. The crying Maladies of this Climate were 



fuch, that the Divine Power fent down, at one 
and the felf-fame Inftant, his three fatal Execu- 
tioners, Plague, Dearth, and Famine, to call 
upon us for a repentant Reformation. No Part 



ous Care, fends over two Cardinals, to mediate of the Kingdom is free, but was grievoufly af- 

a Peace and Agreement. They, being arrived flicted by the unmerciful Profecution of one, or 

in England, find the King well difpofed, fo the all thefe fatal angry Sifters. So great a Mifery 

Conditions might be reafonable, and fuch as was too much, but it is feconded with a fud- 

might become his Intereft and Honour. They den Invafion of the hungry Scots, who appre- 

pafs from hence into Scotland, and are by the hending the Advantage of the prefent Vifitati- 

Way, with a barbarous Example, furprifed and on, and ill Eftate of their Neighbours, like a 

robbed. The King is infinitely difcontented Land-Flood, over-run the naked and unpro- 

with fo inhuman an Act, that threw a Taint up- vided Borders. 

on the whole Nation. Great Inquiry is prefent- The Archbifhop of York, a grave and wife 

ly made, which finds out the Actors, and fends Prelate in his Element, but as far from the Na- 

Sir Peter Middleton, and Sir Walter Selhy, to a ture, as Name of a Soldier, refolves to oppofe 



fhameful and untimely Execution. Immediate- 
ly at the Heels of this follows another Example, 
no lefs infamous, and full of Danger. 

Sir Gilbert Denvil, and others, pretending 
themfelves to be Outlaws, with a jolly Army, 



this over-daring and infolent Eruption. He le- 
vies in hafte an Army, in Number hopeful ; 
but it was compofed of Men, fitter to pray for 
the Succefs of a Battle, than to fight it. With 
thefe, and an undaunted hoping Spirit, he af- 



to the Number of Two-hundred, ramble up and fronts the Scots, and gives them Battle, make 
down the Country, acting divers notorious In- 
folencies and Robberies. The Fame of an At- 
tempt fo new and unexpected, without a fpee- 
dy Prevention, feemed to intimate a greater 
Danger. A Commiflion is immediately fent out, 
which apprehends the Heads of this increafmg 
Mifchief, and delivers them over to the Hand 
of Juftice. They which confefled themfelves 



ing Mitton upon Swale, that honoured his Ene- 
mies with the Glory of a fecond Triumph, the 
Place of his Difafter. Many Religious Church- 
men, with the Purchafe of their Lives, begin 
their firft Apprentifhip in Arms ; whofe Lofs 
chriftened this Overthrow, The IFbite Battle. 

The Intent of this grave Prelate was, quef- 
tionlefs, worthy of a great and Angular Com- 
mendation, 



7 2 The Life of Edward the Second. 

mendatlon, but the A& was wholly inconfide- 
rate, weak, and unadvifed. It was not proper 
tor his Calling to undertake a military Functi- 
on, in which he had no Experience ; neither 
did it agree with his Wifdom, or Piety, to be an 
Actor in Blood, though the Occafion were fo 
great and weight)'. Too much Care and Con- 



Army, that in Worth and Number fo far ex- 
ceeded. The Memory of former PafTages and 
Trials taught them, how to underftand their 
prefect Condition ; this begets in them a Re- 
folution more folid and hopeful. They leave 
the Road-way, and war rather by Difcretion 
than Valour ; which fucceeds fo fortunately, 



ndence, improperly exprcfled, doth many Times that they furp rife all the Englijl Proviiions, and 

overthrow and ruin the Caufe it feeks to enforce the King to a fecond Return, more 

ftrengthen and advantage. There ought to be, fortunate, yet much lefs honourable. It is true, 

in all Confiderations of this Nature, a mature he retreated, and brought back his Army in 

Deliberation, before we come to Action, elfe Safety; but he had quitted the Siege, which he 

we lofe die Glory of our Aims, and commit all had vowed to continue, againft the united Power 

to the uncertain Hazard of Time and Fortune, of Scotland, and loft wholly all that Wealth and 



The Cardinals are now returned out of Scot- 
land, by whom the King truly underftands, 
that the Hopes of Peace are dcfperate. Their 
Leave taken, and Loffes fairly repaired, they 
return to Ro?ne, acquainting his Holinefs with 



Luggage he had carried with him. 

This filled all Men's Mouths with a com- 
plaining Grief, and made foreign Nations think 
the Englijh had loft their former Luftre, and 
renowned Valour. It was wondered, that an 
the Succefs of their Employment. The Pope Enemy, fo weak and contemptible, fhould, three 
being truly informed, that the Scots were neither feveral Times fuccefiively, bear away the Gar- 
conformable to his Will, or the general Good, land from thofe, that had fo often, and knew 
excommunicates both that ufurping King and the Way fo well, to win and wear it. 



Kingdom. 



But now begins a fecond Fire of a higher 



The King, nearly touched with the Lofs of Nature, that made the Kingdom a Theatre 
Berwick, inflamed with the Infolency of his ftained with the nobleft Blood, that within her 
barbarous Enemies, and grieved with fo great a 
Lofs of his People, refolves no more to fufFer, 
but to tranfport the War into the very Bowels 
of Scotland. To this Effect, with Speed he 
haftens out his Directions, and gives preient 
Order for the Levying of Men, Arms, and 
Money, to begin the War, and continue it. 



Confines had or Life or Being. The Kin°-, 
difcouraged with his foreign Fortune, lays afide 
the Thoughts of Arms, and recalls into his 
wanton Heart the bewitching Vanities of his 
Youth, that had formerly bred him fuch Di- 
ftemper. He was Royally attended ; but it was 
by thofe that made their Tongues, rather the 



The Royal Command, and Defire of Revenge, Orators of a pleafing Falfhood, than a true Sin- 



gives Wings to this Refolution. An Army is 
readv, and attends the King's Pleafure, before 
he conceits his Will truly underftood, or bruit- 
ed. Nothing is wanting but his own Perfon, 
or a fit Commander to lead them ; he lofeth no 
Time, but appears in the Head of his Army, 
before his Enemies had the leaft Knowledge of 
this Aflembly. With a hopeful Expectation he 
leads them on, and makes Berwick the Ren- 
dezvous, that fhould make his Number com- 
plcat and perfect. Before this Strength that had 
the Warranty of Art and Nature, he makes the 
firft Experiment of this Expedition. The 



cerity. Thefe were fit Inftruments for fuch an 
Ear, that would not hear, unlefs the Mufick 
anfwered in an even Correfpondency. The In- 
fidelity of the Servant is, in a true Conftructi- 
on, the Mifery of the Mafter ; which is more 
or lefs dangerous, as is the Weight or Mea- 
fure of his Employment. It is in the Election 
of a Crown a principal Confideration, to chufe 
fuch Attendants, whofe Integrity may be the 
Inducement, as well as the Ability, elfe the 
imaginary Help proves rather a Danger than 
Afliftance. Neither is it fafe o'r honourable, for 
die Majefty of a King, to feem to depend fole- 



Town, begirt, was not more confident of their ly on the Wifdom, Care, or Fidelity of one 

own Strength, than allured of a fpeedy Supply particular Servant. Multiplicity of able Men 

or Refcue. This gave the King a longer De- is the Glory and Safety of a Crown, which 

lay than he believed, and his Enemies Leifure falls by Degrees into Confufion, when one Man 

to raife and enable their Provifions. They law alone acts all Parts, whence proceeds a World 

it a Work too full of Danger and Hazard, to of Error and Confufion. 
venture the Breach of the Body of fo great an 



/ 



The 



The Life of Edward the Second. 



The King was not ignorant, that fuch a 
Courfe would make fuch as were his but at fe- 
-cond Hand, yet he refolves to make a new 
Choice of one to fupply the Rocm of his loft 
beloved Gave/ion. Though his difeafed Court* 
was furnifh-ed with a large Variety, yet his Eye 
fixeth on Hugh, the younger of the Spencers, 
who was always traceable and conformable to 
-the King's Will and Pleafure. This Man was 
in Show fraooth and humble, of an infiouating 
Spirit, one that knew his Matter's Ways, and 
was ever careful to obferve them. He had ap- 
plied himfelf wholly to Edward's Will, and fed 
.his wanton Pleafures with the Strains of their 
own Affection. Heat of Spirit, and Height of 
Blood, confult more with Paffion than Reafon, 
and a fhort Deliberation may ferve, where the 
Subject was fo pleafing, and to each Side agree- 
able. 

The King, to make his Refolutions eminent, 
with more Hafte than Advifement, makes him 
.his Lord Chamberlain, and lets the World 
know, it was his Love and Will that thus ad- 
vanced him. Scarcely is this new great Officer 
warm in his unbefitting Authority, but he ex- 
zdtly follows -his Predeceflor- precedent to the 
Life, making all Things lawful that were a- 
greeable to his Matter's Will, or his fantafticai 
Humour. 

The Peers of the Kingdom, that faw the 
Hidden and hafty Growth of this undeferving 
Canker, refolve to lop or root it up, before it 
fhould overtop their Luftre. Spencer, that in 
the precedent Story of Gave/ion, beheld the Dan- 
ger of his own Condition, begins, in Time, to 
provide and ftrengthen a Party. His aged Fa- 
ther, fitter for his Beads than Action, he makes 
a young Courtier, and wins the King to give 
him Power and Affiftance. He labours to re- 
move from his Matter's Ear all fuch as might 
endanger him, and fupplies their Places with fuch 
as were his Creatures. Thofe that were too 
high for fuch a Surprifal, by Perfuaiion, Money, 
cr Alliance, he feeks to engage, and make the 
Parties of this his coming Faction. The Body 
of the Court thus affured, his Actions in the 
State went in an even Correfpondency. Thofe 
that held him at a Diftance, valuing their Fi- 
delity and Honour before fo bafe an Advantage, 
faw themfelves difgracefully cafhiered,and others 
inftalled in their Rooms, that had neither Worth, 
Birth, or Merit. The factious Entertainers of 
his proffered Amity, not only enjoy their own, 
but are advanced higher, which made them but 



73 

the Inftruments to act and further the Corrup- 
tions of his Will and wicked Nature. 

This Foundation laid, they now feem to con- 
temn all Fear of Danger, and, in that AiTurancc, 
exprefs their Contempt and Scorn againft the 
Nobility, who, they knew, would never enter- 
tain their Society or Friendfhip. While thus 
the Rule and Manage of all the Royal Affairs, 
in their Power, was daily more and more abu- 
fed, the incenfed Barcns met at Sherborough, 
where the Earl of Lancafter, the Prime Agent, 
lays before them, in a fhort and grave Difcourfc, 
the Iniquity and Danger that feemed eminently 
to threaten both them and the whole Kingdom, 
if fuch a Refolution were not taken, as might af- 
fure a fpeedy Prevention. The Fore-know- 
ledge of their Sovereign's Behaviour, which. 
would obferve no Rule or Proportion in his 
immedett Affections, gave tl)em fmall Hope to 
prevail by Perfuafion or Entreaty. They too 
well underftood, that Spencers Pride was too 
great and haughty to go lefs without Compul- 
sion, and they mutt fink a Key, or neither the 
Kingdom or themfelves (againft fo inveterate a 
Hatred) could expect:, in Reafon, Safety, or Af- 
furance. Hertford, Mowbray, and Clifford foir 
a higher Pitch, and, in plain Terms, affirm, 
That all other Refolutions were vain and hope- 
lefs, it was only Arms that muft right the Time 
and State fo much difordered. Benningfieid and 
Mortimer approve this Refolution, and as foon 
give it Life and Adtion. They enter furioufly 
on the Poffeffions of their Enemies, fpoiling and 
wafting like profefied Enemies. 

Such an Outrage flies with a nimble Wing to 
' the Ears of the Owner, who as foon makes 
the King the Sharer of his Intelligence, and 
increafeth it to his own Advantage. The King 
fenfible of fo great an Affront, and as tender of 
the one, as cruel to the other, publifheth, by 
Proclamation, the Sentence of his Royal Will 
and Pleafure. The Actors of this Mifdemeanor 
muft appear and iuftify themfelves, or prefently 
forfake die Kingdom. 

The Lords that faw their Intereft at Stake, 
as they had begun, refolve to maintain the 
Quarrel. New Levies and Preparations are 
daily made, to make good the fucceeding If- 
fue. Yet the more to juftify thofe Arms, that 
in the beft Conttruclion were deemed rebellious, 
they fend to the King a fair and humble Mef- 
fage. The Tenor whereof lets him know, their 
Intentions were fair and honeft, and the Arms, 
thus levied, were rather to defend, than offend 

L h« 



74 

his Perfon ; only they in all Humility defire, he 
would begracioufly pleafed to remove and punifh 
thofe Vipers, which had too near a Room in his 
Royal Heart, whereby they had overthrown and 
undone the Peace and Tranquillity of the Kirg- 
dom. 

The King, that fears, is enforced to believe. 
He knew their Informations were juft, and he 
had no Power to deny, or withftand them. He 
affures a Reformation ; to make it more real, 
he adjourns it to the cnfuing Parliament, which 
is immediately fummoned to appear at London. 
'The jealous Lords, that too well knew the 
Cunning and Hatred of their malicious Adver- 
faries, appear like themfelves:, bravely attended 
with a Crew of lufty Yeomen well armed, 
which (tiled this The Parliament of White Bands. 
The Mayor, feeing fuch a Confluence from all 
Parts of the Kingdom, fo ill inclined and well 
appointed, with a careful Providence reinfor- 



Tbe Life of Edward the Second. 



itfelf more by Cunning and Falfhood, than by 
a fweet and winning Temper, when it is of 
all others the moft erroneous Maxim, that be- 
lieves, Affections can be in a fubordinate Way 
gotten or afTured. They are the proper Func- 
tions of the Soul, which move alone in their 
own Courfe, without Force, or the leaft Impul- 
fion. All other Ways are but Temporary Pro- 
vifions, that fcrve the prefent Advantage, but 
he, that by a juft Defert wins the Love and Be- 
lief of his Worth, hath laid a fure Foundation, 
making his Honour his own, and the Succeffion 
hereditary and permanent, to his everlafting 
Glory. 

Thefe imperious Servants thus removed, the 
Father, in Obedience to his Doom, betakes him- 
felf to a foreign Quietnefs. The Son, of a 
more turbulent and revengeful Spirit, keeps (till 
a Sea-board in the Skirts of the Kingdom, and 
falling fhort in Power, to requite the Authors 



ceth the City Guards, and planteth a ftrong of his Difgrace, he expreffeth his Malice to the 



Watch throughout all the Strengths and Parts 
of his Jurifdiction. 

This great Aflembly being now met, the 
complaining Barons find in both Houfes a ready 
Belief, and as fudden a Cenfure. A folemn De- 
claration gives the King Knowledge of their 
Sentence, which commands both the Spencers, 
Father and Son, into perpetual Exile. The 
King, as weak in his Disability, as wilful in 
the leaft Advantage, gives a fad and unwilling 
Confent; which, being known, gives the Spen- 
cers no Time of Imparleance ; their Judg- 
ment is immediately put in Execution, and they 



whole Nation. The Merchants, free from all 
Sufpicion, in their Voyages and Returns, are 
pillaged and rifled, and he the principal Actor. 

Such a domeftick Piracy begets a general 
Terror and Exclamation, which fills the King's 
Ears, and prefleth (as it required) a fpeedy Pre- 
vention or Remedy. He knew the Action was 
foul, but it was one of his own that had done 
it ; and fuch a one that was too dearly valued, 
to be either perfecuted or punifhed. He ftudies 
firft to fatisfy hi3 own Paffion, before he right 
this injurious Carriage againft the Subject. This 
makes him reject the wholefbme Admonition 



find more Servants than they defire to attend . of Friends, the Validity of his Laws,' and thofe 
them to Dover, where they are immediately fearful Apparitions that prefent him with the 
(hipped to go and feek a new Fortune. The Danger of fo foul an Enterprife, while with 
Elder, whofe fnowy Age, and more Innocence, an Example new, and full of alTured Hazard, 
deferved Pity, makes his Tears witnefs his true he repeals the Sentence of their Exile. This 



Sorrow, and his Tongue unfold them. He 
taxeth his Son's Vanity and Ambition, and his 
own Weaknefs, that had fo eafily confented to 
his Ruin. He laments his Misfortune, that in 
the Winter of his Age had caft him from his 
Inheritance, and had made him the Sea-mark 
and Scorn of a whole Kingdom. He confef- 
feth the Folly, that led him (by indirect Means) 
to the Prefervation of his high and ill-acquired 
Greatnefs. He wifheth his Carriage had been 
fuch, that, in this fo fad Change of Fortune, he 
might have found either Pity or Affiftance. 
But it is the infeparable Companion of Great- 
nefs that is gotten in the By-way, and not by 
a juft Defert or Virtue. It labours to fupport 



Act gave him too large a Time of Repentance, 
and may be a befitting Inftance to all enfuing 
Pofterity. The Actions, of a Crown are Exem- 
plary, and fhould be clean, pure, and innocent; 
the Stains of their Errors die not with them, 
but are regiftered in the Story of their Lives,. 
either with Honour or Infamy. 

But to proceed in this Hiftorical Relation : 
The Spencers thus recalled, and reinvefted in 
their former Favour, they exprefs themfelves in 
another Kind, and now, by a ftrong Hand, 
drive to crufh, by Degrees, all thofe of tht ad- 
verfe Faction. Sir Bartholomew Baldfmer was. 
the firft that tafted their Fury and Injuftice. 
His Caftle of Leedes in Kent, under a pretended 

and 



The Life of Edward the Second. 

and feigned Title, is furprifed and taken from Going off, lays Hold of the 



75 



him, without a due Form, or any legal Pro- 
ceeding. Their Return, and the Abrogation 
of that Law that banifhed them, was Provo- 
cation enough, there needed not this fecond 
Motive to inflame the Hearts of the angry 
Barons. But when the unjuft Oppreffion of 
the Knight (their Ally and Confederate) was 
■divulged, and came to their Ears, they vow a 
bitter Revenge, and make Speed to put it in 
Execution. They fee the Fruits of their Dal- 
liance, and long abufed Confidence, and waken 
out of that Slumber that had fed him with the 
Chimera's of fo dull and cold a Proceeding. 

The King, who formerly had been fo often 
furprifed, in Time arrives to provide a Reme- 
dy : He knew his Arms, and not his Tongue, 
muft plead the Injuftice of his Actions, where- 
in, if he again failed, he feared another Man- 
ner of Proceeding. The Spencers, that evi- 
dently faw theEminency of their own Dangers, 
make it their Matter-piece to crufh the Serpent 
in the Head before it grew to Perfection. They 
knew the Height of their Offences were beyond 
the Hope of Mercy, and there was no Way 
left of Affurance, but that, which they muft 
wade through in Blood, and make good, with 
the Sword, their Lives, or elfe be fure to lofe 
them. An Army is provided, and appears at 
Shrewsbury almoft before it was bruited. The 
firft Exploit feizeth the two Mortimers, that 
had begun again their former Invafion of the 



Advantage, and 
chargeth them (o hotly, that they break and be- 
take themfelves to their Heels, with great Loi- 
fes and Confufion. Holland, entrufted by the 
Earl of Lancajler, having accordingly perform- 
ed the Work he was employed in, marching up 
to the Refcue, is advertifed of the State of their 



Affairs, which makes him feek his 



Peace, 



be difpo- 



is own 
and refign this Supply wholly up, to 
fed at the King's Will and Plealure. The Sup- 
ply, fo unexpected, is gracioufly received, and 
there is a fet Resolution to employ it to the 
belt Advantage. 

The defpairing Lords, with their Adherent?, 
with much ado recover Pomfret ; there a fecor.d 
Deliberation is taken, which held it the fafeft 
Courfe to pafs on, and to poffefs the Cattle of 
Donflanborough, which was deemed a Strength 
tenable enough until they could reinforce their 
Partv, or work their own Conditions. This 
Refolution is prefently attempted with more 
Hafte than Fortune. Sir Andrew Harkely meets 
and encounters them at Burrowbridge, where 
Hertford, Clifford, and others, died honourably, 
in maintaining a brave Defence, while Lancajler, 
Mowbray, and many of their Adherents were 
taken, and with their Heads paid the Ranfom of 
their Errors. The Spencers, like two furious Ti- 
gers that had feized their Prey, give not their 
incenfed Matter Leave, to deliberate on the 
Weight of fo fad a Work ; the Lives of many 
brave Subjects are taken away in an Inftant, 



Spencers. Their Strength was great enough for and each Part of the Kingdom is ftained with 



fuch an Incurfion, but much too weak to with- 
ftand or encounter this Royal Army. This 
firft Hanfel, fo fortunate, gives Life to their 
Adverfaries, and imprifons them in the Tower, 
before their AfTociat.es could be truly inform- 
ed, or ready to relieve them. 

There is now left no Time to difpute ; the 
Barons muft with their Arms warrant their 
Proceedings, or they muft mifcarry in the Ac- 
tion. They had foon gathered a Strength, 
with which they refolve to encounter the King 
at Burton. The Knowledge of the great Pow- 
er that came againft them, and their own Weak- 
nefs, wins them to a Retreat, not more dange- 
rous than difhonourable. But their Reafons 
were juft and weighty ; the Earl of Lancajler 
had fent Sir Robert Holland to raife his Tenants 
aad Friends, which he hoped would, in Time, 
reinforce his Army. 

Valence, Earl of Pembroke, that commands 



Lofs of that noble Blood, that had been much 
more gloriouflv fpent in a foreign War, than in 
thefe Domeftick and Civil Tumults. 

Edward, who was apparently guilty of too 
many other Vices, drowns their Memory in 
this fo cruel and bloody a Tyranny. The 
wreaking Blood of fo many brave Gentlemen, 
fo unfortunately and untimely loft, doth cry 
for Vengeance, and hurry on the Deftruction 
of the chief and principal Actors. Mercy fhould 
precede the Severity of Juftice, if not to all, 
yet to fome, fince they were not alike guilty. 
If Lancajler had been of fo unnoble a Difpofi- 
tion, the Spencers had neither had Time nor 
Caufe to rejoice in his Ruin. How often had 
they by a full Advantage had Power of thefe 
their Enemies, yet made it evident, their Aims 
were not Blood but Reformation. And affu- 
redly, in this their laft Act, their Intents to- 
wards the Crown were innocent in all other 



his Matter's Forces, feeing the Diforder of their Refpecls, than the Defire of fupporting it with 

L 2 more 



j 6 Tie Life of Edward the Second. 

more Honour. As Things fell afterwards out, not a Man that will give them Heart or Lead- 

it had been to the Kin:* a Happineis if their ing. 

Arms had prevailed, for this Victor/ was the The watchful Spencers, that faw and knew 
principal and fandamental Ca'ife of his eu filing the general Hatred, and Infamy of their own 
Ruin. Fear, and the Expectation of Danger, Conditions, lefTen not their Height, or fear the 
kept both him and his Favourites in a better Sequel. With a politick Care they ufe their 
Temper, fo long as there was Co ftrong a Bridle. beft Means to prevent it. The King's Humour, 
Certainly, in the Regimen of a Kingdom, it naturally vicious, they feed, with all the pro- 
is a wife and difcreet Confiderition to main- per Objects, that might pleafe or more betray 
tain and uphold a divided Faction, and to his Senfes. They ftrive to make him alike hate- 
countenance them Co, that the one may be ftill ful to his Subjects, that in the Change of For- 
a Counterpoife to the other ; by this Means tune they might together run one and the felf- 
the Kins* fnall be more trulv ferved and in- fame Hazard, 
formed. There is yet another Piece of State to this 

The Subject that is too far exalted, and hath great Work as proper. Edward is but a Man, 

no one to contradict or queftion him, confiders and a Creature in nothing more conftant than 

not the Juftice, but the Means to preferve him, his Affections, yet thefe with Age and Time 

by which the Judgment of the King is taxed, may alter; this Gap muff be flopped, that they 

and he is robbed of the Hearts of his People. may be more afTured. Hugh, the younger of 

The greater the Height, the ftronger is the the Spencers, who had a fearching Brain, wife 

Working to maintain it, which feldom goes and active, believes this Work had two feveral 

alone, but is accompanied, for the moft Part, Dependences, the one to keep him in continual 

with thofe State- Actions of Impiety and Injuf- Fear, the other in a perpetual Want. Thefe, 

tice, which draws with it fo perpetual an Envy being marfhalled with Difcretion, he knew 

and Hatred, that it leads him headlong to a would knit faft his Mafter's Love, and add 

fatal and difhonourableConchifion. Though the to the Opinion of his Wjfdom and Fidelity; 

Fury of this enraged King had Co fully acted impofing a Kind of neceflary Impulfion ftill to 

this bloody Tragedy, yet Mortimer is fpared, continue him. In his Bread: alone were locked 

rather out of Forgetfulnefs than Pity, whofe all the PafTages and Myfteries of State, whereby 

Life had been more available than all thefe, that he was moft able to provide for the future In- 

with fo great a Speed had felt his Rigour. But conveniences. 

he is referved for a fecond Courfe, to teach the From this Ground, with a Kind of Ioofe 
Spencers the fame legem tal'ioms, and Edward the Scorn, he continues the French Correfpondence, 
plain Song of his Error. The Kingdom feems and fecretly contriveth a Continuance cf the 
now in better Peace and fettled ; the principal Scotijh Rebellion. He omits no Act of Con- 
Pillars of the Commonwealth were taken away, tempt againft the antient Nobility, that they* 
and thofe which remained are utterly difhearten- might in the Senfe of their Difgrace be, or at 
ed in the Danger of fo frefh an Example. leaft daily threaten fome new Combuftion. 

This gains fuch a Liberty to thefe triumph- The Confluence of fo many threatening Dan- 
ing Sycophants, that they make the whole King- gers work the wifhed Effect, and keep the 
dom, as it were, the juft Fruits of an abfolute King in perpetual Fear and Agitation. The 
Conqueft. The King approves and maintains ill Succefs of his Armies, and Expeditions in 
their Actions, giving them the Regal Power for their Memory, help ftrongly to increafe it: 
their Warranty. All Kinds of infdlent and un- Yet is not his faithful Servant negl in the 
juft Oppreffions are now confidently practifed, fecond and remaining Part. He fo orders his 
without Contradiction or Queftion. No Ex- Buhnefs, within Doors and w that the 
action or unlawful Action is left unattempted, Royal Treafure of the Crown is pr waft- 
while the grieved Kingdom languiftieth under eft and fpent without Account or Honour. The 
the Burden, yet durft not ftir to redrefs it. antient Plate and Jewels of the Crown are in the 
The great ones fuffer bafely beyond their Birth Lombard, and their Engagement drowned, be- 
or Honour, yet look faintly one upon ano- fore it had the Warmth of a fure PcfTeflion. 
ther, nor daring to revenge their Quarrel. The Subject is racked with ftrange Inventions, 
The Commons murmuring complain, yet find and new unheard of Proportions for Money, 

and 



The Life of Edward the Second. 



iTS 



and many great Loans required, beyond all Pro- 
portion or Order. Laftly, the Royal Demeans 
are fet at Sale, and all Things that might make 
Money within the Kingdom. 

To fupply thefe Inconveniencies, which are 
now grown to a greater Height than the Plot- 
ter of them intended ; a new Parliament is 
called at York, where the elder Spencer is advan- 
ced to the Earldom of Winchejler ; and Harkely, 
another Chip of the fame Block, is made Earl 
of CarliJIe. Baldock, a mean Man in Birth, 
Worth, and Ability, is made Lord Chancel- 
lor of England. 

In this Parliament, which was by Fear and 
Favour made to his Hand, he makes known 
the Greatnefs of his Want and Occafions ; the 
juftly aggrieved Commons, entering into a deep 
Confideration of the Times, freely give the fixth 
Penny of all the temporal Goods throughout the 
whole Kingdom. 

When this Act came to the general Know- 
ledge, it utterly eftranged the Hearts of the 
Subjects, which plead an Impoffibility to per- 
form it, in refpect of thofe many former Exac- 
tions. Yet after fome light Conteftation it is 
levied, no Man daring to make fo much as a 
Show of Refiftance. 

If we may credit all the antient H'rftorians, 
who feem to agree in this Relation, there were 
feen, at this Time, many Sights fearful and pro- 
digious. Amongft them no one was fo remark- 
able, as that which for fix Hours Space (hewed 
the glorious Sun clcathed all in perfect Blood, 
to the great Admiration and Amazement of all 
thofe that beheld it. Following Times, that 
had recorded it in their Memories by the Se- 
quel, believed it the fatal Prediction of the 
enfuing Miferies. Thofe, that more aptly cen- 
fure the prefent View of a Wonder, conceit- 
ed, the juft Heavens fhewed their incenfed An- 
ger, for the noble Blood of the Earl of Lan- 
cajler, and his Adherents, fo cruelly fhed, with- 
out Compaffion or Mercy. 

The Scots working on the Condition of the 
Times, fo much dejected and amazed, feize the 
Advantage. They faw by the laft Parliamen- 
tary Proceedings, that the King was fo enabled, 
as the Hope of any Attempt, in England, was 
altogether hopelefs. Yet they refolve to be 
doing fomewhere within the King's Dominions, 
or at leaft his Jurifdiction. This draws them 
to aflemble themfelves, and to attempt a Sur- 
prifal of the Northern Places in Ireland. As 
the Action was vain, fo the Succefs proved as 



77 

unfortunate ; they are defeated, fkiin, over- 
thrown, and return not with the twentieth 
Part^>f their Number. 

The King, remembering thofe many Indigni- 
ties he had differed, and refenting this their laft 
Attempt, with an implacable Scorn and Anger, 
refolves to let them fpeedily know that he meant 
to call them to an After-reckoning. Upon this 
he fends out his Summons, to call his Men of 
War together, and makes all Provifions be pre- 
pared, for this fo conftantly refolved a Journey. 
His former Misfortunes had inftructed him to 
undertake this Defign much more ftrongly and 
warily. And this fo grave a Confideration 
brought him together the remaining Glory and 
Strength of the greater Part of his Kingdom. 
With thefe he marcheth forward and invadeth 
the nearer Parts of Scotland; but, whether it 
were the Infidelity of thofe about him, the Will 
and Pleafure of Him that is the Guider and Di- 
rector of Human Actions, or the unfortunate 
Deftiny of this unhappy King, he is enforced 
to return, without doing any Act that is truly 
worthy his Greatnefs or Memory. 

The wily Scots, that durft not fet upon the 
Face of his Army, wait upon the Rear, and, 
in a watched Opportunity, furprife his Stuff 
and Treafure. This fends him Home a third 
Time a difcontented Man, and, whether with a 
juft Guilt, or to transfer his own Fault upon o- 
thers, the newly created Earl of CarliJIe is put 
to a fhameful Execution. The Grounds againft 
him were very probable, but not certain, and 
it was enough that he is believed, like 'Judas, 
for Money to have fold his Mafter. The prin- 
cipal Motive, that may lead us to think he was 
deeply faulty, was the Honour and Gravity of 
hisTryal, which gave him, on a full Hearing, 
fo fincere and (harp a Sentence. 

Scarcely is the King fettled, after his tedious 
Journey, when comes a ftranger News, That 
the French King had made a hoftile Attempt 
upon the Frontier- Parts of Guyenne, which was 
feconded with a Declaration, That he was no 
longer refolved to entertain the Friendfhip or 
Peace with England. 

This Feat had been cunningly before-hand 
wrought by the fecret Working of Spencer, yet 
he de fired to have it ftill in Agitation, and not 
in Action. He wilhed his Mafter thence might 
be poffeffed with the Fear of War, and not feel 
it. The French were of another Mind, they 
faw into the great Diforders and Mifguidance of 
England, and thought it a fit Time, either by 

Wan 



7 3 The Life of Edward the Second. 

War or Policy, to unite fo goodly a Branch ftruction they conceited Money, or a Refigna- 
of their Kingdom. It is true, tliey had match- tion of that Part which was holden by the King 
ed a Daughter of France to the Crown of Eng- in France, would beget a Peace at their own 
land, and had folemnly fwore a Peace, but thefe Will and Pleafure. "Yet thefe Confiderations 
they thought might be with Eafe difpenfed with were attended with fome Doubts, which dclaved 
on fo weighty a Caufe, and fo fair an Advan- and put off the Execution, 
tage. Edward feeing into the Danger, and The Queen, who had long hated the Info- 
taxing bitterly the Infidelity of the French, lency of the Spencers, and pitying the languifh- 
begins to furvey his own Condition, whereby he ing Eftate of the Kingdom, refolves in her Mind 
might accordingly fort his Refolution, either to all the poflible Ways to reform them. Love 
entertain the War, or to feek Peace upon fome and Jealoufy, two powerful Motives, fpurred 
honourable, or at leaft reafonable Conditions. her en to undertake it. She faw the King a 

He in this Paflage finds himfelf more hated Stranger to her Bed, and revelling in the Em- 

and feared than beloved; he faw his Coffers braces of his wanton Minions, without fo much 

empty, the Satijh War and Surprifal had quite as a Glance or Look on her deferving Beauty, 

exhaufted the Sinews of his laft Parliamentary This Contempt had begot in her Impreflions of 

Contribution. He feared the Inclination of a like, though not fo wanton and licentious a 

the Subjects would refufe any further Supply, Nature. She wanting a fit Subject for her Af- 

or, in Confenting, make it conditional, which fections to work on (her Wedlock being thus 

he was unwilling to undergo or adventure. eftranged) had fixed her wandering Eye upon the 

Lajily, The Misfortune, that waited on him goodly Shape and Beauty of gallant Mortimer. 

ever fince he was abfolute, he feared, had eftran- He was not behind-hand in the Reception and 

ged and dejected fo the Hearts of his Soldiers, comely Entertainment of fo rich and defired a 

that thev would hardly be drawn forth, or act Purchafe. But his laft Act had lodged him in 

any Thing with their accuftomed Valour and the Tower, which was a Cage too ftrait to 

Refolution. In this Diftraction, he feeks not crown their Deiires with their full Perfection, 

by the Advice of a grave Council to qualify or yet is there a fweet Correfpondency continued, 

prevent it, this Medicine he conceits is worfe Letters and many loving Meffages bring their 

than the Difeafe, but calls unto him Spencer, the Hearts together, tho' their Bodies were divided. 
Cabinet of his Heart; he alone is thought fit to By thefe is Mortimer informed of the Refo- 

communicate this deep Secret, and to give the lution for the intended Journey of his Royal 

Refolution. His Father, Baldock, and the reft Miftrefs, whom he vows to attend, or lofe his 

of that Faction, by his Perfuahon and Entreaty, Life in the Adventure. The Queen, underftand- 

are admitted to make the Party greater, and ing the Intentions of her Servant, ftrives to ad- 

the Difcourfe more ferious and likelv. Before vance her Difpatch, and haften it with all her 

them is laid the Condition of the King, the beft Endeavours. But, where was fo great an 

Eftate of the Kingdom, their own Danger, and Inconfrancy, there could be no Expectation, 

the Intentions of their foreign Adverfary. Ma- that this Propofition fhould be more allured and 

nv fevcral Wavs are devifed and advifed, and in permanent. New Delays and Doubts interpofe, 

Conclufion, no one is believed more found and infomuch, that the Hopes of this Journey were 

proper, than that the Queen fhould perfonally now grown cold and defperate. 
mediate the Atonement with her Royal Bro- The Queen feeing herfelf deluded, and this 

ther. This as it was cunningly laid, fo had it Opportunity ftolen from her, by thofe whom 

a double Ufe and Reflection. The Spencers fhe before fo mortally hated, fets her own Brains 

faw the Subjects more inclinable to adore the a working, to invent a fpeedy Remedy. She 



rifing Sun, in which Act they thought the 
Queen's Mediation and Prefence would be a 
dangerous Inftigator. They believed her Ab- 
fence could not work fuch and fo great an Af- 
iiftance as might countervail thedomeftick Dan- 
ger They knew the French light and inconftant, 
and thofe which, with a Kind of natural Fear, 
abhorred the Englijh Wars, out of the Limits 
if their own Kingdom. And in the worft Con- 



was therein fo fortunate, as to pretend a Jour- 
ney of Devotion and Pilgrimage to St. Ti> 
mas of Canterbury, which by her Overieers 
was wholly unfufpected. Thing? thus pre- 
pared, by a faithful Meflenger fhe gives M - 
timer the Knowledge of her Defign, who pre- 
pares himfelf with a more dangerous Strata- 
gem to meet it. Her eldeft Son, her deareft 
Comfort, and the chief Spring that muft fet all 

thefe 



The Life of Edward the Second. 



79 



t^.efe Wheels a going, fhe leaves not behind, but 
makes him the Companion of her Travels. 

The King's Joy was great, that faw, by this 
Occafion, he fhould gain a free Liberty to en- 
joy his ftolen Pleafures, which were before fo 
narrowly attended by the jealous Eyes of his 
Queen, that in this Kind had been fo often 
wronged. 

The afpiring Spencers were well pleafed, that 
to be aflured would have given a free Confent to 
her perpetual Abfence. A fhort Time brings 
her to the End of fo fhort a Journey, where 
(lie makes her Stay of the fame Meafure. Win- 
chelfcy had the Honour to have the laft Farewel 
of this Pair of precious Jewels. Thither comes 
Mortimer, having made a fortunate Efcape, and 
with the Earl of Cane refolves to venture his 
life in the Attendance and Service of fo brave 
a Miftrefs. An Exploit fo weighty and danger- 
ous gave no Time of Stay or Ceremony. They 
immediately embark, and make a Trial where 
they may find another Climate more propitious 
and fortunate. The watery Billows and the 
peaceful Winds, as if they were confenting to 
their Enterprife, entertain them with an Af- 
pecl clear and quiet, fending them with a frefh 
and pleafing Gale fafe to their defired Port of 
Bullc'ign. 

The King and Spencers, being truly informed, 
are ftartled with the iVIatter and Manner of 
their Efcape. They knew the Birds were too 
far flown to be catched or reclaimed ; and did 
imagine the Plot was too furely laid that had fo 
profperous a Beginning. Now all the former 
Refolutions were ufelefs ; new Deliberations are 
required how this Breach may be handfomely 
lbdered, or the threatening Danger prevented. 
All other Ways are deemed fhort, that one of 
taking off the King of France, was believed 
moft fure and eafy. They knew the French 
Strain to be giddy, light, and covetous, and 
applied themfelvei in the right Key to fit thefe 
feveral Humours. 

The King, whofe prefaging Soul mifgave his 
Welfare, grows fad and melancholy, calling to 
Mind the Injun 1 ice of his own Actions, and the 
fair Caufe his Wife had to feek her Right and 
Refuge. The Neglect and Breach of Wedlock 
was fo great an Error, but fo to contemn fo 
fweet and great a Queen was a Fault, in his 
own Thoughts, deferved a heavy Cenfure. She 
had not only felt a particular Share of her own 
Grief, but fuffered deeply in the Sorrow of 
the whole Kingdom. Thofe, which had erecled 



their petty Tyrannies over the Subjects, were in 
like Sort authorifed by him that ought to have 
had an equal Share of her Affliction, more and 
more to abufe her. 

The fad Impreflions of thefe Diforders, and 
the reeking Blood of fo many noble and brave 
Subjects, fo bafely fpilt, do feem to cry for Ven- 
geance. This, for a While, wrought deeply 
in his diftrelfed Thoughts, but a fmall Intermif- 
fion brings him back to his former Temper. 
A cuftomary Habit of a depraved Nature dul- 
leth the Senfe of the Soul and Confcience; fo 
that, when our better Angels fummon us to Re- 
pentance, the Want of a lively true Appre- 
henfion leads us blindfold into a dangerous de- 
fpairing Hazard. 

The French King; having Notice of his Sifter's 
Arrival, with a wonderous plaufible and feem- 
ing Joy, doth entertain it with an honourable 
Attendance, fitting more her Eftate, Birth, and 
Dignity, than her prefent miferable Condition ; 
fhe is waited on to Paris, where (he is foon vifit- 
ed by the Royal King, her Brother. When (he 
beheld the Refuge of her Hopes, (he falls upon 
her Knee, and, with a fweetly coming Modefty, 
fhe thus begins her Story. 

The King, unwilling to fuffer fuch an Idola- 
try from her that had a Father, Brother, and 
Hufband fo great and Royal, takes her up in hh 
Arms, and then attends her Motives. 

Great Sir (quoth fhe) behold in me, your moft 
unfortunate Sifter, the true Piclure of a dejecled 
Greatnefs, and the effential Subftance of an unhap- 
py Wedlock. I have, with a Suffering beyond the 
Belief of my Sex, overcome a World of bitter Trials. 
Time leffens not, but adds to my Afflictions ; my 
Burthen is grown too heavy for my long abufed Pa- 
tience. Yet it is not I alone, but a whole King' 
dom, heretofore truly glorious, that are thus unjuji- 
ly zvronged. My blujhing Cheek may give you 
Knowledge, I too much honour the Caufe of my 
Affliction, to let my Tongue dif cover it. Yet this 
in Duty and Modefty I may ingenuoufty confefs, My 
Royal Husband is too far feduced, his Ear is too 
open, his Will too violent, and his Heart too free, 
to thofe bewitching Syrens, that makes his Errors 
their Profit and Glory. All Hope of his Return is 
loft, fo long as they Jhall live, and remain his Lead- 
ers. Hew many of his noblejl and bravejl Sub- 
jects have attempted his Freedom, and by an un- 
ju/l and inglorious Death mifcarried ? Alas ! all 
Expectations are vain and defperate ; if I had not 
known the Impoftibility to difinchant him, 1 had not 

in 



fo 



The Life of Edward the Second. 



in jo mean and mijerable a Caje Jiolen to you for They well enough underftood the Vanitv of Fe- 



Succur. Tou have a fair JVay to make known to 
the IVorld the Truth of your own Glory an d Good- 
Fortune leads you by the Hand to an Aclion 
not more jufl than honourable, if you would dif- 
■ it. Can there be a more precious Motive to 
invite you, than the View of theje unhappy Ruins? 
See here Wjo Royal Branches of the Flower- de- 
Luce ivi the ring, fullied, and depreffed. Would 
\ ou truly conftder, how great and noble a Work it 
is, to fupport thofe that are unworthily oppreffed, 



ma e Paffion, but fufpe<5t, that the riling Son 
would be followed and admired, whilft their de- 
clining Matter would be left forfaken and de- 
jected. Thefe Conceits work fo deeply, that 
they conclude they muft fall, if they could not 
flop the foreign Danger, The Englijh were cow- 
ed, there was in them no Fear, unlefs the Stran- 
gers Strength gave them new Life and Spirit. 
In fo weighty a Caufe there was no Time left 
for Delay or Dalliance. They difpatch pre- 



Hccrjen and Earth muft witnefs the true Value of fently away their Agents to the French Court, 

your IVorth end my Petition. Let it not breed a laden with the Treafure of the Kingdom, and 

Jealoufy or Difcouragement, that I appear before many glorious Promifes. They inftruct them 

;;.v, and feek your Help with fo poor a Train and how to apply themfelves to the Time and pre- 

mean Attendance. Befides the Jujlice of my Caufe, fent Neceifity, and teach them the Way to work 

I bring with me the Griefs and Hearts of a King- and undermine the Queen's Proceedings. 



dom, that have both fworn and vowed to defend it. 
Nor may you with Reafon doubt their Integrity, 
while you have ny wretched felf, and the Heir ap- 
parent, to he your Pawn ami Warrant, For God's 
Sake, Sir, by your own Virtue and Goodnefs I de- 
fire it, and in the Challenge of that Royal Blood, 
whereof by the Laws of God, Men, and Nature, 
J have fo large a Share and Intereft. Let not 
J ft er- ages taint your Memory with fuch an Af- 
fperftcn, That you are the firfl of all the Kings of 



Thefe MefTengers, arriving at Paris, find the 
French Heat well qualified and cooled. This 
eave them more Time and Hope, to brine; their 
Matter's Will and their own Employment to a 
fpeedy Perfection. They fet upon the Pillars 
of the State, fuch as in their Matter's Ear, or 
in his Council, had moft Sway and Prehemi- 
nence ; they give freely and promife more, till 
they have won a firm and fair Affurance. No 
one had an Intereft, and was known to be a 



France, that denied to relieve a Sifter fo deeply Favourer of the adverfe Part}-, but his Tongue 



wronged and di/lreffed. 

She would have fpoken more, but here the 
big fwollen Fountains of her waterv Eves dif- 
charge their heavy Burthen. Her Tears, like 
Orient Pearls, bedew her lovely Cheeks, while 
(he with a filent Rhetorick invites a noble Pity. 
Her fad Complaint now won a general Re- 
inorfe, and her liquid Tears, a deep and ftrong 
Compaffion. Her Brother vows Revenge, and 
promifeth to make England and the World 
know fhe was his Siner. 

The Lords and Peers of France tender their 
ready Help and Affiftance; the Service is fo hot- 
Iv purfued, that the poor Queen, with an abu- 
ied Confidence, believes fhe (hall be fpeedily and 
ftrongly righted. It was not alone her Error, 
it is a general Difeafe. We eafily credit that 
News we moft defire and hope for. 

The Spencers, whofe watchful Eyes were foon 
informed of thefe Paffages, too late condemn 
their own Improvidence and Folly, that gave 
the wronged Queen fo fit and fair an Advan- 
tage. They fear not all the Power of Fiance, 
but fufpeci inteftine Danger, where they knew 
the Hearts of all were aliened and eftranged. 



is tied with a golden Chain to a perpetual Si- 
lence 

When thus this Practice was ripe, the King 
is perfuaded to the Danger and Peril of fo great 
and weightv an Action. His Sifter's Reputa- 
tion and intemperate Carriage, though tender- 
ly, is often touched. A Woman's Paffion is 
believed too weak a Reafon to engage two fo 
warlike Nations in a War, wherein themfelves 
had formerly fo often fuffered. 

The King, for all his firft great and high 
Expreffions, had much rather have to do with 
the Englijh in their own Kingdom than in 
France, yet was well er.ough content not to 
try their Arms in either. Yet ftill he feeds his 
forrowing Sifter with good Words, pretending 
manv vain Excufes, which made her fufpedt and 
doubt his Meaning. She arms herfelf with a 
noble Patience, hopeful, at leaft, that fhe and 
her Son might there remain in Peace and S:. 
ty. 

By the Intercourfe of Meffages that had fo 
often patted and repaired, the Spencers are afTur- 
ed, that their Affairs in France went fairlv on, 
by which they were well onward in their Jour- 
ney. 

There 



The Life of Edward the Second. 



8. 



There could be yet no certain or aflured Con- 
fidence, until they had again gotten the Queen 
and her Son into Poffeffion. No Promife or 
Perfuation is left to win her to return, but her 
Ears were flopped , (he too well knew the fweet 
Enticements of fuch alluring Serpents. This 
Project falling {hort, a folemn Letter is framed 
from King Edward to the Pope, and a Mef- 
fenger after their own Hearts appointed to car- 
ry it. The Contents were full of Humility and 
Bitternefs, complaining to his Holinefs, That 
his Wife had, without juft Caufe. forfaken both 
him and his Kingdom, carrying away his Son, 
the Stay of his Age, without his Leave or Li- 
cenfe ; a Traytor to him and his Crown, who 
had publickly acted a Rebellion, and was taken 
and imprifoned for it, had made an Efcape, 
and was now her fole Companion ; and though 
he was not hafty to report or credit, yet he had 
juft Caufe to fear he was the Abufer of his Wed- 
lock. The King of France, with whom he 
had fworn fo folemn and firm a League, being 
fummoned, had denied to reftore her. 

Thefe goodly Gloffes and Pretexts find a 
ready Paffage, and an eafy Belief where there 
was none to contradict or juftify. If thefe Af- 
perfions had been, as they were pretended, juft 
and true, the Fa£t had been odious, and juffly 
deferved a fair and fpeedy Reformation. The 
greater Cardinals, who were at that Time moft 
great and eminent, had tafted deeply of the 
King's Bounty, which gave the Pope a daily 
Inftigation to pity and reform fo great and grofs 
an Error. On which an Admonition is pre- 
fently fent out to the French King, that he 
caufe immediately the Queen of England to de- 
part forth of his Dominions. 

Whilft this Device was in Action, the Eng- 
UJh difcontented Barons fend privately to the 
Queen, informing her, that they were almoft 
crufhed to Pieces with their Suffering. They 
iblicit her to haften her Return, and promife 
really to engage themfelves and their Eftates in 
her Quarrel. With a joyful Heart (as it de- 
ilrves) (he entertains this loving Proffer. And, 
the more to advance her declining Affairs, (he 
inftantly acquaints her Brother with the Ten- 
der. He had then newly received his Sum- 
mons from the Pope, which taking out of his 
Pocket, he delivers her back, wifhing her to 
perufe and read it. The amazed Queen, when 
(lie beheld fo fad a Sentence, falls humbly on 
her Knees, and defires, That his Majefty would 
grant her but fo much favour, that (he might 



more truly inform his Holinefs, and juftify her- 
felf by a fairer and noble Trial. With Tears 
(he inftanceth the Malice of her Adverfaries, 
that had taken fo ftrange a Courfe, both to a- 
bufe and wrong her. Her Brother, glad of 
fuch a Protection to (hadow his difhonourable 
and unnatural Falfhood, lets her know the Ne- 
ceffity of his Obedience, and that he muft not, 
for her Sake, adventure the Cenfure and In- 
terdiction of himfelf and a whole Kingdom. 
He wifheth her to arm herfelf with Patience, 
and to return and make a Peace with her Huf- 
band, in which A£t himfelf would ufe both the 
Perfuafion and Strength of his beft Power and 
Intereft, letting her withal know, that (he had 
but a (hort Time to deliberate, for (he muft 
inftantly leave his Kingdom. Scarcely had he 
ended thefe his laft unwelcome Words, when 
away he flings, with a feeming difcontented 
Show of Sorrow, rejoicing inwardly, that he 
had freed himfelf of the Expence of her En- 
tertainment, and found fo fair a Colour to a- 
void the Juftice of her daily Importunity. 

The drooping Queen, thus abandoned, with 
an amazed Grief, relates this unkind fad Paf- 
fage to her faithful Servants, Cane and Mor- 
timer.. Their valiant Hearts make good the 
Lofs of their Hopes ; they accufe the Injuftice 
of Time, and exclaim againft the French un- 
natural Bafenefs. Mortimer, whofe inflamed 
Paffion flew a higher Pitch, breaks out, and, 
with a bold Freedom, would have fallen to a 
bitter Expoftulation. The Queen, who knew 
the Danger, and was loth to lofe that little mi- 
ferable Freedom (he had left, with fweet and 
mild Perfuafions reclaims him to a milder Tem- 
per. She had a fecond Doubt, left in fuch a 
Conteftation (he might be fent back againft 
her Will to her Hufband. This makes her tem- 
porife, and cunningly feem to provide for a 
voluntary Return, which might prevent that 
Danger. She, failing in the Mafter, yet taftes 
a-new his Servants, and leaves n« Means unat- 
tempted, to bring about and alter (o hard and 
ftrict a Cenfure. TJiey, that were the firft Be- 
trayers of her Hopes, do now with a more 
Confidence and Conftancy expiefs it, and, with 
one Voice, fing the fame Tune with their 
Mafter; declining Mifery, the Touchftone of 
Friendfhip, finds itfelf (hunned, like fome in- 
fectious Fever. The Sunfhine of Fortune hath 
as many Profeflbrs as Beams, but, if her Glory 
be once eclipfed, they all, with a coward Bafe- 
nefs, feek fome other Succour. This Leffon, 
M that 



8 1 The Life of Ed 

that is fo frequent and familiar, {hould guide our 
Election more by Judgment than Affection. 
They are not to be chofen or valued, that in 
the Pretence of Love, though it be for our 
proper Good and Service, will a£t any Thing 
that is bafe and unworthy ; the fame, in the 
leaft Change, will not be fqueamifh, for a poor 
Advantage to confirm their former Practice, 
though it be to our Lofs or Destruction. 
Where Virtue guides our Choice, it begins with 
Truth and Honour, ending with a like re- 
fplendent Glory. No worldly Crofs, nor Height 
of Affliction, lefiens the Worth and Value of 
fuch a Friend, who, like a goodly Rock, in 
Fury of the greateft Storms, makes good his 
proper Station. Mutual Correfpondency in Af- 
fections ought to be pure and innocent ; if pri- 
vate Refpects taint the Sincerity of the Inten- 
tions, it makes this Traflick rather a Com- 
merce than Friendlhip. Opinion of Faith is 
a powerful Motive, yet not weighty enough, 
unlefs it become as well with real Ability, as 
Appearance, the Subject of our Election. 

But, to proceed, the Queen, being in this 
diftrefled Agony, finds an unexfpected Refuge. 
The gracious God of Heaven, who never for- 
fakes thofe which are his, fends her a Comfort 
when her dying Hopes v^ere almoft funk and 
defperate. 

Robert of Artois, a Man as truly valiant as 
noble, was one of the firft that in the French 
Court had tendered the Queen his Service. He 
was a wife, grave, and fteddy, well refolved 
Gentleman ; his firft Devotion was not led by 
Matter of Form or Compliment, but was tru- 
ly grounded on a true Compaffion and Honour. 
This brave Friend, beholding with a noble 
Eye, the Vanity of his Fellow - friends and 
Courtiers, and looking into the Mifery of the 
Queen's forfaken Condition, fets up his Reft to 
appear like himfelf, a Friend in all her For- 
tune, firm and conftant. In this Refolution he 
waits a fitting* Opportunity to let her fee and 
know it. The Time was favourable, he finds 
her in her melancholy Chamber, confufed in 
her reftlefs Thoughts, with many fad Diffrac- 
tions. She, fancying the Occafion of the Com- 
ing of fo great a Perfon was great and weigh- 
ty, with a filent and attentive Ear expects his 
Meffage. 

Madam (quoth he) it is the moji excellent Part 
of Wifdom, with an equal Virtue, to entertain the 
different Kinds of Fortune. This World is hut a 
mere Compojition of Troubles^ which [terns greater 



ward the Second. 

or h[s, as is the .Quality of the Heart that enter- 
tains them. I confefs the Jujlice of your Grief, 
and truly [nare it, but Tears and Sorrow are not 
Means to relieve or right you. The juji Heavens 
affifl thofe that with an aclive and lively Hope in- 
voke their Succour. The Tendernefs of your Sex, 
and former free Condition, is yet a Stranger to 
thefe Trials ; Time will let you know they are 
the familiar Attendants of our frail Strutlure of 
FLJh and Blood, when you will confefs it too great 
a Weaknefs to fink under the Burthen of our Af- 
flictions. For your own Goodnefs (noble ^ueen) 
erecl and elevate your thus dejecled Spirits : Be- 
hold in me the Character of an unworthy, but 
true Friend, that am refolved my Life and State 
[hall attend and run with you the felf-fame For- 
tune. You may no longer make this unthankful Cli- 
mate, the Place of your Birth, the Stage of your 
Abiding ; the Way is paved with Gold to your De- 
Jlruclion. Wherefore, if my Advice may fway, 
let Speed prevent your Danger . 1 he Confines of 
the f acred Empire are near adjoining, w/jere are 
many brave Princes, who may happily afford you 
Succour ; at the worjl, you may there enjoy a 
more afjitred Peace and Safety. Neither do I 
prefume to direSl this Courje, but lay it humbly 
before you, offering my faithful Service to attend 
you, to what Part foever of the univerfal World 
your Refolution [hall fix on, defiring you to be af- 
fured, my Life, before my Faith, Jhall perijh ; for 
I have vowed myfelf, and will continue your ever- 
lajling Servant. 

Infinitely was the Queen rejoiced in this fo 
grave and fincere an ExprefTion, {he doubles a 
World of Promifes and Thanks for this fo free 
an Offer, and with a fecret and wary Car- 
riage fhe fpeedily provides to begin her thus re- 
folved Journey. Though here fhe faw a far lefs 
Appearance of Hope, when her deareft Brother, 
and her native Kingdom had forfaken her, yet 
fhe refolves the Trial rather than to return, 
without a more Aflurance. She knew fhe had too 
far waded, and incenfed her malicious Adver- 
faries, to expect a Reconciliation, and feared 
to be mewed up from all Hope of future Ad- 
vantage. Thefe Confiderations made her with 
a fad Heart and weeping Eyes forfake the fruit- 
ful Limits of ingrateful France, and betake 
herfelf to her laft but mod uncertain Refuge. 
The Condition, that is truly miferable, finds few 
real Friends, but never wants Infidelity to in- 
creafe its Sorrow. 

Stapleton, Bifhop of Exeter, who had fled to 
the Queen, and made himfelf a Sharer in this 

weighty 



The Life of Edward the Second. 83 

weighty Action, forfakes her Party. He fee- he imagined Age had robbed his Brcaft and Head 

ing the French Hopes vanifhed, and thefe re- of all their noble Vigour. 

maining fo poorly grounded, thought to work c . , . , . Tr , ... rfr ,, r , , 

" ' ° . V r t_- t? • u • fu- r> b* r (quoth he) If you and all the ft arid for fake 

his Peace by ofing his Faith,and, in this Conceit, ... ,, T j r / j an • 1 • 

■ tt n 7 r /? ; j tr t .iv *bts noble Lady, my ingle Arm frail maintain 

in Hafte returns for England. His Intelligence re- , ~ , -/ // j ,, , ,- T • , w 

.. , . , . A 1 her Quarrel, ince 1 bad rather he my Life than 

conci es and wins him favour, but it was purcha- >-., r ,• a jr r j juJ j 

XT j r. .u * a • j »u tr c m y raitb, o full and freely engaged. After Ages 

fed at too dear a Rate, that ftained the Honour of J „ ,?/./, ri r u - r J > j 

* i. t n ir j j u- a .u /ball net blot the Glory of our Hou/e, fo great and 

fo high a Caing, and made him molt unworthy J ,, ., r . , < J c, ■ J l-h t- r j 

" c ° ,. • ? v> c tr noble, with o inglorious a Stain of Baenefs and 

of fo divine and grave a rrofefiion. r rj r* c ' d j , ru r j 

■*% i. t> u l 1^- j cv Infidelity : Suco Precedents are eldom ecn, and 

By this Treacherv, the King and Spencers un- 7 TT / , . , , -' , , •% J 

,/,,,_• • ' Vw > r> r i .• j <w<W rs &• ?kc;v tenacrly regarded. A Queen, 

derftand both the Queen s Refolution and *. . T r ■ .. , J r 4 ^ *<•. .' 

«-. , r ~, r . »l /-• »«• .• and the Heir apparent of o great a Lrown.pleaa- 

Weaknefs. They fear not the German Motions, . , . „ J* J ■> & „ „ , **L . 

j ii / j xt • .. L ru r * ing o iu t a fity. nor may. nor Jha I be for fa ken. 

that were a dull fad Nation, that feldom ufe to 7 $ J ■ J f< D / f Qt /' J ,-,, J J, 

~ . , , . rj.. , ' , . , A , „ „i .. -f/j in toe Keafon of State, you ft not to be an 

fight for nothing. Time hath at Jaft brought ■>/„ r r ir j if i v 

& n . ^ ° r „ r> i • . *u ci • c After, referve yourfelf, and make not the Kin? 

our Roval Enghlh Pilgrims to the bhrine of r v \ a u v t i > .1 

r , . 'Vw • tl t? i r t7 • /^ c / England roar Enemy. Know. I have both 

of their Devotion. The Fan of Heinault, a -"- = , r J . , T {.. ? .. . 

», ' , ii j- jaj- Arms and Lr i ends. 1 will pawn them all. rather 

Man truly noble and virtuous, underltanding . .,■.,'« r . /ry - ' , , 

her Arrival within the Precincls of his Jurif! j£* » * ^ ^ r ^' >^ "» *^ tf '^ 

diction, gives her a free and loving Welcome. -' 

This bountiful honeft Earl efteems it his Glory Thefe Words, fpoken with fuch a Refolution, 

to entertain fo princely Guefts like themfelves, and fearlefs Bravery, {topped all Reply and Con- 

and to become the Patron of their fo weak Con- tradition. The Queen, that had already both 

dition. He had a Brother that made his Arms a French and an Italian Trick, had no lefs 

the Honour of his Profeflion, who thinks the Reafon here to doubt it. She knew no Means 

Eftate of this forfaken Queen, in Juftice, defer- would be left unattempted from her domeftick 

ved a true Relief and Pity. He tenders her his Spies, to make her once more forfaken. This 

Service, and believes the Occafion happily offer- enforceth her with a more Importunity to haften 

ed, that might leave to enfuing Times the Me- ^d advance her Enterprife. All the good Of- 

mory of his Virtue, Worth, and Valour. hces, that might fpur on the inflamed Heart of 

So fair a Morning puts the Queen in Hope, her brave Protector, me makes the Hand-maids 

the Evening would prove as fortunate : By all of her female Wifdom. But, alas, they need- 

thofe winning Graces of a diftrefled Beauty, fhe ed not her careful Agent ; they had quickly 

Arrives to confirm, and more engage, this firft gotten together a voluntary Troop of Three- 

and fair Affection. hundred well-refolved Gallants, that vow them- 

TheEarl, having Knowledge of his Brother's felves to follow him, even into the Mouth of 
Refolution, thought the Attempt too full of the Cannon. He ftays not to increafe his Num- 
Hazard, and, with a grave and mild Temper, ber with a Multitude, but believes, if there 
commending the Nobility and Greatnefs of his were an anfwering Correfpondency in the Eng- 
Spirit, advifeth him to quit the Action ; he lays Ufo, with thefe, to over-run the Kingdom, 
before him the Weaknefs of the Foundation, Arms, Shipping, and all Provifions necefiarv, 
the Queen was in "Want of Men and Money, attend their Coming. They, with the Glory 
and had not fuch a Correfpondency in England, of their Hopes, "lead the revived Queen a Ship- 
as might warrant her againft her incenfed Huf- board. Now do they expofe themfelves to the 
band, who was waited on by fo warlike and firft Trial of their Fortune, aiming at Dsnge 
valiant a Nation. He, in like Sort, acquaints Port, to take their hoped Pofleffion. The Hea- 
him, how impoflible a Thing it was, for him vens, that favoured their Deiign, out of their 
to raife fuch an Army, as might credit the prefent Fear, preferve them beyond Belief or 
Caufe, and countenance the Beginning : True Expectation. Her Adverfarics had a forerun- 
Valour confifting not in daring Impoflibilities, ning Knowledge of their intended Place of 
but expofing itfelf where Reafon, Judgment, Landing, and had there provided to give tl 
and Difcretion were the Leaders. a hot and bitter Welcome. The raging Billo 

Sir John, with a quiet Patience, hears his Bro- and the bluftering Winds, or rather the Divine 

ther's Admonitions, which he knew fprung from Providence, after the fecond Day's Extremity, 

the Freedom of an honeft and a loving Heart, but brings them a-land fafe at Orwel, near Har- 

M 2 



84 



wicb. They were ignorant, 
and fro by the Violence of the Weather, what 
Part of the Kingdom they had light on ; and 
were as much dllr-refTed with the Unfhipping of 
their Men and Baggage, as with the Want of 
Harbour and Victuals. Three whole Days in 
Diforder and Confufion, they make the bleak 
and yielding Sands their Habitation, perceiving 
the Vanity of their rafh and defperate Attempt, 
which, in the lead Oppofition or Encounter, 
muft have wrought their Confufion. It was 
in vain to attend longer here, where they faw 
fo fmall Sign of better Entertainment ; this 
makes them march on with this little weather- 
beaten Troop, to win and conquer a Kingdom. 
St. Hammond:*,, an Abby of black Monks, was 
honoured with the Welcome of their long loft 
Miftrefs ; here fhe and her Princely Son had 
their firft Reception and Entertainment. 

The Bruit of this Novelty, like a Welch 
Hubbub, had quickly overtaken the willing 
Ears of the difpleafed Commons ; who, ever 
delirous of Innovation, like Bees, in Swarms, do 



The Life of Edward the Second. 

being driven to ton, that had fo unhappily, and with fo little 
Credit changed his Mafter. The King and the 
Spencers forfaken, but yet ftrongly attended with 
the Guilt 



of fo many, and fo foul Errors, fly 
to Briflol, a Town ftrong enough, and well pro- 
vided. Arundel^ and the Elder Spencer, under- 
take the Defence of the City, while the King, 
and the others, make the Caftle their Hope 
and Refuge. 

The Queen being informed, that the King 
had forfaken his Royal Chamber, and had ftolen 
a Flight to Brijlol, fhe foon apprehends, and 
lays hold of the Advantage, addreffing a fair but 
mandatory Letter to the Mayor, to keep the 
City, to the Ufe of her, and her Son, that was 
fo like to be his Sovereign. The inconftant 
Citizens, that ever cleave to the ftronger Party, 
are eafily perfuaded and intreated. Stapleton, 
that forefaw and feared the Danger, fummons 
the Mayor to furrender him the Keys of the 
Gates for his Affurance. Chichvell, that was 
then Lord Mayor, incenfed with the Im- 
perioufnefs and Injuftice of this Demand, appre- 



run to her Affiftance. The Barons, fo depref- hends this inconfiderate Bifhop, and, without all 

fed, and unjuftly giieved, with itching Ears, Refpect to his Place or Dignity, makes his Head 

attend the News of this Advantage. When the Sacrifice to appeafe the angry Commons, 

the Tidings of their Arrival came to their This Act had too far engaged him to recoil, he 

Knowledge, with fo liberal a Relation, which muft now wholly adhere to the Queen's Faction, 

made her Army ten Times greater than it was, Four of the graveft and moft fubftantial Burghers 
they lofe no Time, for fear of fome Preven 



tion. 

Henry of Lancajler was the firft, who was 
feconded by many others of the braver Peers of 
the Kingdom. By this Means the Queen and 
her adherent Strangers lofe the Depth of that 
Agitation, that till now had kept them doubt- 
ful. 

The King, that till this Time had (lumbered 
out the Prologue of this enfuing Danger, fecure 
in the Belief of the Spencers Strength and Provi- 
dence, in fo general a Revolt, awakens from 
his licentious Pleafure, and beholds nothing but 
a grim and fearful Face of Sorrow. The Coun- 
cil of his Cabinet, accompanied with their own 
Guilt, are affrighted in the fad Apparitions of 
their approaching Ruin. The Time of Preven- 
tion is loft, their abufed Confidence had only 
laboured to fhut the Gate, but not affured the 
Family. The prefent Neceffity admits no long 
Deliberation, this Flame was too violent to be 
quenched, and fuch a Courfe is to be taken as 
may rather affure them Time to temporiie, 
than with a ftrong Hand to drive to repel it. 

The City's Guard is recommended to Stapk- 



are fent, to let her truly underftand their Devo- 
tion. They are gracioufly and lovingly receiv- 
ed, the Mayor hath Thanks for his late bloody 
A£t, which was ftiled an excellent Piece of Jus- 
tice. 

This Gap thus (topped, with her Army fhe 
marcheth to the Cage that kept thele Birds, 
whofe Wings fhe would be clipping. She knew, 
if fhe ftruck not while the Iron was hot, the 
Heat of a popular Faction would quickly fink 
and lefien. All the Way of her Tourney, fhe 
finds, according to Heart's Defire, a free and no 7 
ble Welcome. Her Troops like Snow- balls, in 
her Motion more and more increasing. When 
fhe came before this great and goodly City, fhe 
faw it was a Strength by Art and Nature, and 
did believe it furniflied to out- wear a Siege of 
long Continuance, which made both her and 
her Adherents more jealous, and fufpe& the If- 
fue. Where the Perfon of an a sd King 

was at Stake, there could be no Affurar.ce. 
But fmiling Fortune, that had turned her Wheel, 
refolves this Doubi:, and makes the Action ea- 
fv. The Citizens, that knew not the Laws of 
War or Honour, will not expofe their Lives 

and 



The Life of Edward the Second. 85 

and Goods to the Mercy of the Strangers, and and Tempefts. The often Going off, and Re- 
the Hazard of an unruly Conqueft. They had turn of this unguided Pinnace, begets a fhrewd 
too much tafted the Afflictions of the Kingdom, Sufpicion. At length {he is furprifed, and in 



to think the Quarrel juft, or to adventure their 
Protection at fo dear a Hazard, for thofe that 
had been the Caufe and Inftrument of fo much 
Blood and Trouble. 

From this Confideration, they fend an hum- 
ble Meflage to the Queen, and defire as well 



to capitulate for their Commanders, as their own his Sovereignty. 



her Bulk is found that Treafure that ends the 
War, and gave the Work Perfection. 

The King is comforted with the fmooth Lan- 
guage of thofe which had the Honour to take 
him, and believes the Title of a King, Father, 
and Hufband, would preferve his Life, if not 



Intereft. All other Conditions are defpifed and 
difdained ; if they will have Grace, they muft 
purchafe it with the Refignation and Delivering 
up their Captains. This Doom was efteemed 
heavy, they would have been glad, that fhe had 



The Queen having now made the Victory 
perfect, no Enemy, or other Work remaining, 
refolves with herfelf to ufe it to her belt Ad- 
vantage. Yet fhe gives her incenfed Paffion 
Preheminence, Revenge muft precede her Defire 



had her Will, but were themfelves unwilling to and ftrong Ambition. No fooner had Sir Hen- 



be the Actors. But the Time no more Impar- 
lance admitted, neither could they have a De- 
lay or Remedy. The Queen, that had won fo 
far upon their yielding Hearts, knew their Con- 
dition well enough, and would not give them 
Refpite, but calls upon their prefent Anfwer. 

This round and fmart Summons brings, with 
one and the fame Art, Arundel, Spencer, and the 
City, into her PoiTeflion. This Part of the 
Prey thus gotten, no Time is loft to call them 



ry Beamond brought the imprifoned King and 
his dejected Favourite to the Army, but fhe dif- 
patcheth away her Hufband, to Barkley-QzR]^ 
and Spencer is delivered over to the Martial, and 
immediately hath the like Entertainment, only 
he hath fomewhat a longer Time, and a far 
more cruel Sentence than his Father. All Things 
thus ordered, the Queen removes to Hereford, 
and in all the Places of her Paflage is welcomed 
with joyful Acclamations. With a Kind of in- 



to a Reckoning. Sir Thomas Wadge, the Mar- fultant triumphing Tyranny, far unworthy the 

fhal of the Army, recites a fhort Calendar of Nobility of her Sex and Virtue, fhe makes her 

their large Offences, when, by a general Confent, poor condemned Adverfary, in a ftrange Dif- 

they are approved Guilty, and without Judge, guife, attend her Progrefs. He was fet upon a 

or other Jury, they are fentenced to be drawn poor, lean, deformed Jade, and cloathed in a 



and hanged, and their Bodies to remain upon 
the Gibbet. The Rigour of this Doom Spencer, 
the Farher, feels, that was Ninety Years old, 
and could not long have lived by the Courfe of 
Nature. 

The Caftle- walls, and the Eyes of the King, 
and his unhappy Son, were Witnefles of this 
fad Spectacle and his Difafter. This Prtciudium 
gives them the Senfe of their enfuing Story, 
which, with a World of melancholy Thoughts, Queen's Reputation and Honour, if fhe had 



Tabarce, the Robe, in thofe Days, due to the 
bafeft 1 Thieves and Rafcals, and fo was led 
through all the Market-Towns and Villages, 
with Trumpets founding before him, and all the 
fpightful Difgraces and Affronts that they could 
devife to caft upon him. 

Certainly this Man was infinitely tyrannical 
and vicious, deferving more than could be laid 
upon him, yet it had been much more to the 



they ftudy to prevent or alter. A defpairing 
Resolution at length wins them to a defperate 
Hazard. While the Queen was labouring to 
furprife their Fortrefs, which was like too long 
to hold good, if fome Stratagem were not found 
to get it, there were no Citizens to betray them, 
it needed not, themfelves were foon the Actors. 
They fteal into a fmall Bark, that rode within 
the Harbour, hoping by this Means to make an 
Efcape undifcovered ; they find the mercilefs 
Waves and Winds a like cruel. Twice had 
they gained 5/. Vincent's Rock, but, from that 
Reach, were hurried back, with fudden Gulls 



given him a fair and legal Trial, by his Peers, 
according to that ancient and laudable Cultom 
of England, wherein by his Death he might 
have given both the Law and his Adverfaries a 
full Satisfaction. It is certainly, give it what o- 
ther Title you will, an Argument of a won- 
derous bafe Condition, to infult or to tyrannife 
over thofe poor Ruins, which Fortune hath 
thrown into our Power. A noble Pity is the 
Argument of an honourable and fweet Difpofi- 
tion, and the Life of Man is great enough to 
expiate all Offences. To fatisfy our Paffions, 
with the bittereft Extremity of our Power, may 

juftly 



86 The Life of Edward the Second. 

Juftly be filled, rather a favage and barbarous him know their Declaration. When they were 

Cruelty, than true and perfect Juftice. No come into his Prefence, Trujfel, Speaker in the 

Queftion, it was a pleafing Sight to all the lower Houfe, in the Name of the whole Kingdom, 

wronged Subjects, to fee fuch a leprous Monfter refigned up all the Homage due to him, and then 

{o monftroufly ufed. But when the Heat of proncunceth the Sentence of his Deprivation. 



Blood was paft, and Men had recollected their 
Senfes, it then appeared to be too great a Ble- 
mifh to a Queen, a Woman, and a Victor. 
But whether fhe were now weary with impo- 
fing, or he with fuffering, Hereford, on a lofty 
Gibbet, of an extraordinary Height, erected on 
Purpofe, gives him the End of all his Torments. 
Which being performed, Order is left behind 
for the Execution of Arundel four Days after, 
which is accordingly performed 



Edward, that long before had Notice of thefe 
Proceedings, arms himfelf to receive it with 
Patience. He gives them back no Anfwer, 
knowing a Conteftation or Denial might haflen 
on his Death, and a Confent had made him 
guilty, by his own Confeflion. 

Thus did this unfortunate King, after he had, 
with perpetuaLAgitation and Trouble, govern^ 
ed this Kingdom Eighteen Years, odd Months 
and Days, lofe it by his own Diforder and Im- 



I could never yet read a fair and juft Caufe, providence, accompanied with the Treachery and 

Falfhood of his own Subjects. And that which 
is moft miraculous, an Army of three or four 
hundred Men entered his Dominions, and took 



why this Earl loft his Life, unlefs it may be 
counted Treafon not to forfake his Lord and 
Mailer, to whom he had fo folemnly fwore his 
Faith and Obedience. It certainly was no fuch 
capital Fault, to accompany and leek to defend 
his Sovereign, when he was by all others for- 



from him the Rule and Governance, without 
fo much as a Blow given, or the Lofs of one 
Man, more than fuch as perifhed by the Hand 



faken, that, by their Vows and Oaths, ought to of Juftice. In a declining Fortune, all Things 



have been as deeply engaged. If being taken 
with thofe that were fo corrupt and wicked oc- 
cafioned it, I fee yet no Reafon, why he alone 
was executed, and thofe, that, in their Know- 
ledge, were his only Inftruments and Creatures, 
were fuffered to live, and be promoted. But 



confpire a Ruin, yet never was it feen, that fo 
great a King fell with fo little Honour, and fo 
great an Infidelity. But what could be expect- 
ed, when, to fatisfy his own unjuft Paflions, 
he had confented to the Oppreflions of his Sub- 
jects, tyrannifed over the Nobility, abufed his 



ve may not properly expect Reafon in Women's Wedlock, and loft all fatherly Care of the King 



Actions, whofe Paflions are their principal Guide 
and Mover. 

Now fhe is come to London, and received 
with all the Honour due to (o great a Queen and 
Conqueft; the People croud to fee her, and with 
applauding Shouts extol her, that, in the leaft 
Change of Fortune, would be the firft fhould cut 
her Throat, or do her any other Mifchief. 

A Parliament is immediately called and af- 
fcmbled, in which the Pack was before-hand 
ealily laid, for Edward had loft the Hearts and 
Love of all his People ; the Errors and Abufes 
of the Kingdom are there, with too great a Li- 
berty againft a Sacred King yet living, laid open 
and difcourfed. All Men were of one Mind, a 
prefent Reformation muft be had, which, in a 
true Conftruction, was but a meer politick Trea- 
fon. The three Eftates prefently afTent to the 
Depofition of the Elder, and railing the Youn- 
ger Edward, to the fole Regimen and Gui- 
dance of the Kingdom ; not a Peer, Bifhop, 
Knight, or Burgefs, fpeaks a Word in Defence 
of him that was their Mafter ; but divers are 
fent from both Houfe?, to the yet King, to let 



dom, and that IfTue that was to fucceed him. 
Certainly it is no lefs honourable than proper, 
for the Majefty and Greatnefs of a King, to 
have that fame free and full Ufe of his Affection 
and Favour, that each particular Man hath in 
his oeconomic Government ; yet, as his Call- 
ing is the greateft, fuch fhould be his Care, to 
fquare them always out by thofe facred Rules 
of Equity and Juftice ; for if they once tranf- 
cend to exceed, falling into an Extremitv, they 
are the Predictions of a fatal and inevitable 
Ruin. Let the Favourite tafte the King's Boun- 
ty, and enjoy his Ear, but let him not engrofs 
it wholly, or take upon him the Sway and Go- 
vernance of all the Affairs of his Mafter ; this 
begets not more Envy than Multiplicity of Er- 
ror, whofe Effects do, for the moft Part, oc- 
cafion a defperate Convulfion, if not the De- 
ftruction of that State, where it hath his Al- 
lowance and Practice. As Kings ought to li- 
mit their Favours, fo ought they to be curious 
in the Election ; for Perfons of Safer or meaner 
Quality, exalted, are followed at the Heels with 
a perpetual Murmur and Hatred. 

Neither 



The Life of Edward the Second. 

Neither is it fafe or proper, that all the prin- 
cipal Dignities, or Strengths of a Kingdom, 
fhould be committed to the Fidelity of any one 
particular Subject, though never fo gracious or 
able. There muft be then a Kind of impulfive 
Neceflity ftill to continue his Power, and ap- 
prove his Actions, elfe, having the Keys in his 
Hand, he may at all Times open the Gates to 
a foreign Trouble, or a domeftick Mifchief. 

The Number of Servants, as it is the Matter's 



8 7 

with it an enfuing fuppofed Liberty of Practice, 
both in Court and State, by his Example. 

As thefe are moft proper to the Affections, 
fo are there fome as neceflary Inductions for 
Kingly Paffions, which, of the two, are more 
violent and dangerous. 

Though it a While delay the concluding Part 
of the Hiftory, yet my Pen muft not leave them 
untouched. I muft confefs, if Man could maf- 
ter and govern thefe rebellious Monfters, he 



Honour, fo is the Knowledge of their Ability might juftly merit rather the Name of an An- 
his Glory. Where, by a difcreet Diftribution, gel than a mortal Creature. But this, in a true 



they find Variety of Imployment, and are in- 
differently heard, both in Advice and Action, 
they more fecure their Matter's Safety and Great- 
nefs. Kings, in their Deliberations, mould be 
fwayed by the whole Body of a Council, and, 
in my Opinion, fhould take it ill, to have any 
Servant efteemed much wifer than his Matter. 
Their Royal Glory fhould be pure and tranf- 
parent, fuffering not the Jeaft Eclipfe, or Sha- 
dow : Be the Advice of a fingle Wit never fo 
grave and weighty, let the Act and Honour be 
folely the King's, which adds more and more to 
the Belief of his Ability and Greatnefs. 

If once the Royal Heart be fo given over to 



Perfection, is moft impoflible. It is yet, ir^ Di- 
vinity and all moral Conftruction, the moft ab- 
folute Mafter-piece of this our Pilgrimage, to 
difpofe them fo, that they wait on the Operati- 
ons of the Soul, rather as obedient Servants, 
than loofe and uncontrouled Vagabonds. A 
King, that is in thefe deficient, having fo unli- 
mited a Power, and making his Will his Law, 
in fhort Time lofeth the Honour of his Calling, 
and makes himfelf a Tyrant. Intemperate and 
heady Actions beget but Diforder and Confufion, 
and if they End in Blood, without a Warranty 
of apparent Juftice, or inevitable Neceflity, they 
cry to Heaven for a deferved Vengeance. The 



Senfuality, that the befitting and neceflary Law hath Advantages and Punifhments enough 



Cares of a Kingdom feem a Burthen, and, by 
Letter of Attorney, affigned over to the Fide- 
lity of another, he is then, by his own Indif- 
cretion, no more an abfolute King, but at fe- 
cond-hand, and by Direction. It is the Practice, 
and not the theoric Act of State that awes and 
allures the Heart of the Subject ; this, being once 
doubtful or fufpected, eftrangeth the Will of our 
Obedience, and gives a Belief of Liberty to the 
Actions of Diforder and Injuftice. 

Neither is the Error and Imbecillity of a 
Crown more prejudicial to itfelf, than dange- 
rous in the Example. Majeftick Vanities and 
Vices find a ready Imitation and Practice, fo 
that it may be concluded, an ill King '.nay en- 
danger the Virtue and Goodnefs of a whole 
Kingdom. Our Nature is prone to the worfer 
Part, which we more readily are inclined to 
pradtife, with the Condition of Time, and fo 
powerful and eminent a Precedent. 

Kings that are fubject to a natural Weaknefs, 



for thofe that lie at his Mercy. Let not incenf- 
ed Hafte betray the Royalty of a Crown, to 
make itfelf both Judge and Executioner. Kings 
are Gods on Earth, and ought in all their Ac- 
tions to direct the Imitation after a Divine Na- 
ture, which inclines to Mercy more than Juf- 
tice. Men's Lives, once loft, cannot be redeem- 
ed ; there ought therefore to be a tender Con- 
fideration before they be taken, left the Injuftice 
of the Acter, in Time, be brought to fuffer in 
the fame Meafure. As is the Quality of the 
Fact, fo is the Condition of his Agent to be 
maturely deliberated, wherein there may be fuch 
Dependencies, that it is for the Crown more 
profitable, fafe, and honourable, to fave, or 
delay the Execution of the Law, than to ad- 
vance or haften it. Howfoever, it is the more 
innocent and excellent Way, to offend in the 
better Part, and rather to let the Law, than 
once own Virtue and Goodnefs to be vifibly 
deficient, and difefteemed. The Actions of 



or grown to the Practice of any other particular Repentance are numbered with the Regifter of 



Error, by Corruption, fhould act their Deeds of 
Darknefs, with fuch a referved Secrecy and 
Caution, that there be not a Sufpicion to taint 
him ; for, if it once win an open Know- 
ledge, befides the particular Afperfion, it brings 



our Mifdemeanours, where none appear more 
tearful than thofe, which an inconfiderate Fury, 
or the Violence of Paflion, hath acted with too 
much Hafte and Cruelty. Let then the Height 
of fo great and excellent a Calling be fluted 

with 



88 The Life of Edward the Second. 

with as fweet a Temper, neither too precipi- or Surprifal. They make Donhead, one of 

tate or flow, but with a fteddy and well-advifed their Number, their Captain ; but he knew 

Motion. better the Ufe of Church-Ornaments, than how 

As thefe Confiderations are in the one Part to handle his Weapons, or manage an Army ; 

neceflary, fo ought there to be a correfpondent he is intercepted, and fent to Prifon, where he 

Worth and Care in him that hath the Happinefs dies, before he had fo much as muftered his 

to enjoy in fo great aMeafure his Royal Mafter's Congregation. 

Ear and Favour. If the Actions of the King This Cloud difperfed, the Queen believes it 

be never fo clear and innocent, yet he mull fa- a fit Time to take her Leave of her afliftant 

vour or protect the Error of fo great a Servant, Strangers, who mainly haften their Departure, 

which makes him an Acceflary, if not an Actor, She was unwilling they fhould be WitnefTes to 

in the unjuft Oppreffion of his Kingdom. It is the unnatural fucceeding Tragedy, which was 

no^Diicretion, neither hath it any Society, with too much for her own Kingdom, and unfit for 

the well grounded Rules of Wifdom, for the the Strangers Climate, which was filled with 



Subject to exalt or amplify the Height of his 
own Glory ; it is, in the Eye of all, too great 
a prefuming Infolence, and Kings themfelves 
will rather alter their Affections, than to be 
outfhined or dazzled in their own Sphere or Ele- 
ment. 

He that hath made his Mafter's Love, and 
hath afcended the Stairs of his Preferment, 
ihould make the fame Virtue the Stay of his 



the Belief of her Virtue and Honour, ixt libe- 
rally and freely requites, to each Particular, the 
Minute of his Pains and Travel; but Sir John of 
Heinault, and the better Sort, are honoured 
with many rich Jewels and Gifts, befides con- 
tinuing Annuities, and annual Revenues. They 
hold themfelves nobly contented, and, taking 
a folemn Leave, are honourably attended to 
Dover, leaving the Kingdom with a merrier 
Advantage, framing his Carriage to his Equals Eye, than when they firft beheld it. 
and Inferiors, with a like fweet and winning Now is the Earl of Lancajler, who, thoueh 
Temper. If he fwerve from this facred Rule, he had leaft Caufe, was nobly difpofed towards 
and arrive to win Fear, or a vain Adoration, his old Mafter removed, and delivers over his 
let him know, the firft is the Companion of Charge by Indenture, to Sir Morice Barkeley, 
Truft and Safety, the other of a jealous Dif- and Sir John Mattrevers, who led him back 
fidence, that muft betray his Life and Honour, to his firft Place of Imprifonment, where, in the 
But, to return to our Hiftory, which now Prefence of his Keepers, he one Day, in a 
removes Edward, the Father, to Killing-worth, melancholy Paflion, doth thus difcourfe his 



where he remains un.der the Keeping of the Earl 
of Lancajler, while his unripe Son is crowned 
King ; and the Queen, with Mortimer, take 
into their Hands the whole Sway, and Admini- 
stration of the Kingdom. Their firft Act fends 
Baldock, the Lord Chancellor, to Newgate, a 
fit Cage for fuch a Haggard, though far unwor- 
thy the Eminency of his Height and Dignity. 
Now do the recollected Spirits of the King- 



Sorrows : 

Alas ! Is my Offence fo great, that it deferves 
nor Pity nor Affflance ? Is human Piety and 
Goodnefs fo wholly lojl, that neither in Child, 
JVife, Servant, or Subjecl, appears the leafi 
Expreffion of Love or Duty ? Admit my Errors 
unexcufahle, zvherein I will not jujlify myfelf, 
nor accufe others ; Though it hath taken from 
dom begin to furvey and examine the Injuftice me the Glory of my former Being, I am yet a 
of that Act, that had difrobed and put down a Father ard a Hufband ; thefe Titles are 
King, their unqueftionable Sovereign, that had the Jurifdiclion of Fortune. If I be fo, where 
been fo folemnly anointed, and fo long enjoyed is the Affection and Duty that becomes the C 
the Regimen of the Kingdom : They find the and Wedlock f Sure, my Mifery hath not made 
Condition of their Eftate but little altered, and, me fitch a Bafilifk, or Monjler, that my Sight 
according to the Vanity of their Hearts, are as fhould beget or Fear or Hatred ; can they believe 
ready to attempt a new Innovation. Many a Danger in the Vifitation cf a poor dijlrefjed 
Suits are made to the King, and the Protectors, Captive ? I know their hardened Hearts are not 
to releafe him out of his Imprifonment ; but all fo noble, and apt for Compaffton, that they need 
prove vain and fruitlefs. The Black Friars fufpecl themfelves, or me, in fo poor a Courtefy. 
were, in this Requeft, more earneft ; who, in IVhat then occafions this Neglecl or Ejlrangement ? 
their Denial, fought to bring it to pafs by Force Are they not content to enjoy all that was mine, 

as 



'The Life of Edward the Second. 



as yet, by the Laws of God, Man, and Nature, 
but they mujl defpife and forfake my withered 
Ruins ? 

Alas ! I know my poor Children are innocent 



89 

The Queen and Mortimer, revelling now in 
the Height of their Ambition and Felicity, had 
yet a wary Eye to the Main, which they knew 
did principally reft on the Safeguard and fure 



both they, and my injurious ^ueen, are betrayed Keeping of the depofed King. Though they 



by cunning, wicked Mortimer ; whom, if I had 
paid with his jujl Defert, when Heaven, and 
his own Guilt, had laid him at my Mercy, I had 
not lived to endure this Affliclion, nor he to be 
the infulting Injlrument of my Dijhonour. But 



had all the Marks and effential Parts of an ab- 
folute Sovereignty, the Name alone excepted, 
yet they had unquiet and troubled Thoughts, in 
the Fear and Imagination of lofing it. They 
faw their plaufible Incomes were dully continu- 



Time, and this fad Trial, hath taught me Pa- ed, and there was a beginning Murmur againft 

tience, and learned me how to know the Height 

sf my Misfortunes, which (if my divining Spirit 

err not) will not be long unfeen and unrevenged. 

Am I unworthy to be feen ? I am then unfit to 

live, and will receive it as a well-becoming Pity, 



the Manner of their Proceedings. They knew 
there was no Conftancy in the People, that 
would be as ready to take them off, as they 
were to bring them on, in any new Stirring or 
Innovation. The Lords, that were their prin- 



if my Death may fend me hence, from this fo great cipal Supporters, were content, but not fatif- 

a Sorrow. tvz.<i, all Things concurring to make them fuf- 

pect their own Condition. 

When he had thus ended, and, with a few Edward the Father's Faults were extenu- 

manly Tears, fmothered in the Depth of that ated, his Vices afcribed to thofe that had be- 

heart-breaking Sigh, that enforced his Silence, trayedhim, and his Eftate infinitely pitied, that 

he was, by one of his Attendance, made this had fo difhonourable an Ufage, far fhort of what 

roush uncivil Anfwer. in Juftice appertained to the Honour of his firft 

Calling. Thefe Reports made their Ears tingle, 

' My Lord, your Wife and Children are jea- and incite them in Time to think upon fome 

c lous, and fearful of your cruel furious Na- befitting Remedy. Many Ways and Devices 

* ture, whereof both they and the Kingdom are thought upon, but they are all fubject to 
« have too true a Knowledge to truft you : Be- fome manifeft Imperfection. On this, Morti- 
« fides, they are informed, your Refolution is mer falls to the Matter roundly, and tells the 

* fixed to do them Mifchief, if they approach Queen plainly, That there is no Way left to 
' your Danger. This keeps your Queen from make all fure, but abfolutely to take away the 



' you fhe once fo truly loved. 

My 0$ueen (quoth he) hath Jhe that remain- 
ing Title, while I, that made her fo, am lefs than 
nothing ? Alas, poor wretched Woman ! Hath 
Jhe, nor could jhe find no other more tolerable Ex- 
cufe than this, fo faint a preiended Fear and 
Danger ? Is there a Poffibility in her Sufpicion f 



Caufe, and to leave the Party by Edward's 
Death hopelefs, that, by his Life, fought to 
make a new Combuftion. 

The Queen, whofe Heart was yet innocent 
of fo deep a Tranfgreffion, was deeplv and in- 
wardly troubled with this unhappy Propofition. 
She believed his Sufferings were already greater 
than his Faults, and was unwilling to {fain the 



Or have I the Means (if I were fo refolved) to Opinion of her Worth and Virtue, with fo foul 

doit, that am here a poor for faken Man, as far an Act of Injuftice. She was allured it could 

from Power as Comfort ? And, Fellow, thou not be fo done, but it would be difcovered ; if 

that takejl fo audacious and fawcy a Liberty, to the Eyes of Men could be blinded, yet, that 

characler thy Sovereign's Difpofition, which thou all-knowing Power of Heaven would reveal and 

art bound to honour, and not to quejlion ; Know, punifh it. Such deep Actions of crying Sins 

Edward'* Heart is as free from thy bafe Afper- are feldom long unrevenged, which made her 

fion, as thine from Truth or Honejly. molt unwilling, that her Confent fhould pais, 

or be afEftant. To kill a King, her Hufband, 

When he had ended thefe Words, he retires that had once fo dearly loved her, was more 

himfelf to his Chamber, fad and melancholy, than an Act of Blood ; nor could fhe expect, 

believing his Cafe was hard and defperate, when but that the Son, grown up, would revenge the 

fo bafe a Groom durft Face to Face affront him. Death of the Father. Therefore (quoth fhe) 

N facet 



9° 

fiveet Mortimer, let us nfiolve rather any other 
Hazard ■) than this which is waited on with fio 
great Infamy and certain Ruin. 

Mortimer replies, Madam, who hath the Be- 
nefit of Time, and neglecls the Advantage, if he 
fall, is jujily unworthy Pity or Compaffion. Have 
you expofed yourfelf to all the bitter Trials of 
Fortune, fuffering, fo meanly, fo many Mifieries j 
and having overcome them according to your De- 
fir e, are you willing to return to your own Condi- 
tion, and former Sorrow ? If it be fo, Mortimer 



Tl-ie Life of Edward the Second. 



Sir Morris Barkley had been tampered with- 
al, and was fo far from Confent, that he plain- 
ly declared he did abhor the Aclion. This An- 
fwer luddenly difchargeth him, and commits his 
Matter's Guard to Sir Thomas Gourney, and his 
former Partner, Mattrevers. They, having re- 
ceived both their Warrant and Prifoner, conveigh 
him to Cork-Cajlle, the Place in all the World 
he molt hated. Some fay, he was foretold, bv 
certain magick Spells, that this Place was to him 
both fatal and ominous. But, whatfoever the 
Caufe was, he was, at his firft Arrival, deeply 



is wretched, in facri fixing his Devotion and Heart fad and paffionate. His Keepers, to repel this 

to fuch a female Weaknefs. In Cafes of Extre- Humour, and make him lefs fufpicious, feed 

miiy, a Tendernefs of Confidence begets a certain him with pbafant Difcourfe, and better Enter- 

Danger, nor is it difproportioncb!-: fo to continue tainment, while his mifgiving Spirit was heavy, 

a Crown, that ly Blood was gotten and furprijed ; fad, and melancholy. 

had Edward known I jhould have lived to fee his The Night before his Death, he hipped hearti- 

Ruin, my Head had paid my Ranfiom. The hn- ly, and went to Bed betimes ; fcarcely were 

preffions of Fear make his Subjecl lefis in Senfie than his heavy Eyes locked up in filent Slumber, when 

Apparition; think not me of fo poor a Brain, his forfworn traiterous Murderers enter his Cham- 

but I as well know how to work as move it ; fuch ber, and, finding him afleep, inhumanly and 

Actions are not to be done, but fuch a Way as barbarouuy ftifled him, before he could avoid 

may prevent Proof, if not Sufipicion. But why or refift it. The Writers differ mainlv in the 



do I feck thus to charm your Ears, if you be wil- 
ls ig he foall iive y let him ; let the inclining Peo- 
ple fit him free, to call you to an Account for his 
Oppreffiion ; let him parallel his Spencer'* Death 
in your Afifiiclion ; perhaps he ivill fpare you for 
your Brother's Sake, who, he knows, fo dearly 
loves you, and did fo bravely wiinefs it in y 



Manner of his Death, but all conclude him 
murdered ; yet fo, that the Way, on Search 
and View, could not be known or difcovered. 
A fmall Paffage of Time gave the moft Part 
of all thefe Actors of his Death an End fit for 
their Deferts, and this fo bloody an Aclion.. 
Their feveral Relations and Confellions occalion 



Affliction; perhaps he will fuffer you jlill to guide fo many various Reports, and different Kinds 
the Crown, and your fair Son to wear it. If 
you be pleafied, you may abide the Trial. Morti- 
mer' s refolved, fmce you neglecl his Judgment, 
you will as fioon forget his Ser-vicc, ivbich he will 
in Time prevent, before it be debarred. 



With this, he flings away, as if he meant, to 
give his Words a real Execution. The amazed 
Queen purfues and overtakes him. 

Stay, gentle Mortimer (quoth me) forgive 
my Error, I am a Woman fitter to take Advice 
than give it. Think not I prize thy Love fio lit- 
tle as to lofie thee. If Edward muft die, I will 
not feck to divert it ; only I thus much beg, I 
may not be Partaker, or privy to the Time, 
Means, or Manner. 

Madam, leave that to me, who will, alone, 



of Writing ; the Truth whereof is not mucn 
material, fince all agree, he came to an unna- 
tural anil untimely Death. 

Thus fell that unhappy King Edward the Se- 
cond, who was Son and Father to two of the 
moft glorious Kings that ever held the Monar- 
chy cf the Englijh Nation. Main Reafons are 
given probable enough to inftance the Neceffitv 
of his Fall, which, queftionlefs, were the fecon- 
darv* Means to work it. But his Doom was re- 
giftered by that infcrutable Providence of Hea- 
ven, who, with the felf-fame Sentence, punifh- 
ed both him, and Richard the Second, his great 
Grandchild, who were guilty of the fame Of- 
fences. The Example of thefe two {o unfortu- 
nate Kings, may be juftly a leading Precedent 
to all Pofterity. 

Certainly, we have had other Kings as faul- 
ty and vicious, that have overlived their Er- 



both undertake the Acl and Danger ; all I require rors, and died not by a violent Hand, but by the 
from you, is, but to fieal a Warrant to change his ordinary ar.d eafy Courfe of Nature. The Con- 
former Keepers. dition and Quality of thefe was not, in them- 

fclves, 



The Life of Edward the Second. 9 1 

fclves, more perilous and exorbitant, than hurt- Ufe of a Favourite, is to make good, by his 

fill and dangerous to the Eftate, Peace, and Strength and Favour, thofe Defigns that are, in 

Tranquillity of the whole Kingdom. If, by themfelves, unjuft, perverfe, and infupportable. 

Heio-ht of Youth, Height of Fortune, or a cor- A good Caufe, in the Integrity of Time, 

rupt natural Inclination, the Royal Affections needs no Protection but its own Innocence j 

Ioofely fly at Random ; yet, if it extend no far- but where the facred Rules of Juftice are in- 

ther than the Satisfaction of the proper Appetite, verted, the Sincerity of the Law abufed, the 

it may obfeure the Glory, but not fupplant the Confcience of the Judge corrupted or enforced, 

Strength and Welfare of a Monarchy. But and all Things made mercenary, or carried by 

when it is, in itfelf, not only vicious and ill af- indirect Favour, what Expectation can there be, 

fected, but doth patrocine and maintain it in but that Kingdom, which is the Theatre of fo 



others, not blufhing in fuch a Juftification, it 
is a forerunning and prefaging Evidence, that 
betokens a fatal and unpitied Ruin. 

It is too much in a King, that hath fo great 



infamous a Practice, fhould fall fpeedily into a 
fearful and defperate Convulfion ? Though the 
Hiftories of thefe Times are plentifully ftored, 
and few Commonwealths are free from the Ex- 



a Charge delivered to his Care and Cuftody, to amples of this Nature, yet I fhall not need any 



other Inftance, than the Story of this unfortu- 
nate Prince, whofe Time prefents a perfect 
Mirror, wherein enfuing Kings may fee how 
full of Danger and Hazard it is, for one Man's 



Love, to fell the Affections and Peace of the 



be diflblute, or wantonly given ; but when it 
falls into a fecond Error, which makes more 
Kings than one in the felf-fame Kingdom, he 
opens the Way to his own Deftruction. The 
Subjects Hearts, as they are obliged, fo are they 
continued by the Majefty and Goodnefs of a whole Kingdom. 

King ; if either of thefe prove proftitute, it un- Had Edivard, in his own Particular, been 

ties the Links of Duty and Allegiance, and far worfe than he was, he might have ftill fub- 
hunts after Change and Innovation. fifted ; but when for his inglorious Minions, 

It is of fo lingular and great a Confequence, Gavejlon and Spencer, who fucceflively engrofs 
that Kings ought to be well advifed, and fparing- him, he fell to thofe injurious and diflblute Ac- 
ly to accumulate their Honours and Favours, tions, that made all Men, and the Kingdom, 
wherein both the Time, Perfon, and Occafion, pray to their infolent and imperious Humours, 
ought to be both worthy and weighty ; for the he quickly found both Heaven and Earth re 



Eye of the Subject waits curioufly on his Actions, 
which finding them degenerating from his own 
Greatnefs, and inclinable to their Oppreflion, 
vary their Integrity to a murmuring Difcon- 
tent, which is the Harbinger to a Revolt and 
Mifchief. Nor is it proper (if the Sovereign's 



folved to work his Ruin. Not only his own, 
but theirs, and thofe of their ignoble Agents, 
were made his proper Errors, which took fo 
wholly from him the Love and Hearts of his 
Subjects, that he found neither Arms nor 
Tongue to defend him. A more remarkable 



Affections muft dote) that the Object of their Mifery, I think, no Time of ours produceth, 

Weaknefs fhould fway the Government of the that brings this King to Deftruction, without 

Kingdom. Such an Intermixtion begets Con- fo much as any one Kinfman, Friend, or Sub- 

fufion and Error, and is attended by a perpe- ject, that declared himfelf in his Quarrel, 
tual Envy and Hatred. But he found the climacterick Year of his 

Is it poflible, but there muft be perpetual Er- Reign, before he did expect it : And made that 

ror and Injuftice, where all Things are carried unhappy Caftle, which he ever hated, the Wit- 



more by Favour and Affection, than Law and 
Reafon ? Or can the lefler Fountains be clear, 
when the main Spring that feeds them is taint- 
ed and polluted ? Alas, common and familiar 
Experience tells, that the Actions and principal 



nefs of his cruel Murder ; where I muft leave 
him, 'till he find a more honourable Place of 
Burial, and my weary Pen a fortunate Subject, 
that may invite it to fome other new Rela- 
tion. 



N 2 



A LET- 



(9*) 



A LETTER to Mr. SERJANT, a Romijh Prieft, con- 
cerning the Impoilibility of the Publick Eftablifhment of Po- 
pery here in England, 



May 19, 1672. 
SIR, 

SINCE I was laft with vou I have 
thought ot what you faid, That ''ere long 
all our Parijli Churches would be in your 
PojJ'ejfion. This hath occafioned me to 
write ,'I will not fay my Advice) but 
my Opinion : That you and your Clergy fhould 
not attempt that which I perceive you have al- 
ready in your Speculations. They who know 
the Hiftory of your Services in the laft Wars, 
and fince, muft acknowledge that you have de- 
ferved well of your Prince, in that not only 
you aflerted his Caufe in the Field with the 
Lofs cf a Limb, but which is more, you difco- 
vered to one of his great Minifters of State the 
Defign of the Roman Catholicks, managed by 
Sir Kenhelm Digby, and Father Holden, an Eng- 
lijh Sorbonift, to put their Part of this Nation 
under the Subjection and Patronage of Oliver. 
It is in Refpecl to you, and fo many as are of 
yjur Loyalty as well as Religion, that I wifh 
in the Game they now play, by venturing high, 
they may not lofe all. You are much miftaken, 
if from a Toleration you conclude an Affurance 
of publick Eftablifhment. It is one Thing to 
gain a favourable Look, another, that one 
fhould fo fall in Love, as to efpoufe your Caufe. 
Confider the Difficulties, if not Impoffibilities, 
which in great Number oppofe your Hopes. 
The Chiefeft, as you ought to apprehend, is the 
firm Refolution of the King, to defend the 
Church of England, as it yet {rands ; a Refolu- 
tion in him fo unmoveable, that neither an In- 
tereft in mighty Princes, obtainable by fuch an 
Exchange, could invite, nor the Arguments of 
Military Men could perfuade him to renounce 
that Church, from which he then * received no 
Advantage, but the Satisfaction of her Com- 
munion, and fuffering in her Defence. You 
cannot but know withal, that, to believe him 



inclinable to you, is to commit Treafon in your 
Hearts, fince that, to fay fo, is declared Treafon 
by an Act of Parliament. But, if you fhould 
prove fo fanguine and full of Fancies, as to be- 
lieve what was formerly ineffectual, might now 
prevail ; I cannot commend your Judgment, ex- 
cept you (hew, that either your Religion is bet- 
ter, or elfe that Intereft doth more ftrongly 
draw the King towards you now than hereto- 
fore. For the former Part, Religion, you fay 
it ought not in the leaft to be altered ; and we 
acknowledge, if it were reformed, it will be lefs 
worth to the Clergy. For the other, concern- 
ing Intereft of State, if it difluade under thofe 
Circumftances, much more will it at this Day. 
In thofe Times he might, by this Courfe, have 
been reftored to three Kingdoms. Now he 
would hereby give up half his Jurifdidtion, to 
wit, Supremacy ; and, after a While, a good 
Part of his Revenue, the appendant Poffeffions 
of his Supremacy. But this is not the Worft ; 
for, befides this, by fetting up Popery, he lets 
up the Pope as his Collegue and fellow Sovereign 
in all his Majefty's Dominions. He gives him, 
at once, all the Clergy, and implicitely as ma- 
ny as they frighten with Purgatory and Hell. 

To obey God's Vicar rather than Man. 

This hath been done, not in the Cafe of the 
Church alone, but in temporal Quarrels betwixt 
him and other Princes. But, if you ftill hold 
the Conclufion againft unanfwerable Objections, 
what Means, pray, can you propofe, whereby 
this may be accomplifheci ? Exercife all your 
imaginative Power, fancy any Thing, though 
never fo unlikely, to be granted or praclifed, fo 
it be but in the utmoft Degree of Poffibility. 
There are but two Ways to do it, either by Par- 
liament, and you cannot expert that this Par- 
liament, which appeared fo earneft againft your 
Toleration, fhould fet you up as the National 
Church. And if you hope this Parliament may 



In the Time of his Banifhment and the Grand Rebellion. 



quickly 



A L E T T E R, &c. 93 

quickly die of old Age, and that another more no more than a bare and limited Toleration ) 
favourable to the Diftreffed may fit in their there are very many and obvious Hinderances of 
Rooms, you will find yourfelves miftaken ; and that Project : The Kingdom, being an Ifland, 
that it is not your Party (hall be the Men, but takes away the Pretences hereof, which are al- 
rather fuch, who,, though they ferved your Turn, ledged by our powerful Neighbours, and allow- 
never loved you when they were uppermoft. ed by Reafon of their Situation. So that, on the 
Let me farther advife you not to forfeit your Surmifes of fuch a Thing, the mutinous Temper 
Difcretion fo far, as to expect as fudden a publick of this Climate would appear as jealous of their 
Change of Religion now by a Parliament, as Liberties, as in fome Countries Men are of their 
was in Queen Marys Days ; then the Rcforma- Wives. And withal, where could you raife 
tion had only been begun by King Edward his Men for the Service ? Your own Gentlemen of 
fix Years Reign, and carelefly managed by the Eftates would not endure Foreigners ; and they 
greateft Perfons under him, whofe chiefeft Aims muft necefTarily want home-born Soldiers, thers 
appear to be quite another Thing : So that being not a fufficient Number of your Religion, 
thereby, whilft they neglected to bring over the and of none to give the Law of Arms to all 
Country Gentlemen to Proteftantifm, they con- your Adverfaries. And where will you get the 
firmed them in Popery. Thence was it, that main Weapon, Money r Though your Reli- 
the Romanijis might much better promife them- gion mould open their Stock and Treafure as 
felves to be reftored under that Queen, than at for a holy War, yet, in a little Time, either 
thefe Years when People (till remember her ; their Stock or their Zeal would be fpent, and 
and for feveral Generations have been reconcil- then an Army in its own Country cannot fo ea- 
ed to the Reformation by Writings in thofe fily get Bread by the Sword, as labouring Men 

Controverfies, and held in by penal Laws , can do by the Spade. For Proof of this, you 

and eftranged from Rome by 88. * and the 5th may call to Mind how that both Rump and 

of November +. Now you cannot look for any Army were well nigh famifhed into a Dijfolution, 

Good from a Parliament, you may rightly dread when the Country declared they would pay no 

their Difpleafure ; efpecially if you fhould ftretch more Taxes. In fuch Neceffities, Soldiers, like 

your Liberty of Confcience to the Perverting of Beafts of Prey, will fall one upon another and 

other Men's: For do what you can, and declaim devour their Keepers too ; and, if you believe 

never fo much againft a Parliamentary Religion ; them to be wholly mercenary, they are never 

the Commons will have a Committee for Reli- fo likely to be hired to a Defign contrary to 

gion, or elfe Liberty and Privilege are utterly their former Commiffion, as when their Maften> 

loft. So that you ought by a private Exercife cannot pay, nor their Enemies can be plunder- 

of your Worfhip, and a peaceable Demeanor, to ed, yet will freely part with Money upon their- 

provide for the Coming of a Parliament, as by own Terms. You fee, Sir, how I have fol- 

Repentance Men do for Death, becaufe it can- lowed your Propagators through all, both pro- 

not be avoided, but may be made lefs hurtful. — bable and wild Methods, which they can in- 

By this Time, I fuppofe, you may have laid vent ; all which appearing unprofitable and un- 

afide all Hopes of being advanced by a Parlia- likely, they will not furely like vain Projectors 

ment, and caft your Thoughts towards a ftand- wafte what they have, for that which they can 

ing Army j certainly you will find this Con- never obtain, 
ceit as airy as any of the reft, for (befides that 

he, whofe Authority fhould raife it, intends you Your Servant — — ; 

* The Time of the Spanijb Invafion, with their invincible Armado, as they were pleafed to term it; tho' 
God brought it to nothing ; the Particulars whereof will be printed in this Colleflion. 

f The Day when the Papifts had contrived to deftroy the three Eftates of the Nation aflembled in Par- 
liament, by Blowing them up with Gunpowder, and fince called, Tbe Gunpowder PUt, or Treafon. 



The 



(94) 



The apparent Danger of an Invafion, briefly reprefented in a 
Letter to a Minifter of State. By a Ke?itijh Gentleman. 
MDCCI. 



SIR, 

1— ** H E prefent Poflure of publick Af- 
fairs abroad has fuch a terrible Af- 
pe£t upon the Liberties of Europe 
in general, that France will have 
no Reafon to wonder, if all the 
Princes and States of Europe, which are its 
Neighbours, fhould take the Alarum at her late 
Conduct fince the Treaty of Refwick *. I am 
fure it would be a very great Wonder with me, 
and Pofterity too, if, after fo late and notorious 
a Violation of a folemn Treaty, we fhould take 
her Word again, and truft to her Engagements, 
unlefs we can oblige her to perform them f. 

She has, undoubtedly, her Envoys and her In- 
ftruments in all Countries %, efpecially here, who, 
with great Artifice and fubtle Infinuations, will 
tempt the Eafy and the Ignorant by Colours 
and Pretences of her good Meaning, that fhe 
has no farther Defign than maintaining the Duke 
of t%Ws Succeflion ||, and all her Neighbours, 
that will own Him, fhall be, if they pleafe, Her 
dear Friends and Confederates. 

But what wife Man can be found? Nay, one 
may venture to fay, Where can you fhew me 
that Blockhead that has Brains little enough to 
believe her ? And yet a Frenchman has fo much 
Confidence in the Folly of all other Nations, 
and in his own Dexterity to play the Knave, 
that with very great Aflurance he obtrudes his 
Flattery, and expreffes his Friendfhip and Ef- 
teem for you, when his own Confcience gives 



him the Lye, and he is carrying on a Defign at 
the fame Time to cut your Throat. 

Every Body knows it was but in October lafr, 
that all the Courts of Europe were, in Show 
at leaft, earneftly follicited to enter into the 
Treaty of Partition ; and all the huffing and 
fneaking Arguments were ufed by your Guif—ds 
and your Amel — ts, for two or three Months to- 
gether, to prevail upon the Italians and Ger- 
mans^, great and little ; but, in the midft of all 
this Banter and Grimace, arrives an Exprefs 
with the King of Spain's Death and jfnjou's Suc- 
ceffion, and what Part does my little Francuhu 
efuriens ** act. upon fo fudden a Change ? 

Why, out he fets as brifkly as can be with 
a new Memorial, fawns and hectors, en bon Fran- 
coife, defires your Patience a little, while his Ma- 
iler, like a true Son of old Eunius, fteals away 
half a dozen Kingdoms and Dukedoms ; and 
then promifes (believe him if you dare) to be a 
very good Muffelman, till the next Op- 
portunity ft. 

There is a certain very worthy Gentleman |||j, 
and true Englijhman too, who was aware of this, 
and gave us his Advice, in very honeft Terms, 
in the Year 98, but Thrift and Dijlruji, Two 
wary Devils, oppofed his Defign ; and what 
the Force of Foreigners, in 10 Years War, could 
never do, the Folly of a few true-born Englijh- 
mcn effected in a Trice ; viz. Subdued the Hero, 
and ridiculed the Politician. 



* The fame may juftly be remarked of the Frcnh Behaviour fince the Treaty of Utrecht. 

\ By firft reducing her to fo low a Condition, as to oblige her to an honourable Peace, and fo to watch 
her Intrigues, and check her illegal Afpirings in Time of Peace, as to prevent her Capacity ever to be- 
come troublefome to the Liberties of her Neighbours any more. 

J See Page 19, in Number I. 

j| To the Crown of Spain, by which Union France promifed herfelf to gain a Power to give Laws 
to all Europe, as her Attempts from that Time will prove. 

§ Was not this the very Method taken by France, to deprive the Empire of its Liberties, and to ruia 
the Houfe of Aufiria, before this War broke out ? 

** Hungry Fremhman, who grafps at all Power. 

++ To take what more he can get from you |]|| K— 's Speech. 

We 



The apparent Banger of an Invafion. 



We chofe, at that Time, rather to truft our 
good Neighbour with a {landing Force of 150000 
Foreigners, than, at the End of the War, fuf- 
fer 10 or 2000D Swords and Mufquets to con- 
tinue in the Hands of our own Countrymen, for 
Fear, I fuppofe 

That Englimmenyfow/i Englishmen fubdue. 

I confefs they have a pretty good Hand at be- 
traying their Country, but, for my Part, I was 
for' trufting them at that Time, and ever (hall, 
before any Foreigners. 

§. But our Fleet was difarmed, and our Land- 
Forces reduced, from 84 to 700c Men, that is 
full \U. And when we had {tripped ourfelves 
thus naked, and invited the Aflyrians into our 
Land, you will afk me, How it came to pafs, 
that we have not had a fecond Invafion from 
Normandy or Picardy, and that the French have 
not, before this, taken up their Quarters within 
the Weekly Bills, and with our Friends at Ro- 
chejler and Sittingborn. Why truly, I mud tell 
you, not for Want of good Will, and good 
Opportunity too (we thank our Matters) but 
they had other Game in Chace; the lingering 
Sicknefs of the late King of Spain put Verfaillcs 
in a conftant Alarum every Poft ; for Spain and 
the Indies, ever fince 1660, were decreed for 
Ufurpation * ; and if your Alontaltoe's and Pcrto- 
carrero's had failed of their Treafon, the Ratio 
ultima Regum was at Hand ; viz. A good Train 
of Artillery, and an icoooo Men. When this 
Morfel was fwallowed, it would be Time 
enough to look after England, and the Out- 
fkirts of Europe : Who in the. mean Time are 
to be hufhed, if poflible, with fpecious Propo- 
fals and golden Mountains, till my little Maf- 
ter f is well fettled at Madrid. And then her 
Highnefs the Duchefs of Burgundy will put in 
her Claim to the Crown of England, and we 
may defend the Proteftant Heir or PofTefTor if 
we can, when her Grandfather J has over- run 
Italy and the Netherlands, and taken PofTeffion 
of all the Ports in Holland. He has already 
made fuch quick Approaches towards that un- 
fortunate Country, that the People are in the 
higheft Confternation ; and, if we fuffer them 
to be devoured, the next Step he takes will be 
for England. 

And he has fo many and fo confiderable Rea- 
fons to invade us at this very Juncture, that 



9S 

fome Myfieries of State, undifcovcrable £t pre- 
fent, or a mighty Infatuation alone can hinder 
him. The People on our Coafis are fo fenfible of 
their defenceless Condition, efpecially fince the 
French Troops entered fo unexpectedly, and all at 
one Moment, into all the Frontier Towns in 
the Spani/h Flanders, that they expect every 
Morning to hear they have put Garrifons in- 
to Diver, Rye, and Shoreham, and it is almoft 
as eafy and quick a PafTage from Calais and 
Dunkirk, to Harwich, Dunwich, and Yarmouth. 
The PafTage between us and them is fo fhort, 
that five or fix Hours is Time enough to exe- 
cute fuch a Defign in any Part of Kent. 

"Julius Cafar, who had but indifferent Pilots t 
and Veffels that were ill Sailors, came over in 
a Night : And JViUiam the Conqueror eroded 
a wider Part of the Channel, viz. from Bo- 
logn to Pevcnfey, in a few Hours, and both of 
them fucceeded fo well by the Folly and Divi- 
fions of our Anceftors, that it is our good Luck 
if our Enemies do not take the Advantage of 
our prefent Circumftances, to make a Trial of 
our boafted Englijh Valour, and fee, how many 
of the Fourteen-hundred Thoufand Names, con- 
tained in the AJfociations lodged in the Tower of 
London, dare {hew their Faces in the Field a- 
gainft the Marfhal de Boufieurs at the Head of 
Twenty or Thirty-thoufand Veterans. 

I pretend not to the Skill of a Marfhal, and 
you do not miftake me, I am fure, for a Con- 
jurer in Affairs of State ; and yet I will venture 
to affirm, upon the little Experience I have had 
in a Military Station, and a pretty long Ac- 
quaintance with the Humour of a People un- 
der a Panick Fear, that, were 1 of the Inte- 
reft and Religion, and in Pay of Monfieur at 
Verfailles, I Should no more queftion the Succefs 
of invading England, at this Time, till about a 
Month or Six Weeks hence, than I do my 
Meeting with you next Year at Tunbridge-wellt 
in the Seafon. 

And, upon Peril of my Head, I would un- 
dertake, as old as I am, to land with about 
Twentv - thoufand Foot, and Two - thoufand 
Dragoons on next Monday Morning in any 
Part of Kent, or Sujfcx, from Dover to Chiche*- 
Jler, and with little or no Oppofition conti- 
nue my March towards your populous City, 
and quarter my Troops in London, JVeJlminfter^ 
and Southward, by Saturday next, fo as to hear 
high Mafs on Sunday Morning, at St. Paul's, 



* By die King of France. 



f The Duke of Anjou. 



X The King of France. 



and 



g6 TJje apparent Danger of an Invafion. 

and diflblve your Parliament the Monday follow- War in the Counties of Wilts, Somerfd, and 

ing. Dorfet, and were difperfed by half a Dozen 

This you may think a little unlikely, and Troops of the Parliament- Horfe. The City Mi- 
I with it were morally impoflible ; but, I think, litia, I believe, is our beft ; but what Difcipline 
I can make it appear a very feafible Enterprife. can Men have, who appear in Arms but once a 
I will fuppofe then the Marfhal de Bouffiers at Year, march into the Artillery -ground, and there 
Dunkirk, or Calais, this very Saturday Night, wifely fpend the Day in Eating, Drinking, and 
embarking his Men, and fetting Sail at one or Smoaking \ in Storming half a Score Sir- loins of 
two in the Morning, with a frefh Gale at Eajl, Beef and Venifon- pa/lies ; and, having given their 
what (hall hinder him from croffing the Chan- Officers a Volley or two, and, like fo many idle 
nel in five or fix Hours, but a Tempeft, or a Boys with Snow-balls, fooled away a little Gun- 
Fleet, in that very Place ? The firft we cannot powder, return Home again as ignorant as they 
expect, and the latter we have not ready, fo went out, and as fit to fight the French at Black- 
that, land he will in Spite of our Barks and our heath, as one of our little Tatchts is to engage 
Fifhermen of Kent. When his Troops are de- the Britannia. 

barqued, we will fuppofe they reft them one And, befidcs this, which I have not repre- 
Day, and, by that Time, it may be, another fented to the worft Difadvantage, there are o- 
Reinforcement arrives ; what now will hinder ther prodigious Difficulties that would perplex 
him from bending his March directly for Lon- us upon fuch an Invafion j we have fo many 
don, and coming thither in the Time before- Cataline's and Portocarrero's amongft us, that 
mentioned, but a fufficient Body of Men to would not fail to betray us, fo many religious 
meet him by the Way ? And nothing but an Bigots that are bewitched with a tender Con- 
equal Force will do, for the Battle of Crejfy is fcience for the Right of old Pharaoh *, fo ma- 
long fince forgotten, and the Name of an Eng' ny hardy Villains, and defperateMifcreants, that 
iijhman, I will allure you, is no fuch Bugbear to are for Plunder, and a prevailing Power f, and 
a Frenchman at this Time of Day. fo many lukewarm heartlefs Coxcombs, that 

But where are the Forces we fhould draw to- will ftand ftill to fee themfelves undone, or run 
gether ? As for the Dutch, Hannibal is at their away by the Light of their own Houfes ; and 
Gates, and they cannot fpare a fingle Battalion, fo very few, whatever they pretend, that will 
and, if they could twenty, Mounfieur Boufflers ftand by the King with their Lives and For- 
may march to York, before they can all embark, tunes, and fight for their Religion, Laws, and 
for they do not lie ready quartered in their Liberties ; in fhort, we are fo crumbled into 
Ports, as the French do in theirs. And for Factions, Civil and Religious, fo debauched 
our Handful of 7000 (landing Forces, if you fill from the old Englijh Virtue and Valour, and fo 
all the Northern and iVcJlern Garrifons with deftitute of the true Love to our Country and 
our Militia, it will be a Fortnight, at leaft, real Principles of Honour, fo ripe for a Civil 
before they can meet in a Body on Hounjlnv- War at Home, and fo expofed to an Invafion 
heath, which will be too late. And then for from Abroad, that our Enemies are altogether 
our Militia of London and Weftminjler, which infatuated, if they do not lay hold on this Op- 
may make a Body of Ten or Twelve- thoufand portunity, in a Week or two ; and we are all 
Men, and can fooneft affemble themfelves ; do utterly undone if they do, unlefs a Miracle be 
you, imagine, they will march towards Dover, wrought to fave us. 

and with the Affiftance of a little Mob, ven- England is now the only Nation in Europe, 

ture to give Battle to difciplined Troops? If that hath any Remains of fubftantial Liberties ; 

they fhould have fo much Courage, and fo little for Arbitrary Power, like a mighty Deluge, has 

Discretion, I expect little more from fuch an in a Manner overfpread the Face of the whole 

Attempt, than what was done by Eight or Ten- Earth, and is ready to break in upon us % with 

thoufand Club-men, who rofe in the late Civil an irrefiftible Fury, unlefs we make ready to 

* The Family of the Stewarts. 

•f It is a general Obfervation in all Rebellions, that the Mobile take Part with a powerful Invader, be- 
caufe they have nothing to lofe, and hope to better their Condition upon the Ruin of thofe that maintain 
their Religion and Laws. 

% If overcome by die French Invafion. 

withftand 



Comes dia Ioannis de Chrijii Baptifmo. 97 

vrithftand it. Holland {lands now expofed to pulous Cities of Worms, Spires, and Heidelburg ; 

Military Execution, and fo do the Counties of put the People to the Sword in divers Towns, 

Kent and Surrey, who have Forty or Fifty- and fpared not the Popijh Temples and Cathe- 

thoufand Men ready to land upon them at a drals, and this without Provocation from the 

a Day or two's Warning from Boulogne, Calais, People or their Prince. What Sort ofUfage 

Gravelin, Dunkirk, Newport, and Ojhnd *, think you then may we ex^ecT: at Dover and 

there is but a Hair's Breadth betwixt us and Wmchelfea, &c. and you too in London, who 

Ruin. are Englijlmen, Rebels, and Hereticks, as bad 

We have been (o long fitting ourfelves by our as we. Our Enemies have a particular Eye up- 

Vices and our Tre?.chery for Conqueif. and Sla- on your Factious City, and the Wealth of the 

very, that I fear you have fcarce Ten-thoufand Bank and Lombardjlreet, which the hungry 

Men left in City and Country, that have Spi- Priefts and Soldiers frequently talk of at Calais 

rit and Bravery enough to march to our Afiif- and Dunkirk with great Indignation, but with 

tance, whenever we have Occafion. You will fome Kind of AiTurance of late, that England 

be fure to have as early Notice, as is poflible, for will fhortly receive her old Matter % and the 

our Fears make us as watchful, as we hope you Popif) Religion again, 
are indefatigable to provide for our Security. 

We cannot forget how the French Troops JVlnch 1 heartily wijh may be prevented by the 

treated the Inhabitants of the Palatinate, in IVifdom and Prudence of the King and 

1688 t» when they intirely ruined a Country prefent Parliament. 

on both Sides the Rhine, as large as Kent and 

SuJJex ; burnt down to the Ground above Two- Mo — ds, Febr. 

hundred Burghs, and the three famous and po- *4» 1700. I am, SIR, 



at 



* All which Ports were then in the Power of the French, f See the Emperor's Letter to King James II. 
St. Ger mains, in Number I. Page 18. J A Pop ; Jb Prince, then King James II. 



A brefe Comedy or Enterlude of lohan Baptyjies preachynge 
in the wyldernefTe, openynge the craftye aflaultes of the hy- 
pocrytes *, with the gloryoufe Baptyme of the Lorde Jefus 
Chrift. Compyled by lohan Bale, A?i?to M.d.xxxviii +. 

The ivorde of God came unto lohan the fonne of Z a chary in the wylderneffe. And 
he reforted into all the coajles about Iordane, and preached the Baptyfme of 
repentaunce for the remyffyon of fnnes. Luce iii. 



John Bale, the Compiler of the following Comedy or Interlude, was the Son o/H^nry Bale, 
of Covie in Suffolk. Born in the Tear 1495 ; entered among the Carmelite Friars at 
Norwich, at twelve Terrs ell, and went from thence to be a Schollar at Jefus College 
in Cambridge, fill remaining, as he hi. nfdf declares, in the mojl profound Ignorance of 
all true Learning, and grcatejl Elindnefs of Mind, without any Tutor or Patron, : 

* Alluding to the Popijh Prittfts, Friars, &c . who, like the Pharifees and Hypocrites of old, were deter- 
mined, at all Events, to prevent the Dawning of the Go/pel, at the Beginning of the Reformation. 
f The Year in which Henry the Eighth declared his Difguft with the See of Rome. 

O the 



98 P R M F A T I O. 

.:' of Gt T in its proper D'ftre, and the Churches were brought 

hack to the t of all Divinity ; and then, by the Means of the moft Noble 

the Lord Wentworth, he was induced to leave the monfirous Corruptions of Popery, 
ajsd to t tee the P: rtty of the Go/pel. Soon after his Converfion, he married his 
Wife Dorothy, i iifo was ts for the true Religion \ but he had been utterly 

undone by "Dr. Lee Archhifhop of York, and Stokley Bifhop of London, had not my 
I/yd Cromwell fereened him from their Perfecuticns \ after whofe Death he retired to 
■ the Low Countries •, from K€ he was recalled by Edward the Sixth, who made him 

Blfcop cf Oflbry in Ireland, Feb. 2, 1552. But, befre he had been cony -rated fix 
M - fly from thence to efcape the Perfecutions of Queen Mary, 

who then afcended the Englifh Throne ; and, embarking at Dublin, he was taken by 
the Pirates and fold. But he obtained his Ranfom, and proceeded to Bali I, where he 
em recalled by Queen Elizabeth, who gave him a Prebend 

(f Canterbury ; Upon which he was rather contented to live, than to return any more 
to Ireland. He died in November i"6^. He publifhed many Books both in Latin and 
Englifh, in Profe ar.d Vcrfe, amongfl which this Comedy is one of the fcarcefl, and gives 
us a true Idea of the Stage in thofe Times, when it appears the firjl Reformers endea- 
voured to expofe the Errors cf the Roman Church, and to propagate the Gofpel, even 
in thofe Places which had been remarkable for Vice ; for, I apprehend, this as well as fome 
other Interludes, compofed by him, were the Prcduclions of his younger Days jufi after 
his Converfwn, as it more particularly appears in the Conclufion of this Comedy ; and it 
is further valuable, as it is in no Catalogue of Plays that ever I [aw, and gives us a Spe- 
cimen of the moft refined Part of our Language in King Henry the Eighths Reign. 
To conclude, he was a Man of Learning, a conjlant Preacher and good Antiquary, but 
a moft bitter Writer againft the Church of Rome, infomuch that he has drawn the 
whole Herd of Writers on that Side the Queftion upon himfelf in moft bitter Invec- 
tives, when ever they mention him ; and his Books are particularly prohibited in the Ex- 
purgatory Index, publiffjed in Folic, at Madrid, Anno 166 7. 

INTERLOCUTORES. 

Pater cceleftis, i. e. The heavenly Father. Iefus Chriftus, Jefus Chrift. 

Ioannes Baptifta, John Baptift. Turfea uulgaris, The common P 

Publicanus, The Publican. Miles armatus, The Soldier. 

.jcus, The Ph, Sadducseus, The S adduce. 

BALEUS PROLOCUTOR. 

P R IE F A C I O. 

THE k/ngtdeme of Chrift > ivy 11 now * begynne to fprynge, 
J! Inch is the preacbynge, of hys newe teft anient f. 
Noivfiall Meflias, which is our heauenly kynge, 
A*>ere to the worlds, in manhode euydent. 
whoifom commynge, lobar* B-iptyft wyll preuent, 
PreacJyynge repentauncc, fys hygh waye to prepare, 
now wc entende, before y:w to declare. 

The lawe and Prcpheies, draweth new faft to an ende, 
Yuh were but fimddswes, and fygures of hys comviynge. 

* Ojr King being ready to ftiake off the Fcfijl) Superllition . -\ In Opposition to the Traditions of 

the Church of Rome. 

how 



Comcedia Ioannis Balei de Chrijli Baptifmo. 99 

Now Jhall he appreche, that all grace wyll extende. 
Of cleane remyffyon, our caucyon will he brynge, 
To pacyfye God, hys father euerlajlynge. 
By Jheadynge hys bloude, all thynges Jhall he renezve, 
Makynge one people ; of the Pagane and the Iewe. 

For fo moch as we, are geuen to noueltees *, 
Of very nature. Lete vs our felues apply e, 
To accept e thefe newes, and heauenlye very tees +, 
IVlnch are for our fynne, mojl fouerayne remedy e, 
And for our fowles helthe, fo hyghlye necefjarye. 
That without knowledge, of them, we can not haue, 
A true fay th in him, which dyed our fowles to faue. 

Wlian Man had fynned, the harde preceptes of the lawe, 
Mofes proclamed, the Prophetes gaue monycyons. 
But non of them all, to the heauenly kyngedome drawe, 
Tyll Iohan Baptift come, with clerar expofycyons. 
The publycanes then, leaue their yll dyfpofycyons, 
Vnto Chrijl to come, and )jys mofl holy Gofpell, 
Inhere the frowarde feiles, contynuallye rebell. 

Ye Jhall fe Chrijl here, fubmyt hymfelf to Baptym, 
Of Iohan hys feruaunt, in mofl meke humble wyfe. 
In pooreneffe of fprete, that we Jhuld folowe hym 9 
IVhofe lowlye doclryne, the hypocrytes defpyfe. 
Folowe hym therfor, and Jhurne their deuylyjh praftyfe. 
Be gentyll in hart, and beare your good intent. 
Towards hys Gofpell, and godlye tejlament. 

Incipit Comcedia. 

Joannes Baptijla. 

'" jA S a maffenger, I come to geue yow warnynge, 

g^L That your lorde, your kynge, your fauer and redemer, 
/ % With helth, grace and peace, to yow ys hydre commynge. 
C J^ Applye ye therfor, delaye the tvme no longer, 
But prepare hys waye, makynge the rough pathes fmother. 
Stryke downe the mountaynes, fyll vp the valleyes agayne, 
For all men {hall fe, their mercyfull fauer playne. 

The feate of Dauid, whych is the father heauenly, 
He cometh to poffeffe, as a ruler fpirytuall. 
And in Jacobs howfe, to reigne contynually, 
Whych is of hys churche, the nombre unyuerfall, 
Not only of Iewes, but faythfull beleuers all. 
That congregacyon, will he euermore defende, 
And of hys kyngedome, fhall neuer be an ende. 

Turba uuigaris. 

At thefe newe tydynges, whom thys good man doth brynge, 
My hart within me, for Ioye doth leape and fprynge. 

% Traditions, II Preached by the Reformers. 

O z Publicanuu 



l co Comcedia loannis Balei de Chrifti Baptifmo. 

Publicanus. 

myghty maker, what confort to vs is thys? 
Thyne own fonne to fende, to reforme that is amys. 

Miles artnalm, 
Soch confort to me, as I can not exprefle, 
Of tunges though I had, thre thoufande and no lefle. 

Ioannes Bapti/Ia. 
Approche nyghar fryndes, and tell me what ye faye. 

Turba uulgaris. 
Ye tolde us, me thought, we fhuld prepare a wave, 
For the lordes commynge. Was not your faynge fo ? 

Joannes BaptiJIa. 
My preachynge was it, from it can I not go. 
For grounded it is, on Gods mvghtv worde trulve, 
Vttered longe afore, by the prophet Efaye. 

Public anus. 

1 praye ye tell vs, what ye meane by that waye? 

Ioannes BaptiJIa. 
Your conuerfacyon, which is in a fore decaye. 

Lave apart your wrathe, your couetoufneiTe and pryde, 
Your luiles unlaufull, with your other fynnes befyde. 
Knowledge your trefpace, and ceafe from doynge yll, 
Flee mennys tradycyons, and Gods hygh lawes fulfyll. 
Make ye ftrayght the pathes, lete euery man haue hys, 
In no wyfe reuenge, whan men vfe ye amys. 

Seke God your father, in fprete and veryte, 
But not in fhaddowes, as doth the Pharyfe, 
Whych by outwarde workes, loketh to be juftyfyed, 
And neyther by faythe, nor by Gods worde wyll be tryed. 
Euery depe valleye, to moch more hygthe wyll growe, 
The mountaynes and hylles, {hall be brought downe full lowe. 

Miles armatus. 

What meane ye by that r I praye ye hartely tell. 

Ioannes BaptiJIa. 

Mekenefle wyll aryfe, and pryde abate by the Gofpell : 

The fymple fyfher, (ball now be notable, 
The fpirytuall Pharyfe, a wretche deteitable. 
The wyfe and lerned, the IJyote wyll deface, 
Synners mall excede, the outward fayntes in grace. 
Abiectes of the worlde, in knowledge wvll excel], 
The confecrate Rabyes, by vertu of the Gofpell. 

The poore man bv faythe, (hall verv clerely deme, 
The claufe that wyll harde unto the lawer feme. 
All that afore tyme, vntowa r de ded remayne, 
The rule of Gods worde, wyll now make ftrayght and playne. 
The couetoufe iourer (hall now be lyberall, 
The malycyoufe man wyll now to charyte fall. 

The wratheful hater fhall now lo jc erneftlye, 
To temperate meafure men wyll change glotonye. 



Prydt 



Comcedia Ioatmis Baki de Chrifti Baptlfmo. 101 

Pryde {hall To abate, that mekenefie wyll preuayle, 
Lechery (hall lye down, and clennefie fet up fayle. 
Slouthfulnefle (hall flyde, and dylygence aryfe, 
To folowe the truthe, in godly exercyfe. 

Prepare ye therefor, fo faft as euer ye can, 
To thys lorde whych will, renue ye euery man, 
In cafe ye repent the folye that is paft. 

Omnes una. 
Sory are we for it, and wyll be to our laft. 

Joannes Baptijla. 
What are ye ? tell me, ych perfone feuerallye. 

Turba uulgaris. 
I do reprefent the commen People of Jewry. 
In fweate of my browes, my lyuynge I procure, 
By day lye labours, and mynde fo to endure. 

Publicanus. 
A publicane I am, and moch do lyve by pollage, 
For my offyce is, to gather taxe and tollage. 
Moch am I hated, of the Pbaryfe and Scrybe, 
For axyng trybute, it iudgynge vnlaufull brybe. 

Miles armatus, 
A fouldyour I am, or valeaunt man of warre, 
The lande to defende, and hys enemyes to conquarre. 
Whan my wages are too lyttle for my expence, 
To get a botye, I fpare no vyolence. 

Joannes Baptijla, 
For Gods loue repent, and turne ye to the lorde, 
That by him ye maye, to hys kyngedome be reftorde. 

Ad Deum ccnuerthur turba uulgaris, & peccatafic confitetur. 

Turba uulgaris, 
I knowe blefled lorde, by playne experiment, 
Mod nygh vnto helth, is he that (heweth hys fore. 
Wherefor I confefle, in place here euydent, 
The fynnefull lyuynge, that I haue vfed afore. 
A wretched fynnar I haue bene euermore, 
Vnthankefull to thee, to man vncharytable, 
And in all my workes, both falfe and deceyuable. 

Hunc tunc baptifat Joannes Jlefientem genua, 
Joannes Baptijla, 
Then take my baptyme, whych is a preparacyon, 
Vnto faythe in Chrift, wherin reft your faluacyon. 
To Chriftes Gofpell your conuerfacyon applye, 
And lerne by thys fygne, with hym to lyue and dye. 

Turba uulgaris. 
Myne vfage (ye knowe) is outwarde and externe, 
Some godly preceptes for that fayne wolde I lerne. 

Joannes Baptijla. 
1 wyll not moue ye to offer calfe nor gote, 
But to charyte, whych is of hyghar note. 
With no facryfyce is God more hyghly pleafed, 
Than*with that good hart, wherby the poore is eafed. 
For that he accepteth, as though hymfelfe it had. 

Turba 



102 Comcedla Ioannis Baki de Chrijli Baptifmo, 

T'urba uulgaris. 
Thys helthfome counfell, maketh my hart iovfull and triad. 

Joannes Baptijia. 
He that hath two coates, lete hym geue one to the nedye, 
And he that hath vytayle, lykewyfe releue the hungrye. 
Helpe ahvayes the poore, with herbour, foode and aparell, 
With focour, folace, with dodfryne and ghoftlye counfell. 
Thefe thynges done in fay the maye mollyfye Gods yre. 

Turba uulgaris. 
Farwell to ye then, for I haue my defyre. 

Eo exeunte, publicanus coram Deo peccatum agnojcit . 
Publicanus. 
Thy worde blefTed lorde, by this good man declared, 
Caufeth my conference of fynne to have remorce. 
And to remembre, how that I haue not fpared 
The poore to opprefTe, by crueltie and force. 
I confydre yet, how I oft haue bene horce, 
Cryenge for cuftome, exactynge more than due, 
To my neyber lorde I haue bene full vntrue. 

Ilium tunc baptifat Joannes incuruantem genua. 
Joannes Baptijia. 
Be baptyfed then, in token of repentaunce, 
And take to ye faythe, with a newe remembraunce. 
Thynkynge by thys fygne, ye are from hensfourth bounde 
Vyces to refyft, acceptynge Chrift for your grounde. 

Publicanus. 
Geue me fome precept, or rule, whereon to ftaye, 
That I, in my fort, my lorde God maye obaye. 

Joannes Baptijia. 
I wyll not bynde ye, your fubflaunce to dyfpence, 
But I requyre yow, to abftayne from vyolence. 
Though your offyce be to gather and to pull, 
Yet be no tyrauntes, but rather mercyfull. 
A good waye thys were, for your eftate, I thynke. 

Publicanus. 
Perfourme it I (hall, I wolde els I fhuld fynke. 

Joannes Baptijia. 
For your peynes ye haue appoynted by the emproure 
Your ftypende wages, no creature ye ought to deuoure; 
For Gods loue therfor, do no man iniury 
In taking tollage, aduauntage to haue therby. 
Non other wyie than, it is to yow prefcrybed. 

Publicanus. 
By me from hens fourth, nought from the poore (hall be brybed. 

Eo decedente, Miles fua confitetur feeler a. 
Allies armatus. 
Experyence doth fbewe, where as are good monycyons, 
Maye be auoyded all ieopardy and daunger. 
At thys mannys counfell, all fynnefull dyfpofycyons 
I wyll therfor change to a lyfe (I hope) moch better. 
No man fo wycked, nor fo farre out of order, 
As I wretche haue bene, in murther, rape and thefte. X- 

Swete lorde forgeue me, and thofe wayes fhall be lefte. 

Ilium 



Comcedia loannis Balei de Chrifli Baptifmo. xo -» 

Ilium tunc baptifat Ioannes in genua procumbentem. 
Joannes Baptijla. 
Thys baptyme of myne, to yow doth reprefent 
Remytfyon in Chrift, in cafe your fynnes ye repent. 
In hys blefled deathe, it affureth yow of grace, 
Sealynge your pafport, vnto the hyghar place. 

Miles armatus. 
My maker I thanke, of hys moft fpecyall gyfte, 
For my vfage now, fhewe me fome ghoftly dryfte. 

Ioannes Bapti/ia. 
Of warre ye haue lawes, vfe them with ryght alwayes, 
Do no fpoyle nor rape, take no vnlaufull prayes. 
The offyce ye haue, for the publyque vnyte, 
Mynde to exercyfe, to the landes tranquyllyte. 
Ye maye thus pleaie God, in doynge your feate, ryght well. 

Miles armatus. 
Father go forewarde, for I moch delyght your counfell. 

Ioannes Baptijla. 
For the publique peace, Gods lawe doth yow permyt, 
Stronge weapon to weare, but in no cafe to abufe it. 
If ye mynde therfor, of God to auoyde the daunger, 
For couetoufe lucre, hurt neyther frynde nor ftranger. 
But with your wages, yche man be fatysfyed. 

Miles armatus. 
Prayfe be to the lorde, I am moch edyfyed. 

Eo locum deferente, intrant Pharifeus ac Sadducaeus. Interim Ioanfles Baptiila alloquitur populumi 

Ioannes Baptijla. 
Of Chrift to tell yow, with the dyfference of our baptym, 
I wafhe in water ; but remyflyon is of him. 
My baptyme is a fygne of outwarde mortyfyenge, 
A grace is hys baptyme of inwarde quyckenynge. 
The baptyme of me is the baptyme of repentaunce, 
Hys baptyme in faythe bryngeth full recoueraunce. 

My doctryne is harde, and full of threttenynges, 
Hys wordes are demure, replete with wholfom bleflynges, 
I feare the confcience, with terrour of the lawe, 
He by the Gofpell mannys fowle wyll gentylly drawe. 
A knowledge of fynne the baptyme of me do teache, 
Forgeuenefle by faythe wyll he here after preache. 

I open the fore, he bryngeth the remedye, 
I fturre the confcyence, he doth all pacyfye. 
As Efaye fayth, I am the cryars voyce, 
But he is the worde, and meffage of reioyce. 
The lanterne I am, he is the very lyght, 
I prepare the waye, but he maketh all thynges perfyght, 

Pha'rifaus. Inuicem alloquuntur. 

As is faid abroade, thys fella we preacheth newe lernynge*, 
Lete vs dyflemble, to vnderftande hys meanynge. 

Sadducaus. 

Wele pleafed I am, that we examyne hys doynges, 
Hys doctrine parauenture myght hyndre els our lyuynges, 

* This is the Term given to the Reformers Preaching the Gofpel, by the Priefts of the Church of Rome. 

Bui 



io4 Comes di a loannit Balei dt Chrijfr ftaptifmo. 

But in our workynge, we muft be fumwhat crafty 

Pharifaus. 
Tufb, thu (halt fe me, vndermynde hym very fynelye. 

Et uertens fe ad Isannem, dolofe ilium alloquitur. 
God bleffe ye father, and profpere your bufynefle. 

Ioanna Baptijla. 
Ye are welcome both, fo that ye mynde anye goodnelfe. 

Sadducaus. 
No harme we intende, ye maye trufr. vs and ye wyll. 

Ioannes Baptijla. 
Ye fhewe to the worlde, as though ye coulde do no yll, 
But the lorde doth knowe, what ye haue in your hartes, 
And fecretelye how ye playe moft wycked partes. 
Where as fectes remayne, the fprete of God cannot be, 
Whofe kynde is to knytt, by a perfyght vnyte. 

Parifaus. 
That taunte haue I ones, bycaufe I am a Pharyfe. 

Sadducaus , 
My part is no leffe, for I am alfo a Sadduce. 
We wyll thu knowe it, our relygyons are worfhypfull. 

Joannes Baptijla. 
Not fo worfhypfull, but moch more falfe and deceytfull, 
An outwarde pretence ye haue of holyneffe, 
Wbych is before God a double wyckedneffe. 

Pharifaus. 
A verve wretche art thu, foch vertuoufe men to defpyfe, 
As the lawes of God, to hys people doth decyfe. 
We Pbaryfees are thofe, whych fyt in Mofes feate 
As interpretours, the holy fcriptures to treate. 

Ioannes Baptijla. 
And them ye corrupt, with your peftylent tradycyons. 
For your bellyes fake, have yow falfe expofycyons. 

Sadducaus. 
What favft thu to me ? whych in one poynt do not fwerue. 
From Mofes fyue bokes ; but euery Iote we obferue. 
Thynkeft not vs worthy the gloryoufe name we beare, 
Of ryghteoufe Sadducees ? Saye thy mynde without feare. 

Ioannes Baptijla. 
I faye thys vnto yow, your obfervacyons are carnall. 
Outwarde workes ye haue, but in fprete nothynge at all. 
Ye walke in the letter, lyke paynted Hypocrytes. 
Before God ye are, no better than Sodomytes. 

De Chrijlo baptifrno. 
Synners offendynge, of weakeneffe, doubt, or ignoraunce, 
Of pjtie God pardoneth. But where he fyndeth refyftence 
Agaynft the playne truthe, there wyll he ponnyfh moft. 
For a wyckedneffe that is agaynft the holy Ghoft. 
And that reigneth in yow, whych neuer hath forgeueneffe. 
For enemyes ye are, to that ye knowe ryghteoufnefTe. 

Pharifaus. 
Aurunt begger, auaunt. Becometh it the to prate 
So vnmannerly agaynft our comely eftate ? 
Whych is knowne to be, fo notable and holye ? 
Thu ihalt be loked on, I promyfe the furelye. 

Saduticaui. 



Comadia loannis Bales dt Chrijli Bapiijmo, i c £ 

SadduccFus, 

Our worthy decrees, the knaue doth not regarde. 
But pracly feth newe lawes, foch as were ncuer hearde. 
By whofe autoryte, doeft thu te2che thys newe lernvnge ? 
Doubt not but fhortly, thu wylt be brought to a rcckenvnge. 

Joannes Bfftijla. 

Ye generacyon of vypers, ye murtherers of the prophetes, 
Ye Lucifers proude, and vfurpers of hygh feates. 
Neuer was ferpent, more ftyngynge than ye be, 
More full of poyfon, nor inwarde cruelte. 
All your ftodye is, to perfue the veryte, 
Soch is your prac~tyfe, deceyte and temeryte. 
You boaft your felues moch, of ryghteoufnefle and fcyence, 
And yet non more vyle, nor fuller of neglygence. 
How can ye efcape the vengeaunce that is commynge, 
Upon the vnfaythfull ? whych wyll admytt no warnynge. 
Neyther your good workes, nor merytes of your fathers, 
Your faftynges, longe prayers, with other holy behauer3, 

Shall yow afore God, be able to iuftyfye, 
Your afteccyons inwarde, vnlefs ye do mortyfye. 
And therefor fhewe fourth, the due frutes of repentaunce, 
Not in wordes only, but from the hartes habundaunce. 
Forfake your malyce, your pryde and hypocrefye, 
And now exercyfe, the frutefull dedes of mercye. 

Pharifaus* 

It become not the, to fhewe what we fhall do, 
We knowynge the lawe, and the prophecyes alfo. 
Go teache thy olde fhoes, lyke a bufye pratlynge fole, 
For we wyll non be, of thys newe fangeled fcole : 
We are men lerned, we knowe the auncyent lawes, 
Of our forefathers, thy newes are not worth, ii. ftrawes. 

Sadducaus. 

The ofsprynge we are, of the noble father Abraham, 
And have the blefTynge, fo many as of hym cam. 
We can not peryfh, though thu prate neuer fo myche, 
For we are ryghteoufe, wele lerned, famoufe and ryche. 

Ioannes Baptijia. 

Great folye is it, of Abraham fo to booft, 
Where his fayth is not, the kyndred is fone lofr. 
Ye are Abrahams chyldren, lyke as was Ifmael, 
Onlye in the flefhe, to whom no blefTynge fell. 
Tt profyteth yow lyttle, of Abraham to beare name, 
If ye be wycked, but rather it is your fhame. 

And as touchynge Abraham, the Lorde is able to rayfe, 
Of ftones in the waye, fuch people as mail hym prayfe, 
The Gentyles can he call, whom ye very fore defpyfe, 
To Abrahams true faythe, and graces for them deuyfe. 
No hart is fo harde, but he can it mollefye, 
No fynncr fo yll, but he maye him iuftyfye. 

P Pbahfaus, 



io6 Coma dia loan, m H Balei de Chrijli Baptijmo. 

rhdrifatis. 

Yea, he tolde the fo, Thu art next of hys counfell, 
And knowefl what he myndeth, to do in heaven and in hell, 
Now forfoth thu art, a Iolye Robyne Bell. 

Sadducaus. 
With a lytle helpe, of an heretyke he wyll fmell. 

Joannes Baptijla. 
I fe it very wele, agaynft Gods truthe ye are bent, 
And come not hyther, your wicked wayes to repent. 
For that prynces fake, that will clere vs of care, 
But your commynge is, to trappe me in a fnare. 

Sadducaus. 
We knowe hym not we, nor wyll not knowe hym in dede. 
But whan he fhall come, if he do fowe foch fede, 
As thu haft done here, he maye chaunce to have yll fpede. 

h'.iKiwi Baptijla. 
Be ware if ye lyft, the axe is put to the rote, 
With the Lorde to mocke, it will ye no longar bote. 
Euery wythered tre, that wyll geue no good frute, 
Shall up, whych are yow, of all grace deftytute. 
And (hall be throwne fourth, into euerlaftynge fyre, 
Where no helpe can be, for no pryce nor defyre. 

Pbarifaus. 
A lewde knaue art thu, yll doclryne doft thu teache, 
We wyll fo prouyde, thu {halt no longar preache. 

Sadducaus. 
If we do not fe, for thys gere a dyreccyon, 
This fellawe is lyke, to make an infurreccyOn. 
For to hys newe lernynge, an infynyte cumpanye, 
Of worldlye rafcalles, come hyther fufpycyouflye. 

Pbarifaus. 
In dede they do fo, and therefor lete vs walke, 
Vpon thys matter, more delyberatlye to talke. 

hannes Baptijla. 
The nature of thefe, is ftyll lyke as it hath be, 
Blafphemers they are, of God and hys veryte. 
Here haue I preached, the baptyme of repentaunce. 
After me he cometh, that is of moch more puyfaunce^ 
For all my aufteryte, of lyfe and godly purpofe, 
Worthye I am not, hys lachettes to vnLofe. 

He wyll yow baptyfe, in the holy Ghoft and fyre, 
Makynge yow more pure, than your hart can defyre. 
Hys fanne is in hande, whych is Gods iudgement, 
Vnto hym commytted, by hys father omnypotent. 
He wyll from hys floore, which is hys congregacyon y 
Swepe awaye all fylth, and falfe dyflymulacyon. 

Cleane wyll he feclude, the dyfguyfed hypocrytes, 
And reftore agayne, the perfyght Ifraelytes. 
He wyll brynge the wheate, into hys barne or gravner, 
The chyldren of faythe, to the kyngedome of hys father. 
The caffe vnprofytable, whych are the vnfaithfull fort, 
Into hell fhall go, to their forowfull dyfeonfort. 



Itjns 



Comcsdia hannh Baki dc Chrijli Baptijmo. 107 

Iefus Chxljhtu 

I am Iefus Chrijl, the forme of the lyuynge God, 
The lyght of hys glorve, the ymage of hys fubftaunce. 
Though he to thys daye, hath plaged man with the rod, 
Yet now for my fake, he hath withdrawne all vengeauncc, 
All rygour, all fearcenefTe, with hys whole hartcs difplefaunce, 
Sendynge me hyther, of hys benyuolence, 
To fuffer one deathe, for all the worldes offence. 

The tyme prefixed, of my celefryall father, 
Is now perfourmed, I reignynge in thys natuie, 
Borne of a woman, yea, of a vyrgyne rather : 
Subject to the lawe, for Man which is vnpure, 
From deathe dampnable, hys pardone to procure. 
That he maye receyue, the hygh inherytaunce, 
Due to the chyldren, of hys choyce or allowaunce. 

If ye will nedes knowe, wherfor I am incarnate, 

It is to be head, of your whole congregacyon, 

To make means for ye, to pacyfye the hate, 

To be the hygh preft, that fhall worke your faluacyon, 

Your gyde, your confort, your helth, your confolacyon, 

I come not to iudge, nor flee, but all to faue, 

Come therfor to me, all yow that lyfe wyll haue. 

I am become flefh, for myne own promes fake, 
Without mannys fede borne, hys kynde to fan&yfye, 
Of fynners lynage, the fynners quarell to take, 
Of patryarkes and kynges, as a father and gyde heauenlye, 
Poore, that ye fhuld thynke, my kyngedom nothing worldlye 
In flefh, to the fprete, that the Gofpell fhuld ye brynge. 
Beleuynge by me, to have the lyfe euerlaftynge. 

Ye worldlye people, lerne gentylnefie of me, 
Which though I am God, unto the father coequall, 
I toke thys nature, with all dyfcommodyte, 
My felfe to humble, as a creature here mortall 
To rayfe ye to God, from your moft deadlye fall. 
Lete thys example, be grafted firft in your wytt, 
How I for baptyme, to Joban my felfe fubmytt. 

Ioannes Baptijla- 

By the holy Ghoft, aflured I am thys hour.e, 
That thys man is he, whych is of the hyghar poure, 
Whom I haue preached, The lambe of innocencye, 
Whofe fhoe to vnlofe, my felfe is far unworthye. 
From whens do ye come, I praye ye tell to me. 

Iefus Chrijius. 

From Nazareth thys houre, a cytie of Ga/yie, 
From my mothers howfe, the heauenly father- from hence, 
Te obeye and feme, with moft due reuerence. 

Joannes Baptijla. 

Your intent or mynde, fayne wolde I underftande. 

P 2 Iefus 



Io8 Comeedla Ioannis halei de Chrijli Baptijmo. 

lejiis Chrijlus. 
To rcccyue with other, the baptyme of thy hande. 

Hie protenfis manibus baptifmo ilium prohibet. 
Joannes Baptijla. 
Rcquyre not of me, I defyre the inftauntlye, 
To prefume fo farre, for doubtlcffe I am vnworthye. 
I a carnall fynner, ought to haue baptyme of the, 
My Lorde and Saaer. And doft thu axe it of me ? 
Perdon me fvvete Lorde, for I wyll not fo prefume. 

Iefus Chrijlus. 
Without prefumpcyon, that offyce flialt thu adfume. 

Joannes Baptijla. 
The baptyme of me, is but a fhaddow or tvpe, 
Soch is thy baptyme, as awaye all fynne doth wype. 
I geue but water, the fprete Lorde thu doft brynge, 
Iyowe is my baptyme, thyne is an heauenly thynge. 
Now thu art prefent, it is mete my baptyme ceace, 
And thyne to floryfh, all fynners bondes to releace. 

Me thy poore feruaunt, replenifh here with grace, 
And requyre me not, to baptyfe the here in place. 

Iefus Chrijlus. 

Johan^ fuffre me now, in thys to haue mv wyll, 
For vs it uehoueth, all righteoufneffe to fulfyll. 
That is to faye, me, as wele as thefe my feruauntes, 
The great graunde captayne, fo wele as hys poore tenaunti 
I come not hither, to breake the lawes of my father, 
As thy baptyme is one, but to confirme them rather. 
If I by the lawe, in yewth was circumcyfed, 
Why fhuld I dyfdayne, thys tyme to be baptyfed ? 
The Pharyfees abhorre, to be of the common fort, 
But I maye not fo, whych come for all mennys confort. 
I muft go with them, they are my bretherne all, 
He is no good captayne, that from hys armye fall. 

Joannes Baptijla. 

They are fynners Lorde, and from good lyuyinge wyde. 

Iefus Chrijlus. 

The more nede is theirs, to haue me for their gyde. 

I wyll go afore, that they maye folowe me, 
Whych fhall be baptyfed, and thynke me for to be, 
Their mate or brother, hauynge their lyuerye token, 
Whych is thy baptyme, as thy felfe here hath fpoken. 
Take water therfor, and baptyfe me thys houre 
That thy baptyme maye, take ftrength of hyghar poure. 

The people to marke, vnto my kyngedome heauenlye. 

Ioannes Baptijla. 
Then bleffed fauer, thy feruaunt here fanftyfye. 

Iefus Chrijlus. 
The man whych haue fayth, lacketh no fanctyfycacyon 
Neceflary and mete, for hys helth and faluacyon. 
Thyne offyce therfor, now execute thu on me. 

Hie loztmemfubieuat Iefus, ac eius baptifmo fe fubmittit, 



hannti 



Comcedia Ioannis Balei de Chrijti Baptifmo. 109 

Ioannes Baptijla. 
I baptyfe the (Lorde) by foch autoryte, 
As thy grace hath geuen, to my poore fymplenefTe, 
Onlye to obeye, the hygh requeft of thy goodnefle. 

In terram procumbens Iefus, tunc dicit, Deo gratias. 

lefus Chrijius. 
Thys offyce father, whych I in thys mortall nature, 
Do take vpon me, at thy moft hygh appoyntment, 
For mannys faluacyon, here to appeyfe thy hature, 
So profpere forewarde, that it be to thy intent, 
And to thy people, fytte and conuenyent. 
And that thu wytfaue, by thy moft fatherly poure, 
Thy fonne to commende, vnto the worlde thys houre. 

Defcendit tunc fuper Chrijlum fpiritus fanclus in columba fpecie, & uox patrls de ccelo audietur hoc 

modo : 
Pater caelejlis. 
Thys is myne owne fone, and only hartes delyght, 
My treafure, my Ioye, beloued moft inteyrlye. 
Thys is he whych hath, procured grace in my fyght, 
For man that hath done, moft wylfull trayterye. 
Alone is it he, that me doth pacyfye. 
For hys only fake, with Man am I now content, 
To be for euer, at a full peace and agrement. 

I charge ye, to hym, Geue dylygent attendaunce, 
Heare hys monycyons, regarde hys heauenly doc"rxyne. 
In mennys tradycyons, loke ye haue no affyaunce, 
Nor in Mofes lawe, but as he fhall defyne, 
Heare hym, beleue hym, drawe only after hys lyne. 
For he alone knoweth, my purpofe towardes yow, 
And non els but he, heare hym therefor only now. 

Tunc caelum infpiciens Ioannes, incuruat genua, 

Ioannes Baptijla. 

O tyme moft ioyfull, daye moft fplendiferus. 
The clerenefle of heauen, now apereth vnto vs. 
The father is hearde, and the holy Ghoft is feane, 
The fonne incarnate, to puryfye vs cleane, 
By thys we maye fe, The Gofpell ones receyued, 
Heauen openeth to vs, and God is hyghly pleafed. 

Lete vs fynge therfor, togyther with one accorde, 
Prayfynge thefe fame thre, as one God and good Lorde. 

Et expanfis ad caelum manibus canit Ioannes. 
Glorye be to the Trynyte, 
The father, the fonne and fprete lyuynge, 
Whych are one God in perfones thre, 
To whom be prayfe without endynge. 

Baleus Prolocutor, 

Thys vyfyble fygne, do here to yow declare, 
What thynge pleafeth God, and what offendeth hys goodnejfe. 
The worlde hath proude hartes , hygh myndes, with foch lyke ware, 

Cod 



no Comcedia Icannis Balei de ChrijYi B'aptifmo. 

God only regardeth, the fprete of ' lowly neffe. 
Marke in thys Gofpell, ivith the eyes offymplenejje. 
Adam, by hys pryde, ded paradyfe vp fpeare, 
Chrift hath opened heauen yi by hys great mekenejp heart. 

Iohan was a preacher, Note wele what he ded teo\ 
Not ?nennis tradycyons, nor hys owne holye lyfe. 
But to the people, Chrift lefus ded he prcache, 
JVyllynge hys Gofpell, amonge them to be ryfe, 
Hys knowledge heavenly, to be had of man and wyfe. 
But who receyued it ? Tf)e finfull com?nynalte, 
Publicanes and fynners, but no paynted Pharyfe. 

T/j&waye that Iohan taught, was not to weare harde clotJ))*gt 
To faye longe prayers, nor to wandre in the defart, 
Or to eate wylde locujls. No, he neuer taught foch thynge. 
Hysmynde was that fay the, flndd puryfye the hart. 
Aly ways (fayth the Lordc) with ?nennys ways haue no part. 
Manny s ways are all thynges, thai are done witljout fay th, 
God's waye is hys worde, as the holy fcripture fayth. 

If ye do penaunce, do foch as Iohan doth counfell, 
Forfake your olde lyfe, and to the true fayth apply e. 
JVajhe away allfylth, and foloxve Chriftes Gofpell. 
The iuflyce of men, is but an hypocrefye, 
A worke without fayth, an outwarde vayne glorye. 
An example here, ye had of the Pharyfees, 
IVhom Iohan compared, to vnfruteful wythered trees. 

Geue eare unto Chrift, lete mennys vayne fantofyes go, 
As the father bad, by hys mojl hygh commaundement , 
Heare neyther Frances, Benedyft, nor Bruno, 
Albert nor Domynyck, for they newe rulers inuent, 
Beleue neyther Pope, nor prejl of hys confenU 
Folowe Chriftes Gofpell, and therin fruclyfye, 
To theprayfe of God, and hys fonne lefus glorye. 

Thus endeth thys brefe Comedy or Enterlude of Iohan Baptyfles 
preachynge in the wyldernefle, openynge the craftye aflaukes of the 
hypocrytes, with the gloryoufe Baptyme of lefus Chrijh 

Csmpyled by Iohan Bale, Anno M.D.xxxvnu 



A Dif- 



( r*i ) 



ORDERS fet down by the Duke of Medina, Lord General 
of the King s Fleet, to be obferved in the Voyage toward 
England. Tranflated out of Spanijh into Englijh, by T. P. 

Imprinted at London by Thomas Orwin, for Thomas Gilbert, dwelling in 
Fleetftreet, near to the Sign of the Cattle, 1588. 



The wonderful Deliverance,, which England commemorates en the following Occafton, is 
JIM more remarkable, from the due Conjideration of the following Pamphlet ; where, 
the Reader may obferve, that ?wt only the Strength, and exceeding great warlike Pre- 
parations, but the political and military Orders, to preferve good Harmony among the 
Soldiers and Sailors, and due Obedience from both to their refpeclive Commanders ; and 
to avoid all Confufion, in Cafe of a Storm, or other difajlerous Accident, fhew that 
our Enemies had taken all the Precautions that human Prudence could conceive, to ac- 
complijh their Intrigues, and to ruin our EJlablifhment in Church and State. There- 
fore, I have inferted thefe Orders, thereby td encourage us in the like Dangers,, and 
to fhew, that, when God is on our Side, neither the Power, nor Policy of Man, is able 
to do us Harm. 

Don Alonfo Peres de Guzman, the good Duke unto his Church a great many of contrite Souls, 

of Medina, Sidonia, Count of Nebla, Mar- that are opprefled by the Hereticks, Enemies to 

quis of Cafhefhe in Africa, Lord of the City our holy Catholick Faith, which have them 

Saint- Lucar, Captain General of the Ocean Subjects to their Seels, and Unhappinefs : And 

See, of the Coaji of Andalufia, and of this for that- every one may put his Eyes upon this 

Army of his Majejiy, and Knight of the honour- Mark, as we are bound, I do command, and 

able Order of the Golden Fleece. much defire every one, to give Charge unto 

the Inferiors, and thofe under their Charge, to 

I Do ordain and command, that the Gene- embark themfelves, being fhriven *, and hav- 

ralMafters of the Field, all Captains, Of- ing received the Sacrament with competent 

ficers of the Camp, and of the Sea, Pilots, Contrition for their Sins : By the which Con- 

Mafters, Soldiers, Mariners, and Offi- trition, and Zeal to do God fuch great Service, 

cers, and whatfoever other People for the he will carry and guide us to his great Glory : 

Land or Sea Service cometh in this Army, all Which is, that which particularly and principal- 

the Time that it endureth, {hall be thus govern- ly is pretended. 

ed, as hereafter followeth, viz. In like Manner, I do charge and command 

Firjl, and before all Things, it is to be un- you, to have particular Care, that no Soldier, 

derftood by all the abovenamed, from the high- Mariner, or other, that ferveth in this Army, 

eft to the loweft : That the principal Foundati- do blafpheme, or rage againft God, or our 

on and Caufe, that have moved the King his Lady f, or any of the Saints, upon Pain that he 

Majefty to make and continue this Journey, fhall therefor fharply be corrected, and very 

hath been, and is, to ferve God, and to return well chaftened, as it mall feem beft unto us ; 

'* Confefied his Sins to a Prieft. f The Virgin Mary. 

And 



1 1 2 Orders appointed for 

And for other Oaths of lei's Quality, the Go- 
vernors, in. the fame Ships they go in, (hall pro- 
cure to remedy all : They fhall punifh them in 
taking away their Allowance of Wine, or o- 
therwife, as they fhall think good. And for 
that the mod Occafions come by Plays ) ou (hall 
publiekly prohibit it, efpecially the Games that 
are forbidden : And, that none do play in the 
Night, by no Means. 

And to avoid Inconvenicncits that might en- 
file in this Army and Force of his Majefty, if 
that the here written were not put for Remedy, 
bythefe Prefents, I do command, that, particu- 
larly and generally, all Quarrels, Angers, De- 
fiances, and Injuries, that are, and have been, 
before this Day, and until the Publication here- 
of, of all Peribns, as well by Sea as Land, of 
greater or lefs Qualities, be fuppreffed and fuf- 
pended, fo that none goeth in this Army for the 
Time that this Voyage continueth and lafteth, 
althoush they be old Quarrels : Yet, for my ex- 
prefs Commandment, fhall break this Truce 
and Forbearance of Arms, dire£tly, or indi- 
rectly, upon Pain of Difobedience, and incur- 
ring into high Treafon, and die therefor. 

In like Manner I do give Charge, that a- 
board the Ships there be not any one Thing of- 
fered to the Difgrace of any Man. 

Declaring herewithal, that there cannot be 
any ?Difgrace imputed to any Man for any 
Thing that (hall be offered, nor yet be a Re- 
proach, whatfoever happeneth a-board any Ship. 

And for that it is known, that great Incon- 
veniences and Offence groweth unto God, by 
conferring that common Women, and fuch like, 
go in like Armies : 

I do ordain and command, that there be none 
embarked nor carried in the Army : And if that 
any will cany them, I do command the Cap- 
tains, and Mailers of the Ships, not to confent 
thereto : Who fo doth, or diffembleth there- 
with, fhall be grievoufly punifhed. 

The Company of every Ship, one every 
Morning, at the Break of every Day, accord- 
ing to the Cuftom, fhall give the good Mor- 
row * by the Main-maft, and at Night the Ave 
Maria * : And fome Days the Salve Regina * : 
Or, at leaft, the Saturdays with a Littany. 

And forafmuch as it importeth for the Prefer- 
vation zrvi good Succefs of this Army, that 
there be between the Soldiers and Mariners 



the Spanifli Fleet. 

much confirmed Friendfhip, and fuch Amitv, 
that there be not any Difference, nor other Oc- 
cafions of murmuring, I command it to be pub- 
lifhed, that no Body do carry any Dageer, nor 
thwart one another, or give any Occafions, 
but that all do obey the fuperior Officers : And 
if any Scandal or Offence come, he that was 
the Beginner, fhall ftraightly be punifhed. 

When the Gallion Saint Marten, wherein 
myfelf go, Admiral of this Fleet, doth make a 
Sign with a Piece of Ordnance, it fhall be a 
Sign of Departure for the whole Fleet, that, 
founding their Trumpets, (hall follow without 
lofuig Time, and without coming foul of each 
other, and cutting Sail, fhall do the like : Ha- 
ving great Care of the Sands and Catchops, 
carrying their Boats and Skiffs ready for any 
Thing that may happen. 

Being from the Land a Sea-board, every Ship 
fhall come to Leeward, faluting the Admiral, 
to know what he will command : And de- 
mand the Word, without going a-head the Ad- 
miral, either in the Day or in the Night, but 
to have great Care to his Sailing. 

Every Afternoon, they fhall repair to their 
Admirals, to take the Word, and to know if 
there be any Thins; to do. 

And for that fo many great Ships, and fo great 
may be, cannot come every Day without Board- 
ing one another : To avoid the Danger that may 
follow, the General of each Squadron (hall have 
particular Care, to take the Word in Time, 
to give it unto the Ships under their Charge. 

The Admiral (hall be faluted with Trumpets, 
of them that have them : If not, with their 
Whiffles : And the People to hallow one after 
another, and, anfwering them, (hall falute again : 
And, if it be towards Night, to demand the 
Word, and, taking it, fhall falute one another 
in Time, and depart, to give Room to others 
that follow. 

If it happeneth fome Days, that the Wind 
will not fuffer to take the Word of the Admi- 
ral, or Admirals, they fhall have, for every Day 
in the Week, the Words following : 



Sunday, 

Monday, 

Tuefday, 

Wednefday, 

Thurfday, 



Jefiis. 

The holy Ghojl. 
The holy Trinity. 
Saint "James. 
The Angels. 



* A Cullom (till obferved in Spain, and fome other Poplfk Countries, by Tolling a Bell three Strokes 
.thrice, in all, nine Strokes. 

Friday 



Orders appointed for the Spanifli Fleet. i 1 3 

Friday, All Saints. put forth another Light, upon the Poop a-pait 

Saturday, Our Lady. from the Lanthorn ; who that doth (cc it, ihall 

anfwer with another Light. 

And for that it importeth, that all the Ar- When he doth take away Bonnets, or fhor- 

mies do go clofe together, I do command, that the ten the Sails, he fhall fhew Lights, one in the 

General, and Wings, with great Care, do Poop, and other two fhrowed high. 

procure to carry the Squadrons, as nigh, and in When that for any Occafion he (hall ftrike 

as good Order, as is pomble : And the Ship all Sails, he fhall fhew three Lights, one in the 

and Pinnaces, of the Charge of Don Antonio de Top, another in the Shrouds, and the third in 

Hartado de Mendofa, keep next unto the Ad- the Fore-caftle ; and the reft fhall fhew it, with 

miral, except fix : Whereof, two fhall follow putting forth a Light, each upon his Poop, 

the Admiral Don Pedro de Valdczi, and two the If any Ship have any Occafion to ftrike all 

Admiral of Martin Bretendona ; the other two, her Sails in the Night, he fhall fhoot off a great 

the Admiral of 'Joan Gomes de Medina : The Piece, and put out a Lanthorn all Night, and 

which fhall be appointed prefently, and have thofe that are nigheft unto him fhall fhew Lights, 

great Care to repart themfelves, without the for that other may procure it, and fhall take in 

one thwarting the other : And the Squadron of the Sails till Day : And, if Neceffity be great.. t 

the Hulks fhall go always in the Midft. fhall fhoot oft another Piece, and thofe, tha^ 

That no Ship of the Navy, nor any that go- do fee it, fhall anfwer with other two Lights 

eth with them, fhall depart, without my Li- making the like Board. 

cenfe : And I do command upon Pain of Death, When the Admiral will have any Commu- 

and Lofs of Goods, that if by Chance, with a nication, he will make a Sign, putting a Flag 

Storm, any be driven to depart * before they in the after Mifen near the Lanthorn, and (o 

come to the Cape Finijler, that then they fol- they fhall repair unto him to know what he 

low their Courfe to the faid Cape, where they would have. If (which God for his Mercy per- 

fhall have my Order what to do ; or elfe they mit not) there happen any Ship to take Fire, 

fhall fail to the Groyne, where they fhall have the next unto her fhall make from her, fend- 

it. ing firft their Boats and Skiffs, to fuccour and 

In departing from the Groyne, they fhall fet help, and fo fhall all the reft, 

their Courfe for Silley, and procure to make the They fhall have particular Care, to put forth 

Southerfide of it, having great Care of their their Fire in every Ship, before the Sun go 

Sounding : And if by Chance in this Courfe a- down. 

ny Ship, or Ships, do lofe the Fleet, they fhall In taking of their Allowance of Victuals, the 

not return into Spain, in any Manner, upon Soldiers fhall let them that have the Charge 

Pain of Death, and the Lofs of Goods, and taken thereof, to deliver it, fo that the faid Soldiers 

for Traytors, but follow the Courfe, and make fhall not go down to take it, nor choofe it per- 

to the Southward of the faid Ifland. And if a- force, as in Times they have done ; and, for 

ny fuch do think the Navy to be a-ftern of this Caufe, fhall be prefent the Serjeant, or 

him, he fhall detain himfelf in the fame Height, Corporal, of the Company or Companies, where 

playing up and down, and not to depart from they are, for avoiding Diforder, and that timely 

his Courfe. they have their Portions ; fo that before Night 

And if it be thought, that the Navv is a every Body may have fupped. 
Head, then fhall you feek them in Mont's-bay, That no Ship, nor other VefTel of this Na- 
which is betwixt the Land's End and the Li- vy, nor of anv of thofe, that goeth fubject un- 
zard, there fhall you have the whole Navy, or der my Jurifdi<Stion, fhall not be fo bold to en- 
Intelligence what he fhall do ; and yet for all this, ter into any Harborough, anchor, nor go a 
if he do not meet with the Navy, yet fhall he Shore, without the Admiral doth it firft, or 
find Pinnaces, with Order what fhall be done. with my fpecial Leave, upon Pain of Puniih- 

In the Night, there fhall be great Vigilance ment hereof, 

for the Admiral, to fee iffhe change her Courfe, The Colonels of the Field, Captains, Lieute- 

or make about. Before fhe goeth about, fhe nants, Enfigns and Officers, muft have partku- 

wifl fhoot off a Piece ; and, being about, will lar Care, that the Soldiers have always their 

* Between Lijlon and Cape Finijler. 

Q. Ar- 



4 



Orders appointed for the Spanifti Fleet. 



Armour clean, ready, and in Order, for Time Pipes, to fill them with Water in the Day o 

of Neceffity, caufing them to make them clean, Battle, and repart them amongft the Ordnance 

twice every Week, and ufing themfelves with or other Places, as fhall be thought neceffary 

them in fuch Sort, that they may be expert at and nigh unto them, old Clothes, or Coverings 

the Time of Need. which with Wetting may deftroy any Kind o 

And for that, in the Way, Order fhall be giv- Fire, 
en, in what Form every Man fhall put himfelf, That the Wild-fire be reparted to the People 

if we do fight, I do command, that particular mod expert, that we have for the Ufe thereof, 

Care be had, advifing the Gunners to have half at due Time ; for that, if it be not overfeen, 

Butts with Water and Vinegar, as is accuftom- giving Charge thereof to thofe that do under- 

ed, with Bonnets, and old Sails, and wet Man- ftand it, and fuch, as we know, can tell how 

ties to defend Fire, that as often is thrown, as to ufe it, otherwife it may happen to great 

to have the like Care to have Shot made in good Danger. 

Quantity, and that Powder and Match be rea- By the Commandment that no Ship fhall go 

dy for Ship, and Soldiers of the Store, by a Head the Admiral, at the leaft in the Night, 

Weight, Meafure, and Length ; according to none fhall tarry a Stern the Vice- Admiral, and 

the Order, that every Ship hath to deliver unto every one to have a Care to the Trimming of 

him, that hath the Charge thereof, according to his Sails, according to the Charge he hath, and 



Ufe and Cuftom. 

Alfo I order and command, that there be a 
Care, that all Soldiers have their Room clean, 
and unpeftered of Chefts, and other Things, 
without confenting in any Cafe to have Cards ; 
and, if there be any, to be taken away prefent- 



the Sailing of his Ship ; for the much that it im- 
porteth that all our Navy do go clofe as poflille 
as they may, and in this the Captains, Mafk 
and Pilots muft have fuch great Care, as of 
them is hoped. 

Thefe my Inftrudlions are delivered unto 



ly : Neither permit them to the Mariners ; and, every Ship, and have their Copy, firmed by mv 

if the Soldiers have any, let me be advertifed, Hand, and regiftered by my Secretarv, the 

that I may command them to be taken away. which fhall be read by every Purfer of every 

And, for that the Mariners muft refort unto Ship publickly, to come to the Note of all Sol- 

their Work, Tackle and Navigation, it is con- diers and Mariners, whereby they may not 

venient, that their Lodgings be in the upper pretend Ignorance : And to the faid Purfers I 

Works of the Poop, and Fore-cafHe, other- ordain and command, that, thrice in the Week, 

wife the Soldiers will trouble them in the they be bound to read thefe my Inftru&ions 

Voyage. publickly, and that they take Witnefs of the 

The Artillery muft ftand in very good Or- Fulfilling hereof, upon Pain of him, that doth 

der, and reparted amongft the Gunners, being all the contrary, fhall receive Punifhment to the 

charged with their Balls, and nigh unto every Example of others. 

Piece his Locker, wherein to put his Shot and All the above {aid, we command to be ma- 

Neceffaries, and to have great Care to the nifefted, and be kept without any Breach for 

Cartridges of every Piece, for not changing, or the Service of his Majefty, none to break them, 

not taking Fire ; and that the Ladles and or any Part thereof, in no Manner, upon Pain 

Sponges be ready at Hand. they fhall be feverely punifhed, every one ac- 

Every Ship fhall carry two Boats Lading of cording to his Eftate and Offence ; all others 

Stones, to throw to Profit, in the Time of referved to our Difcretion. Made in the Galiion 

Fight, on the Deck, Fore-caftle, or Tops, ac- Saint Marten, at the Road of Belline *, the 

cording to his Burden •, and (hall carry two half twenty-eighth of May, 1588. 



* A Village, three Miles below Lijlon. 



( »5) 



A Difcourfe, concerning the Spanijh Fleet invading England, in 
the Year 1588, and overthrown by Her Majefty's Navy, un- 
der the Conduct of the Right Honourable the Lord Charles 
Howard, High- Admiral of England; written in Italian, by 
Petruccio Ubaldino, Citizen of Florence, and translated for A. 
Ryther ; to be fold at his Shop, being a little from Leaden- 
hall, next to the Sign of the Tower. MDXC. 



The conjiant Attempts, ivhicb the Romifh Powers have made upon our Religion and Li* 
berties ;. the many Private Treafons they have fomented againji our Eftablifoment in 
Church and State ; their vafi Armaments that have been made from Time to Time, fince 
we forfook the Superftition of Rome, and believed in the Gofpel only ; and efpeciatty 
the late combined Force of France and Spain, to ruin us by Sea and Land, calls upon 
v.s- to be thankful to God, who jlill continues to fight for us, as he did in the Infancy of 
the Reformation ; as will better appear by comparing our prefent State with the follow- 
ing Account. 

The Pope had fuffered fo great a Lofs in his Revenue by the utter Separation of England 
from his Authority, when Queen Elizabeth confirmed and eftablifhed the Reformation be- 
gun and continued by her Father and Brother, that he tried all Means to take her 
out of the Way ; and working more efpecially with the potent King, Philip of Spain, 
they both determined either to cut her off by private Artifices, or, if thofe fhould fail, 
to fubdue the Nation by open Force. The Pope leads the Way. For, it being fo 
fhocking to human Nature, to contrive the Death, and to take away the Life of God's 
Anointed, or the Governor of his People, he, with his pretended difpenfing Power, 
was to flrive to quiet the Confidences of thofe Bigots to be made Ufe of on that Occafton. 
The firfi Step was to excommunicate the Queen and all her Council, and their Adhe- 
rents ; and then to abfolve all thofe her Subjetls, that were willing to be Rebels and 
Trayfors, from their obligated Allegiance. Then He ajfumed a Right to difpofe of 
the Crown of England •, gave it to the King of Spain, and exhorted Philip, to reduce 
it to his Yoke by Force of Arms \ engaged other States, and largely afjified him other- 
wife to enable him to make a fiuccefsfiul Invafion and to conquer, and decreed it a Vir- 
tue and Merit, deferving of Heaven, in thofe Engiifh Sv.bjecls, that could be fo cajoled 

to arm for Spain, and rebel againfi their lawful Sovereign. Philip of Spain, 

thus prompted and fupported, refolved upon the Execution of a Defign that would, if 
fuccefsful, add fo much Power and Riches to his Crown : But full- he pretended Friend- 
Jhip, difavowed his Intention, and folicited Queen Elizabeth** Reconciliation to the 
Romiih Religion, that he might the better cover the wicked Dtjign of taking away her 
Lifie privately or by Treafon. For, in the Year 1584, William Parry, whofe Trial 

Q^ 2 is 



n6 A Difcourfe concerning the Spanifh Invqfion. 

is propofed to be printed at large in this Colleclion, infligated by Benediclo Palmio and 
Chriftophero de Salazar, Secretary to King Philip, undertook to murder her Sacred 
Mdjefty ; and Hanibal Codreto, a Spanifh Prieft, approved the fame diabolical De- 
jSgn. But this ivas providentially detecled ; and fo her Majejly efcaped the bloody Hands 
of that Monjler of Ingratitude, whom fhe had before fared from the G allows ; yet a- 
gain, in the Tear 158.6, Babington and Ballard agreed with Bernardin Menduza*, 
then the King of Spain'i Ambaffador, to betray the hand to a Spanifh Invajion, 
or to kill the Queen •, but they were both preferred from their Wckednefs by the Al- 
mighty Power and Goodnefs of God. 'Thus Philip hoping for no Succefs in this private 
Scheme, his Intentions being fo often detecled, and his Armaments already ccmpleatedy. 
refolved to fight againft God and his Servants, by the Help of the Pope and the 
whole Strength of his own Power ; and, in Confequence of that Refolution, in the 
Tear 1588, he fent from Lifbon, on the 19th of May, that Sea Armament, which he 
called, The invincible Navy, or, as the Pope Sixtus the Fifth termed it, The great, 
liable, and invincible Army, and Terror of Europe, conjijling of 134 Sail of tall 
towering Ships, befides G allies, GalliafJ'es, and Galleons, ftored with 2 2000 Pounds of 
great Shot, 40200 Quintals or Hundred Weights of Powder, 1000 Quintals of head for 
Bullets, 10200 Quintals of Match, 7000 Mufkets and Calievers, 1000 Partisans 
and Halberts ; befides double Cannons, Mortars, and Field-pieces for a Camp, upon 
Difembarking, and a great many Mules, Horfes, and Affes, with fix Months Provi- 
fion of Bread, Bifquet, and Wine ; 60500 Quintals of Bacon, 3000 Cheefe, 12000 
Pipes of frefh Water, befides a full Proportion of other Sorts of Flefh, Rice, Beans y 
Peafe, Oil, and Vinegar. To which he added a great Quantity of Torches, hanthorns^ 
hamps, Canvas, Hides, and head, toftopheaks, &c. according to fome Accounts, 
fhe Englifh Fleet gave them fuch a Reception, that, by the Blejfng of God, it fcon 
defeated and difperfed that invincible Navy, and made it vincible. In Memory of 
which great and miraculous Deliverance from the Spanifh tftf^Popifh Tyranny, there 
was a Day fet a-part, by Authority, to be kept holy, throughout all her Majeftfs Do- 
minions ', and it is much to be regretted, that fo great a Mercy and Duty fhould be now 
laid afide : For, as a certain great Writer obferves , Doubtlefs, all Men and Women, 
who would not have bowed the Knee to (Spanifh) Baal, had then been put to the Sword; 
their Children had been toffed at the Pike's End, or elfe their Brains dafhed out by fome 
ill-faced Dons or other. Strangers have not been wanting to commemorate that Time of 
England'.* Deliverance, amongfi whom I fhall only mention the reverend and religious 
Theodore Beza (of pious Memory) whofe pathetick Votm-gratulatory on that Occafion, 
in Latin, infcribed to the Queen, I fhall give you here tranflated by an excellent Pen 
into the hanguage ofthofe Days : 



Spain's King, with Navies huge, the Seas beftrew'd, 

T'augment, with Engli/h Crown, his Spanifh Sway. 
Afk you, what caus'd this proud Attempt ? 'Twas lewd 

Ambition drove, and Av'-rice led the Way. 
'Tis well Ambition's windy Puff lies drown'd 

By Winds ; and fwelling Hearts, by fwelling Waves: 
'Tis well the Spaniards, who the World's vaft Round 

Devour'd, devouring Sea moft juftly craves. 

But 



A Difcourfe, concerning the Spanifh Jnvajhn. 

But thou, O Queen, for whom Winds, Seas, do war, 

O thou fole Glory of the World's wide Mais, 
So reign to God, ftiJl from Ambition far, 

So ftill, with bounteous Aids, the Good embrace, 

That thou do England Jong, long England thee enjoy, 
Thou Terror of all Bad, Thou every Good Man's Joy ! 



"7 



To the Reader. 

Who lift to hear and fee what God hath done 
For us, our Realm, and £hiecn, againji our 
Foe, 
Our Foe, the Spaniard proud, let him oer-run 
This little Book, and he the Truth jhall know : 
Which, when you read with Care, retain this 
'thought, 
That, howfoe'er the Means deferved well, 
'Twas chiefly God, againji our Foe, that fought, 
And fent them quick through Mid/l of Sea to 
Hell. 
IVhither both quick, and thick, let them go 

down, 
That feek to alienate the Title of our Crown. 

T. H. 

THE Queen's Majefty having divers 
Ways underftood the great and di- 
ligent Preparation of the King of 
Spain, in divers Parts both by Land 
and Sea, not only of the ftrongeft 
Ships of all Places within his Dominions ; but 
alfo of all Sorts of Provifion and Ammunition 
neceffary for a mighty Fleet, which was to come 
from Spain and Portugal (for the Furnifhing and 
better Direction whereof he had drawn toge- 
ther, into the Places aforefaid, the moft princi- 
pal and antient Captains and Soldiers, as well 
of the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, as of 
Lombard}, and other Parts of Italy, and the 
more remote Parts of India, as by every one 
was Ion? before very evidently perceived, by 
Reafoa that the Preparation of thefe Things to- 
gether with the Number of the Ships, Mariners, 
and Soldiers, the divers Sorts and Quantities of 
Victuals, the great Number and divers Kinds of 
Artillery, with the Sum of every feveral Kind, 
were fufficiently fpecified unto all Countries, by 
certain Pamphlets, la) ing forth at large his whole 
Intent ; the which Pamphlets were printed and 
publifhed in Spain and Portugal, and other Pro- 
vinces of ChriftenJom, with this Title : The 
mojl puijfan\ and mojl happy Fleet of the King of 



Spain, againji the Realm of England :) Her Ma- 
jefty, I fay, having in this Manner received fo 
open and manifeft Information hereof, as alfo 
certain Intelligence of Horfemen and Footmen, 
fent in fo great Number, that they were fuffi- 
cient for the furnifhing of divers Camps in the 
Lcw Countries, under the Government of the 
Duke of Parma, his Lieutenant-General for 
thofe Provinces, and withal knowing the Mul- 
titude of the Ships of War, and the Poflibi- 
lity that the faid King had to tranfport his 
Soldiers out of Flanders, and land them in Eng- 
land, not fparing to give out thereupon open 
and free Report, that all that Provifion was for 
the Invafion and Conqueft of England: And for 
fo much alfo as at the fame Time the King 
himfelf, by Means of his aforefaid General, the 
Duke of Parma, pretended a certain Treaty of 
Peace to be made with her Majefty (albeit this 
Offer was in Truth known, in England, not to 
have been made, but only to take Advantage of 
the Time, and to make her Majefty negligent 
in preparing for her Defence, although fhe 
notwithftanding defirous openly to declare her 
good Inclination unto that, which is a juft and 
Chriftian Commendation in a prudent Prin- 
cefs) refufed not in any Point this Treaty and 
Offer of Peace, greatly defired of all Chriftian 
People ; and, therefore, for that Purpofe gave 
Commandment to certain Noblemen of her pri- 
vy Council and others, with certain Governors 
of her Forces in Flanders, to deal in this Mat- 
ter with the Commiflioners that fhould be there 
appointed, in the Name and Behalf of the faid 
King ; and our Commiffioners after their De- 
parture and manifeft Declaration, that they be- 
gan to parley to fome Purpofe concerning this 
Treaty, being driven off a long Time to fmall 
Effe£t, and without any manifeft Hope of A- 
greement likely to enfue, until fuch Time as 
the Spanifh Fleet was not only difcovered in 
the Englifh Channel, but alfo with-held and 
bridled from their Purpofe, in joining with the 
Forces of the Duke of Parma, and tranfport- 
ing an Army into England; and, finally, until, 
fuch Time as it was inforced to withdraw it- 

felf„ 



1 1 8 A Dijlourfe, concerning 

f.-\\, and feek fome better Fortune in the Nor- 
thern Seas, being every where e'fe unable to 
in ike anv forceable Refiftance. Therefore, her 
Majefty as well to declare her propenfe Readi- 
ngs, if on their Part any fincere Intent of Peace 
had been, as her vigilant Providence not to be 
deluded bv fo fubtie and malicious an Enemy, 
furnifhed herfelf by Sea with a mighty Fleet, 
and by Land with a no lefe Diligence to refill 
fo great Forces, as by :ill Nations were report- 
ed to come againft her. For it was never 
known in the Memory of Man*, that fo great 
Preparation was ever heretofore at one Time 
made out, either by King Philip himfelf, or 
vet by the Emperor Charles the Fifth, his Fa- 
ther, although his Power were much more, and 
his Occasions of War far greater. 

The Diligence therefore of the Englijhmen, 
anfwerable unto the Care of the Prince, was 
fuch and fo great, that her Majefty was provid- 
ed of a mighty Fleet to defend her by Sea from 
the Enemy, between the Firft of November, 
1587, and the Twentieth of December next 
enfuing, a Time in Truth very fhort for fuch 
a Provifion, in Regard of fo many Years fpent 
by the faid King in Preparing of his Fleet, 
which notwithftandingdid fhew of what Force 
it was, by Experience, afterwards made thereof 
againft the Englijh Navy, gathered together 
within fifty Days, and provided and moft ex- 
cellently furnifhed of all Things neceflary for 
fuch a Purpofe. The Care and Charge of this 
Navy was commended unto the Right Honour- 
able Charles, Lord Howard, Baron of Effing- 
ham, Lord High Admiral of England, who, for 
his Place and Office, noble Courage, Expe- 
rience in martial Affairs, and Nobility of Blood 
and Defcent, was thought moft fit and worthy 
to be employed in that Service. He had in his 
Company a fufficient Number of honourable, 
worfhipful, and valiant Perfonages, famous both 
in Refpect of their Birth and the Gifts of Mind, 
defirous to ferve their Prince and Country in 
fuch a Caufe as this, being judged of the whole 
Englijh Nation both juft and neceflary ; like- 
wife of Sea- faring Men and private Soldiers 
fo competent a Number, as might be anfwer- 
able unto the Power of fo great a Prince in fo 
weighty a Caufe. The Lord High Admiral, 
therefore, with thefe Forces, keeping for a Sea- 
fon the narrow Seas and Channel between Eng- 
land and Flanders, Sir Francis Drake, Knight, 



tl ' Spanifli Invafon. 

men: i< :ied here alfo in Honour of his good De- 

, was, by the Advice of the Lords of the 
Council and his Honour fo commanding it, fent 
towards the Weft Parts with certain of the 
(Queen's Ships and others from certain Ports of 
England thereabouts, being in all not above the 
Number of fifty Sail of all Sorts, there to at- 
tend the Lord High Admiral his Coming with 
greater Forces, ifOccafion fhould fo require. In 
the mean Seafon the Lord Admiral with his 
Vice-Admiral, the Lord Henry Seymer, kept 
the narrow Seas, accompanied with twenty 
Ships more, very well furnifhed at the Charge 
of the Citizens of London, befides many other 
from divers Parts on that Side of the Realm, 
that lieth from the Town of Dover up to the 
Northward, which met all together in good 
Order, and well appointed for the Wars. 

And here the Lord Admiral underftanding, 
for a Certainty, that the Fleet of the Enemy 
was already launched and at the Sea, he weighed 
Anchor, and leaving the Lord Seymer with fuf- 
ficient Forces of the Queen's Ships and other 
Vefiels to watch what the Duke of Parma would 
do, or was able to undertake by Sea, and part- 
ing from thence the Twenty- firft of May, 1588, 
to the Weftward with her Majefty's Navy, and 
twenty Ships of London, with fome others, he 
arrived at Plymouth, the Twenty-third of the 
fame Month, where Sir Francis Drake, with 
fifty Sail which he had under his Charge, met 
with the Lord Admiral in very good Order. 
And then, the two Navies being joined toge- 
ther into one, the Lord Admiral made Sir Fran- 
cis Drake his Vice- Admiral. 

Arriving then at Plymouth, his Lordfhip pre- 
fently gave Order for Provifion of Victuals for 
the whole Navy, that it might want nothing, 
that fhould tend to the neceffary Service enfu- 
ing. The whole Navy was at this Prefent about 
Ninetv Sail of all Sorts. 

This Provifion being compleat, he refolved 
with himfelf to put forth to the Sea again about 
the Thirtieth of May aforefaid ; but, the Wind 
not ferving his Turn, he kept himfelf abroad, 
failing up and down within the Sleeve between 
UJhant and Silley, attending fome Sight or Report 
of the Enemies Fleet. Where having waited a 
certain Time, fometimes drawing near to the 
Coaft of France, and fometimes to the Coaft of 
England, he returned, being thereto inforced by 
a great Tempeft, with his whole Navy into the 



* See the Particulars above in the Introduction to this Tract, and i.i one of the fucceeding Pamphlets. 

Port 



A Difcourfe concerning 

Port of Plymouth, the Sixth of June, to refrefh 
his Company there. 

In the mean Seafon, there were discovered, 
between Ujhant and Si/ley, certain Ships of the 
Spanijh Fleet, not above the Number of four- 
teen, which, were known to be fevered from 
the whole Fleet, by Violence of the aforefaid 
Tempeft. But, before they could be encoun- 
tered withal by any of the Englijh Navy, the 
Wind came about, whereby they had Oppor- 
tunity to return back again, faving themfelves 
from all Perils in their Haven, called the Groin, 
into the which alfo the reft of the Spanijh Fleet 
was put to provide themfelves enough of other 
Things, which they wanted, and efpecially of 
frefli Water. Of this Thing, the Lord Admiral 
had Intelligence and Advertifement from fundry 
Parts, as alfo that the Spanijh Fleet was, by 
great Fortune, difperfed and fevered into divers 
Places, through Penury of many, and thofe 
neceflary Things, through Difeafes and Mor- 
tality of Men, although the Report hereof could 
not afterwards be verified, whereof the certain 
Truth was, that, being troubled withTempeft, 
they were commanded to come a Shore at the 
Croin. 

The Lord Admiral therefore, feeing the Coaft 
cf England, and France, clear and free from all 
Danger, as, by diligent Search, it was underftood, 
refel' ed, by the Advice and Opinion of his 
Council, to take the Advantage of the next 
Wind, that Ihould blow from the North, that, 
paffing to the Ccafl of Spain, he might find the 
Enemies Fleet fo difperfed in the Croin, and in 
other Parts of Galatia, where they had been dri- 
ven by the Storm. 

This was put in Execution, between the 
Eighth and Tenth of the fame Month, the Wind 
being then at the North, which within a While 
changing unto the South, after that he was come 
within forty Leagues, or theicabout, of the 
Coaft of Spatm, made him to caft a Doubt of 
that, which afterwards happened indeed. For 
laying this before him, as his principal Care, 
according to the Charge laid upon him by her 
Majefty, to be diligent and careful for the De- 
fence of the Coaft of England, and confidering 
that, with the Wind, which was now changed, 
and very good, to make for England, the Ene- 
my might fet out, and pafs for England, with- 
out Difcovery of his Fleet, he returned back 
with the whole Navy, and the Twelfth of the 
lame Month he arrived at Plymouth, there ac 



the Spanifh lnvafion. 119 

cordingly to provide himfelf of all that was ne- 
ceflary. 

The Nineteenth of June, his Honour had In- 
telligence by a Eark, or Pinnv.ce, whofe Captain 
was Thomas Fleming, amongft other behind him 
in the Sleeve for Difcoverv, that the Spanijh 
Fleet was difcovered near unto the Lizard, the 
Wind being then South, and by Weft. And 
therefore albeit, that, by Reafon of the great 
Number of Englifh Ships, which were in Ply- 
mouth, it was, with that Wind, very hard to 
bring them forth from thence (as the Military 
Art of the Sea, and the Condition of their Affairs 
required) yet W2s there fuch Diligence ufed by 
the Lord Admiral, and the reft by his Example, 
as they endeavoured therein, with fuch Advice 
and Earneftnefs, that many of the Ships at the 
Length warped out of the Haven, as if the 
Wind had been wholly favourable unto them : 
Which Thing could not have fallen out, but 
through the long and certain Skill, which the 
Englijh Mafters generally have in Marine Dif- 
cipline. To the which Reafon, this may be 
added, that they were all of one Nation, of one 
Tongue, and touched with a grievous and equal 
Hatred towards their Enemies, being mightily 
perfuaded of their Forces. Whereupon we may 
in fuch Cafes allure ourfelves of what Importance 
it is, in Sea-faring Matters, for a Fleet of any 
Prince whatfoever, invading any foreign State 
or Kingdom, to encounter with a Fleet, ready 
for Defence in fuch a Manner, as the Englijh 
Navy was, for fo much as the Fleet invading 
being provided diverfly of Mafters and Officers, 
differing one from another in Cuftom, Language, 
and Conceit, cannot, in any Meafure, give any 
afTured Hope of certain Victory, how honour- 
able foever the Commander be. Many of the 
Ships, therefore, came forth, by Reafon that the 
Men were moved in the aforefaid Refpedts to 
labour diligently, and fo much the rather, by 
how much the Captains and chief Officers, both 
by Counfel and Hand, (hewed themfelves more 
diligent and induftrious. 

By thefe Means, the Twentieth Day of June, 
the Lord Admiral, accompanied with fifty- four 
Ships, came forth with the fame Wind that the 
Enemy had from the South-weft : Which Thing 
certainly was not efteemed a fmall Thing to be 
done, in Regard as well of the Wind, as of the 
Narrownefs of the Place itfelf. 

The Spanijh Fleet being manifeftly difcovered 
about a Hundred and forty Miles from Edejione, 

and 



120 A Difcourfe, concerning the Spanifti Iwvafion. 

and clearly feen of every one, towards the Weft, Pedro became Prifoner, as afterward fhall be 

and fo far off from Foy, as the EngliJJi Fleet declared. 

was, that is twenty-five ordinary Englijh Miles : Furthermore alfo, there was, at this Time, a 
The next Morning, being the twenty-firft of great Ship of Bifcay, about eight hundred Ton 
June, all the Ships, which were now come out in Burthen, that was fpoiled by Fire upon this 
of the Haven, had gotten the Wind of the Occafion: The Captain of the Soldiers that 
Spaniards, and, approaching fomewhat nearer, went in her, having fmall Regard (as is reported) 
founJ, that their Fleet was placed in Battle Aray of an orderly and civil Life, did infolently beat 
after the Manner of a Moon crefcent, being rea- a certain Flemijh Gunner : What Caufe he had, 
dy with her Horns, and her inward Circum- : I know not, whether upon Occafion of Words, 
ference, to receive either all, or fo many of the touching his Charge, or by Means of the Gun- 
Englijh Navy, as mould give her the AfTault, ner's Wife, whom he had abufed, according to 
her Horns being extended in Widenefs about the the Cuftom of that Nation. Whereupon, the 
Diftance of eight Miles, if the Information gi- perplexed Man feeing himfelf among fuchaKind 
ven have not deceived my Pen. The Reafon of People, as not only made him ferve their 
of their arranging, in this Order, arofe upon the Turns, at their own Pleafure, but difgraced 
Foreiight of the Duke of Medina Sidonia Gene- him in as vile Manner, as if he were a Slave, 
ral of the Spanijh Fleet, who, approaching the defpairing both of Life, Wife, and his young 
Coaft, fent out a fmall Ship, to efpy fomewhat Daughter, and perchance rather moved with 
concerning the Englijh Fleet, and hearing by the Dishonour of them, than by his own Mif- 
certain Fiihermen taken Prifoncrs, that our Fleet fortunes (which Mind is many Times in Men, 
was in Plymouth, he prepared himfelf as aforefaid, even of mean Condition) he fet himfelf on Fire, 
for the Avoiding of all fuch Chances as might af- in a Barrel of Gunpowder, procuring thereby, 
ter befal. Whereupon, about Nine of the Clock, through the Lofs of his own Life, and the ex- 
before Noon, the Lord Admiral commanded treme Hazard of thofe that belonged unto him, 
his Pinnace, called the Difdain, to give the Defi- and the Lofs of many Men's Lives befides, a 
ance unto the Duke of Medina : After which, cruel Revenge of his Injuries received, by one 
he himfelf, in the Queen's Ship called: the Ark, only Man. This Example may ferve to inftrucl: 
went foremoft, as was convenient, and began fuch as command over others, how they ought 
hotly to fight with a great Ship, which was to behave themfelves-, with lefs Infolency : la- 
Admiral of the Spanijh Fleet, in which Ship, he afmuch as the Mind of Man is always ready to 
thought, by Reafon of certain likely Conjectures, revenge, after the Cuftom of this our bloody 
the Duke of Medina to be, confidering alfo the Age, if he be not born utterly void of a quick 
laid Ship was fo well accompanied by others. Wit, and lively Spirit. 

The Fi<mt with her continued fo long, and fo Through this Mifchance of theirs, all the 

hot that divers other Ships, yea, the moft upper Decks were blown up, all her Furniture 

Part of the Spanijh Fleet, came to her Sue- marred, and much other Spoil done, befides the 

cour . Death and Maiming of her Men, fo that, be- 

In the mean Seafon, the Vice- Admiral Sir ing utterly unable all that Night to help herfelf, 

Francis Drake, with Mafter John Hawkins and fhe was fuccoured by the GalliafTes, and, for the 

Mafter Martin Frobijlier, fought with a Galleon Time, faved in the Body of their Fleet, 

pf Portugal, wherein they thought Don Martin But to return unto our Purpofe. This firft 

de Ric aides the Vice-Admiral to be. Skirmifh continued not above two Hours, be- 

This Fi<mt was (o well maintained for the caufe the Lord Admiral, confidering, that he 

Time it continued, that the Enemy was infor- wanted as yet forty Ships, which could not (o 

ced to leave his Place, and to give Way, gather- readily come forth of the Haven, thought he 

ing towards the Eaft. In the which Point of mould do better Service, if he ftayed their 

Removing a great Galleon, wherein Don Pedro Coming, before he proceeded any further, beat- 

de Valdes went as Captain, falling foul with ing behind upon the Enemy, left he fhould 

another Ship of their Fleet, was deprived of her bring the reft too much in Hazard, and, there- 

Foremaft fo that fhe could not fellow the Body fore, he thought it not profitable, too much, to 

of ths Fleet that forfook her, to the great Mar- embolden and prick thofe forward that he had 

vel of the EngUfbmen themfelves, whereby Don with him, in a Matter, that was not greatly 

convenient, 



A Difcourfe, concerning the Spaniih Lrjqfion. i 2 1 

convenient, either for the Honour of the Realm, The next Day, the Vice-Admiral, Sir Francis 
or hi§ own Perfon ; neither did the military Dif- Drake, being in the Queen's Ship, called the 
cipline of the EngUJh Nation, purchafed by long Revenge, having alfo the Roebuck and a Pin- 
Experience at the Sea, give him Leave to do it. nace or two in his Company, took Don Pedro 
And, therefore, he put forth his Flag, to call de Valdes, who, as was faid before, had loft the 
the other Captains to Counfel ; who, agreeing Foremaft of his Ship : And having received the 
unto his Determination, received Inftrud-tions faid Valdes, as his Prifoner, and certain other 
concerning the Order that they were to keep in Gentlemen of moft Account that were therein, 
following the Spanijh Fleet. Then, having given he fent die Ship, together with the Prifoner s 
Liberty to every Man to return to their Charge, unto Dartmouth, under the Conducl of the 
he gave Order, likewife, to his Vice- Admiral, Sir Roebuck, and he himfelf made toward the Lord 
Francis Drake, to appoint the Watch for that Admiral, under whofe Lee he came that Njght. 
Night, and bear out the Light. The fame Day, being the Twenty-fecond of 

The fame Night, the Spanijh Fleet lay about the Month, a little before the Vice-Admiral, 

fourteen Miles off from the Start. The next Sir Francis Drake, was returned unto the Fleet, 

Day following, early in the Morning, it was the Spaniards forfook the Ship, which the Day 

under the Wind, not fo far off as Berry. before was fpoiled by Fire. To the which 

In the mean Time, the EngUJh Fleet want- Ship, the Lord Admiral fent the Lord Thomas 
ing Light, becaufe, the Vice- Admiral, Sir Fran- Havard, and with him, Mr. John Hawkins, 
cis Drake, leaving his Place, to follow five who, being in the Cockboat of the Viclory, went 
Hulks, which were difcovered in the Evening, a-board her, and there found a lamentable Sight, 
very late, it came to pafs, that all the other For, all the uppermoft Decks of her being torn 
Ships ftaid behind, not knowing that they were and fpoiled by the Fire, there were in her fifty 
to follow, or whither to direct themfelves : So Men miferably burnt with the Powder. The 
that there might have followed fome great Incon- Stink in her was fo great, and the Ship itfelf fo 
venience, had they had to do with an Enemy filthy, that the Lord Howard departed prefently 
more praclifed in our Seas. But as it feemed, from her : And returning, with Mr. John 
by Report, the faid Vice- Admiral was moved to Hawkins, to the Lord Admiral, they informed 
do this, by Means of a certain curious Diligence, him of that they found and faw there. For 
and a military Sufpicion, growing in his Mind up- which Caufe, there was prefently Command- 
on certain and very probable Conjectures, ground- ment given, that the little Pinnace of Captain 
ed on Circumftances of Matter confidered in Fleming fhould conduct her unto fome Port of 
his Mind : And, therefore, he gave them the England, where they might moft commodioufly 
Chace, thinking that they had been Enemies. help themfelves. Whereupon, it was carried 

But, being overtaken, and their Officers exa- to Waymouth, the next Day following. For all 

mined, and being known to be Friends, or, at the Mifhap that befel this Ship, they underftood 

the leaftwife, not Enemies, he permitted them that the Spaniards had taken out of her all the 

to go their Way, returning himfelf unto the beft Things that they could, cafting ofF the Bu!k 

Fleet the Day following. of her /together with certain grofs Stuff therein, 

The Lord Admiral, notwithftanding, accom- as for that Time altogether unprofitable, 

panied with the Bear and the Mary Rofe, coming About this Time, her Majefty, feeing that all 

a little behind his Stern, by Reafon of the Clear- Hope of Peace was fruftrate, called Home a- 

nefs of the Air (which, at that Time of the gain her Commiffioners from Flanders, who 

Year, is ordinarily very great throughout all were, by the Duke of Parma, moft courteously 

England) followed the Enemy all that Night, difmiffed, very honourably accompanied, and 

within a Culverin-Shot. By Occafion whereof, themfelves and their Carriages fafe conducted to 

the reft of the Fleet was caft fo far behind, that, the Marches of Calais, which Way they took 

the Morning after, the neareft Part thereof their Journey. 

could hardly defer)' the Tops of the other Ships, But to the Matter ; The Night laft before 

and many of them were clean out of Sight j fo mentioned, there befel a great Calm, and there- 

that with all the Force of their Sails, they could upon four Spanijh Galliaffes fevered themfel 

hardly come all together the whole Day follow- from the reft of their Fleet. This Thing made 

ing, until the Evening. the EngUJhmen to doubt, that that Night thev 

R had 



A Dlfcourfe, concerning the Spanifh Invafton. 



122 

had refolved to give the Onfet upon fome of niards were all inforced to give them Way : 
their leffer Ships, imagining that they might an- For which Caufe, the Lord Admiral confidering 
noy them the rather, for that they were the 
Rereward of the Fleet. But afterwards the Gal- 
liaffes (whatfoever the Occafion was) enter- 
prifed nothing, either for that they faw they 
could not fafely do it, or elfe becaufe their 
Minds were not thoroughly fettled upon that 
which before they thought to do ; a Thing ma- 
ny Times falling out in fuch Perfons as are but 



both the Difcommodity and Danger, wherein- 
to the Triumph, and the other five Ships were 
come, he called other of the Queens's Ships that 
were not far off, and gave them ftraight Com- 
mandment to follow him, and to charge the 
Enemies which were to the Weftward with all 
their Force ; giving further Order to them all, 
not to difcharge any one Piece of Ordnance, 



poor in Counfel and Refolution, that they before they fhould come within a Mufket-fhot 
continue in their perplexed Conceits, without of the Enemy, inafmuch, as that was the on- 
any Effect or Commodity enfuing thereof. ly Way to fuccour the Ships of their Friends 



The Morning following being Tuefday, the 
twenty-third of the Month, the Wind was at 
North-Eaft, whereupon the Spaniards came 



with the greater Damage of the Enemy. This 
was well performed by the Ark, the Elizabeth 
yonas, the Galleon Leicejler, the Golden Lion, 



back upon the Englijhmen, with the Advantage the Victory, the Mary Rofe, the Dread-nought, 



of the Wind, directing their Courfe toward the 
Land ; the which Courfe was not profitable for 
the Englijhmen. Therefore, to take the Advan- 
tage of the Enemy, they caft about toward the 
Weft, with a reafonable Compafs, their Ships 
being very good both of Sail and Stirrage, that 
they might bring about their Purpofc. Now 
the Spaniards, to hinder their Intent, after they 
perceived it, offered to come near a-board to 
fight with them, trufting in the huge Greatnefs 
and Height of their Ships. The which Offer of 
theirs the Englijhnen refufed not, but began 
prefently to bring themfelves into Battle Aray, 
which the Enemy perceiving, he alfo did the like. 

In this Cafe the Ark, the Lion, the Bear, 
the Elizabeth yonas, the Viclory, and certain 
other Ships were content to follow the Ship, 
called the Non Pariglia. 

In the mean Seafon the Triumph, with other 
five Ships of London, namely the Merchant 
Royal, the Centurion, the Margery yoan, the 
Mary Rofe, and the Golden Lion, were fo far 
to the Rereward, and fo far fevered from the 
reft of the Fleet, that the Galliafles undertook 
to give them an hard Affault. But they were 
well entertained by the Ships, for the Space of 
an Hour and an Half, until at the Length, 
fbme of the Queen's Ships, coming to fuccour 
the Triumph and the Londoners, dealt fo well 
in the Matter, that the Galliafles were driven 
to retire. The Wind came about at this Pre- 
fent, to the South-eaft, and afterwards, to the 
South-weft and by South, at which Time a 



and the Swallow. Which Thing the Duke of 
Medina perceiving, he alfo came forth with fix- 
teen of his beft Galleons, to hinder and impeach 
the Englijhmen in the Defence of the Triumph, 
feeming in this Cafe to pretend, that the Rea- 
fon of the Fight did fo require ; whereas the 
Regard of his Honour did no lefs inforce him 
unto it ; becaufe it feemed unconvenient that he 
fhould in every Thing be inferior to the Eng- 
lijhmen ; and, therefore, he made large Pro- 
mifes unto thofe, by whofe Means the Viclory 
fhould be gotten. Howbeit that fell out in the 
End, that was prefixed by the Stars, that is, 
that the Succefs of the Conflict felling out on 
his Side, as hardly, as in fuch a Cafe might be, 
the Spaniards, in the End, were inforced to give 
Place, and to retire unto their Aray of Battle. 
In this Conflict, one William Cocks, Captain of 
a little Pinnace, called the Violet, belonging un- 
to Sir William IVinter, behaved himfelf verv 
valiantly againft the Enemy, in the greateft 
Heat of this Incounter ; but, within a little 
While after, he loft his Delight, wherewith he 
was not very well acquainted, and his Life, by 
a great Piece of Ordnance, Fortune not being 
correfpondently favourable unto his Courage, 
which, therefore, was no whit profitable to the 
Perfection of his Purpofe 

Toward 
Ships came out from the reft of the Fleet, from 
the South-eaftward, againft whom, certain of 
the EngliJI? Ships came, and namely, the May- 
Flower of London, which difcharged certain 



the Evening, four or five Spanijh 



certain Number, or Squadron of the Queen's, Pieces upon the Enemy, with a very honoura- 
together with other Merchants Ships, gave Af- b'e Declaration of the Marine Difcipline ; and 
fault unto the Spanijh Fleet, and that, fo fu- being accompanied by other Ships, that were 
rioufly to the Weftward of them, tint the Spa- there found, they all behaved themfelves no lefs 

diligently 



A Difcoitrfe, concerning the Spanifli Inr:afion. 12 j 

diligently (which Thing was not at the firft over that Day, that the Spanijh Fleet was no- 
hoped for) ihewing their Dcfire tempered with thing grieved with that Day's Refpite, but were 
a \Vifh of other Company. The Conflict con- all of them indifferently glad of that Breathing, 
tinued from the Morning unto the Evening, inafmuch as, thereby, th:y had good Opportu- 
the Lord Admiral being at all Times ready and nity to look to their Leaks, whereof no Doubt 
vigilant, in all Adventures that might fall out : they had a great Number, for they had carried 
And, thereupon, he was fometimes more, and away many fhrewd Stripes from their Enemies, 
fometimes lefs eager in the Conflict, asNeceflity their Hurts being of great Likelihood fo much the 
required, giving thereby evident Example, how more, in that the Spaniards were penned up in a 
others mould behave themfelves. It might well narrow Room. This Day, the Lord Admiral, 
be laid, that, for the Time, it was not poflible for certain convenient Reafons, divided the 
to fee, before this Battle, in this Sea fo hard a whole Body of the Fleet into four Squadrons, 
Conflict, nor fo terrible a Spoil of Ships, by by Means of which Divifion the Enemy might 
Reafon of the Pellets * that flew fo thick every be greatly, and more continually troubled. 
Way : To conclude, there was never feenfo ve- The firft Squadron he kept for himfelf, the il> 
hement a Fight, either Side endeavouring through cond he ailigned unto Sir Francis Drake, his 
an headftrong and deadly Hatred the other's Vice-admiral ; the third to Mr. John Hawkins, 
Spoil and Deftrudtion. For, albeit the Mufquet- the fourth to Mr. Martin Frobijber, and after 
tiers and Harquebufiers were in either Fleet Noon he gave Order, that in the Night fix of 
many in Number, yet could they not be dif- the Merchants Ships in each Squadron (for that, 
cerned or heard, by Reafon of the more violent as they were of fundry Parts of the Realm, fo 
and roaring Shot of the greater Ordnance, that they were equally divided into each Squadron) 
followed fo thick one upon another, and played fhould charge the Spanijh Fleet in as many Parts, 
fo well that Day, on either Side, that they were at one and the fame Time, that at Midnight 
thought to be equal in Number, to common the Enemy might be kept occupied. This Or- 
Harquebufiers in an hot Skirmifh. The Battle der taken (as it was very likely) might have had 
was not only long, but alfo near at Hand, with- as good Effe£t, as it was wifely given ; but by 
in. half a Mufket-fhot, and that to the great Reafon of a great Calm, which fell out, no Part 
Advantage of the Englijhmen, who with their of this Advifement could be accomplifhed, For- 
Ships, being (as was aforefaid) excellent of Sail tune interrupting good Counfel. 
and Stirrage, yet lefs a great Deal, than the The next Day, being the twenty-fifth of the 
Spanijh Ships, and therefore, more light and Month, and St. James's Day, there was a great 



nimble, fought not at all, according to their 
Manner otherwife, to board them, but keeping 
themfelves aloof at a reafonable Diftance, con- 
tinually beat upon the Hull and Tacklings of 
their Enemies Ships, which being a great Deal 



Spanijh Galleon left behind her Company to 
the Southward, near to the Squadron of Mailer 
John Hawkins; fo that the Barks, belonging un- 
to the greater Ships, were within Mufket-fhot 
of her. By Reafon hereof, three of the Galli- 



higher, could not fo conveniently beat the Eng- affes, and another Ship, that was in Manner of 

UJh Ships, with their Ordnance. This long a Galleon, and well appointed, came from the 

Conflict being finifhed, and every one retiring Spanijh Fleet to fuccour this Galleon. Againft 

unto his Part, the next Day following (which whom went out the Lord Admiral in the Ark, 

was Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of the Month) and the Lord Thomas Howard in the Golden Li- 

was palled without any Thing done, becaufe, on, and drew fo near, being towed by their 

by Reafon of the Fight that Day before, there Boats, that they did them much Harm, wherc- 

was fpent a great Quantity of Powder and Shot ; by one of them, requiring the Help of the reft, 

whereupon, the Lord Admiral fent divers Barks being fuccoured by them returned unto the Fleet : 

and Pinnaces to the Shore, for a new Supply of And from another, by Means of a Shot com- 

fuch Munition. For her Majefty, prudently fore- ming from the Ark, there was taken away her 

feeing each Thing necefTary for her Men, or- Light, and thrown into the Sea ; the third loft 

dained that there fhould be fufficient Provifion her Beck. Whereby thefe two Ships, the Ark 

made, according as fhould be needful, as well and the Golden Lion, declared this Day to each 

of Victuals as of Munition. It feemed more- Fleet, that they had molt diligent and faithful 



i. e. Bullets. 

R 2 



Gunners, 



i?4 -A Dffcowfe, concerning tbe Spanifh Inva/ic;:. 



Gunner^, defirous as well of the common Good, 
of tbe private Honour of their Lenders, the 
Lord Admiral and the Lord Thomas Howard, 
which went in them ; which Commendation 
might rightly be imparted with them, concern- 
ing this happy Event, becaufe the Calm was fo 
g ■'eat, that, albeit the two Fleets were well a- 
. Id the Fortune of each of their Friends, 



provide themfclves of Munition, from .'art 

of the Realm. Upon Friday, ti ;, being 

the twenty-fixth of the Month, ceafing from 
Fighting, the Lord Admiral (as well for their 
good Deferts and honourable Service, as alfo to 
encourage others to like Valour) was defirous 
to advance certain Perfonages to the Degree of 
Knighthood, for that, behaving themfclves man- 



v.t, notwithstanding, they could not help them fully as well with their Ships as their good Ad- 
at all 5 at the Length, the Wind beginning 
fomewhat to arife, the Spaniards took the Op- 
portunity thereof, and put themfclves forward 
to help thofe of their Side, and fuccoured them 



honourably. After this Time, the Galliaffes, in 



vice, thev were worthy that Degree of Ho- 
nour ; and fo much the more worthy, in that, 
being far feparated from all courtly Favour, 
which many Times imparteth the chiefeft Ho- 
nours unto the leaft deferring Men, they de- 



whofe Puiflance the greateft Hope of the Spa- clared their Valour in the Eyes of either Fleet. 



nijh Fleet was founded, were never fecn to fight 
any more, fuch was their Entertainment that 
Day. 

The two Fleets, notwithstanding, approach- 
ing nigh one unto another, began a Conflict, but 
they continued it but a While, except one Ship, 
called the Non Pariglia, and another, called the 



Therefore the two Lords, viz. the Lord 
Hoivard, and the Lord Sheffield : Roger Town- 
fend, J*bn Hawkins, and Martin Frobifher were 
called forth, and the Order of Knighthood 
given them, by the Lord Admiral, as their Ge- 
neral. 

This Day there came to the Service of her 



Sails, 
were 



ftaid themfclves there, to make as it 
a certain Experience of their Manhood, 



Mary Rofe, which, having taken in their Top- Majefty, in her Fleet, divers Gentlemen, ho 

nourable both by Blood and Place, but much 
more in Refpedt of their Courage and Virtue, 
for that, in thefe publick Affairs and fo neceffary 
Service of the Wars, they willingly offered their 
Service in the Defence of their Country and 
Honour of her Majefty. 

This Day alfo, and the next, being the twen- 



upon the Spanijh Fleet, behaving themfclves ho- 
nourably for a Scafon. In which Time, the 
Triumph, being to the Northward of the Spa- 
nijh Fleet, was fo far off, that doubting, that 
certain of the Spanijh Ships would affault her to 
the Windward, they fuccoured her with divers ty-feventh, the Spaniards followed their Courfe 



Boats, that got the Wind eafily ; for the Bear 
and the Elizabeth "Jonas, even at one Inftant, 
having Knowledge of the Danger, wherein the 
other were, drew near unto them, defiring both 
in Regard of the Honour of their Common- 
wealth, and alfo for the Prefcrvation of their 
Friends and Countrymen, to be Partakers of the 
like Danger and Difficulty 



quietly, before the Englijh Fleet. In which 
Time the Earl of Sujfex, the Lord Buckhurfi^ 
Sir George Cary, Knight, and the Captains of 
the Forts and Caftles thereabout, fent their 
Men with Powder, Shot and Victuals, to the 
Lord Admiral, to aflift and help the Armv. 
The fame Saturday towards the Evening, the 
Spaniards drew nigh to Calais under the Coaft of 



Whereupon each Ship doing her Duty, they Picardy, and there fuddenlv caft Anchor, al- 



jointly faved the Triumph from all Harm, and 
recovered the Wind. And thus this Day's 
Work ended ; whereof I may fay, that the Con- 
flict was no whit fhorter than the Day itfelf. 

At this Prefent, the Englijhmen confidering 
the great Wafte of Powder and Shot, that had 
heretofore been made, the Lord Admiral de- 
termined not to affault the Enemy any more, 
until he were come nigh unto Dover, in which 
Place, he knew, he fhould find the Fleet under 
the Charge of the Lord Seymer and Sir Wil- 
liam Winter, who were ready to join with him, 



moft right againft the left Hand of the Haven, 
to the Weftward, a little lefs then five Miles 
from Calais Cliffs. The Englijh Fleet alfo 
caft Anchor, within a Culverin-fhot of the Ene- 
my to the Weftward. 

In the mean Seafon, the Lord Seymer and Sir 
William Winter joined with the Lord Admiral, 
whereby the Englijh Fleet increafed to the Num- 
ber of one Hundred and forty Ships, of all 
Sorts. But the Spaniards, with all Speed, fent 
Tidings unto the Duke of Parma of their Arri- 
val, who at this Prefent was at Bruges ; who, 



that thereby he might both fortify himfelf with having retained with him all his Seafaring-Men, 
a greater Number of Ships, and in this Manner many Days before to this Purpofe, vet proceed- 
ed 



A Difcourfe, concerning the Sprfmih Lrcafion. 125 

eJ no farther, in the Matter, for that Time, al- on bfc of whefe Anehorj her Stern was 

though, for l'uch Time, as the King had limited fct (o full, that they could not loofe her all tBe 

him, he for his Part took as much Care as might Night long, fo that the next Day following fhe 

be looked for at his Hands. For, having alrea- was inforced with her Oars to make toward the 

dy embarked a certain Number of his Soldiers, Land, and to draw nigh to the Haven's Mouth 

he was careful in like Manner to difpatch the of Calais, to fave herfelf in that Place ; but, not 

reft, as foon as they mould be ready, that they knowing that Water, and having no profitable 

mia'ht take Opportunity to come forth, fur- and convenient Counfel for the Time, fhe fell 

niflsing them abundantly with Victuals and Mu- upon a Shelf. This Thing being, in good Time, 

nition. B.:t, in the mean Time, fuch a Chance elpied by the Lord Admiral, he fent thither his 

fell out, as made fruftrate, not only his, but the greateft Boat, under the Charge of Amicus Pref- 

Conceit alfo of the Duke of Medina, and 7c:, his Lieutenant, and together with him, 

whollv overthrew their Enterprife, in that her Thomas Gerrard and Mr. Harvie. two of her 

Majefty was not a little careful and troubled in Majefty's Gentlemen and Servants, and others 

Mind, concerning the Succefs of thefe xAffairs, of the Court, and of his own Servants, who 

albeit fhe herfelf had committed her whole For- fought with her, but unequally, for that the 

tune into the Hands of Almighty God. Ship, being gravelled, could, with her Force, 

Moreover, alio the Lord Admiral, having, by prevail but little. In this Conflict it chanced 

certain Notice, underftood, that the Duke of that a Mufket-fhot ftruck Hugo de Moncada, 

Parma had prepared a great Number of Tuns chief Captain of the Galliafs, a noble and va- 

of Water, and ten Thoufand chofen Footmen, liant Man, in the Head. The which Mifhap, 

to be embarked for the Joining with the Fleet, joined with the Difficulty of ftirring themfelves 

which could not be avoided, if the Duke of Me- in their Defence, bred fuch a Defpair in every 

dina were not compelled to avoid that Place ; Man, that the greater Sort leaped into the 

knowing alfo the evident Peril, that was to be Water, to fave themfelves by fwimming into 

feared, if the Spanijb Fleet mould be fuffered the Haven, although many of them perifhed in 

to refrefh itfelf, and to be furnifhed with fo ma- the Water. By this Diforder of the Enemy, the 

ny Soldiers, he applied his Wits fo, in the De- Englijhmen being more fecure, took her, and 

liberation of thefe Matters of Weight and Im- facked her to their great Commodity, above an 

portance, having the Confent of others more Hundred Men being entered into her, and their 

pra&ifed, that no Time might be loft, for the Company increafing more and more. 
Furtherance of this Sendee ; and, for fo much Whereupon Monfieur Gordon, Governor of 

as the Forces of the Enemy were not yet united Calais, a Man of good Eftimation in Refpect 

and joined together, therefore the twenty-eighth of his Prerogative in that Place, fent his Ne- 

of this Month, at Midnight, he provided eight phew, to give the Eriglijhmcn to underiland, that 

final 1 Ships, drefled with artificial Fire *, to they fhould content themfelves with the ordi- 

the Intent to drive the fame upon the Spanijb nary Spoil, and that they fhould leave behind 

Fleet. This Thing was diligently and effectual- them the great Ordnance, as a Thing belong- 

Iv brought to pafe, under the Charge of Cap- ing unto him by Virtne of his Office. The 

tain Young and Captain Prewfe, two valiant which EmbaiTage, fent the fecond Time unto 

and courageous Men. By Reafon hereof, the Men more intentive unto their Prey than other 

Enemy was not only inforced to break his Men's Reafon, made the Gentleman to be evillv 

Sleep, but, the Fire coming fo fuddenly upon entertained by our Men, in fuch Sort, thattKv 

him (not remembering himftlf, at the very in- would have forceably taken from him fome tri- 

ftant Time, of any other Remedy, either more fling Things about him, thinking him to be a 

fafe for himfelf, or more excufable) to cut his Spaniard. Whereat M. Gordcn, being offei: 

Cables, to let flip his Anchors, and to hoift up caufed certain Pieces of Ordnance to be dif- 

Sails, as the only Way to fave his Fleet from charged from the Town, and then the Enr 

fo imminent and unexpected a Mifchief. Fur- men departed, leaving the Galliafs at his Plea- 

thermore, by Means of this Tumult and Con- fure, after the Lofs of fome Soldiers, having, 

fuhon (which, in Truth, was very great) the notwithstanding, facked 2200c Duckets of Geld, 

chief Galliafs fell foul with another Ship, up- appertaining unto the King, and fourteen Cof- 

* This is the firft Occafion on which we read that Fire -Ships were ifed in a Sca-Fifht. 

fers 



126 A Difcourfe, concerning 

fers of Moveables of the Duke of Medina, with 
fome other both Money and Moveables of other 
particular Men, and fome Prifoners, among 
•whom was Don Roderigo of Mendoza, and Don 
"John Gonzales de Solerzano, Under- captain of 
the Galliafs. 

During the Time of furprifmg of which Gal- 
liafs, Sir Francis Drake, Vice- Admiral, being 
in the Ship called The Revenge, accompanied 
with Tho. Fenner, Captain of the Non Pariglia, 
with the reft of that Squadron, fet upon the 
Spanijh Fleet, giving them a hot Charge. With- 
in a While after, Sir John Hawkins, in the 
Viclory, accompanied with Edward Fenton, Cz^- 
tain of the Mary Rife, with George Beefton, 
Captain in the Dreadnought, and Richard Haw- 
kins, in the Swallow, with the reft of that Squa- 
dron, put themfelves forward, and broke thro' 
the Midft of the Spanijh Fleet ; where there be- 
gan a vehement Conflict continuing all the 
.Morning, wherein every Captain did very ho- 
nourable Service. Among the reft, Captain 
Beejlon deferved fpecial Praife. Unto this Fight 
came the Lord Admiral, accompanied with the 
Earl of Cumberland, the Lord Thomas Howard^ 
and the Lord Sheffield ; and in that Place, where 
the Fight was made, and the Victory was got- 
ten, they were publickly commended, that of 
their own Accord had made Shew of the Fruits 
anfwerable to the Hope before conceived of 
them. Not far from this Place there was a great 
Spanijl} Galleon feen, which was fet upon on the 
one Side, by the Earl of Cumberland and George 
Ryman, in the Bonaventure, and on the other 
Side by the Lord Seymer, in the Ship called the 
Rainbow, and Sir William Winter, in the Van- 
guard, yet (he faved herfelf valiantly, gathering 
into the Body of the Fleet, although with ill 
Succefs ; for (he was fo beaten, and fo terribly 
rent and torn with our great Ordnance, that 
the Night following, in the Sight of her own 
Fleet, (he funk, her Men, as is thought, being 
faved. After this, Captain Fenton, in the Ma- 
ry Rofe, and a Spanijh Galleon met together, 
being Eaft and Weft one of another, yet no 
nigher then that her Shot could play fafely, 
and fly between them without any great Hurt. 
Captain Fenton, notwithftanding, and thofe that 
were with him, were worthily commended for 
their Service begun and accomplifhed with fuch 
profperous Boldnefs. The fame Day the Deeds 
of Sir Robert Southwell were evidently feen ; for, 
being a Man born to Virtue and Commenda- 
tion, and defirous to purchafe Honour, to the 



the Spanifh Jmmjtofi. 

End that he might not make fruftrate the Judg- 
ment of his Sovereign, who beforetime had made 
him a Knight, divining how much, in Time 
to come, he would further the Profit of the 
Commonwealth of England, he inforced him- 
felf not only to fatisfy either in Counfel or 
Pains the publick Intent, but alfo the private 
Commodity of the Lord Admiral, his Father- 
in-Law, in that he had dutifully promifed him 
fure and faithful Service, whereupon for the 
fame he received condign Praife of every Man. 
There was alfo particularly praifed Rdert Crofs, 
Captain, who in the Ship called, The Hope, gave 
a Sign of Fruit to be looked for in him, not in- 
ferior unto that which the Ship, wherein he 
went, did, by the Name it carried, caufe us to 
hope for. 

It fell out, alfo, the fame Day, that the Lord 
Henry Seymer and Sir William Winter did (o 
thoroughly beat two Spanijh Galleons, although 
they were of the chiefeft of them, and the beft 
provided, that they were inforced to withdraw 
themfelves to the Coaft of Flanders ; where, 
forafmuch as they were in a very evil Taking, 
as well in Refpecl: of the Murder of their Men, 
as the manifold Leaks of their Ships, they were 
furprifed, and, without Fight, rifled by the Zee- 
landers, and, with all the Men in them, carried 
as Prifoners unto Flu/hing. Among thefe, the 
Chiefeft was Don Diego Pimentello, a Man very 
famous among his Country People. 

It feemeth hereby that we may with Reafon 
gather, that in thefe Conflicts many of the Spanijh 
Ships perifhed, albeit that moft Men think, that 
few of them mifcarried. After this Battle, which 
was made the Twenty-ninth of the Month, the 
Lord Admiral the thirtieth Day ordained, that 
the Lord Seymer and Sir William Winter fhould 
return with their Fleet unto their appointed 
Office in the Channel, which was to keep the 
Coaft from the Danger that the Duke of Parma 
feemed to threaten. The which Duke had al- 
ready loft the Opportunity of being able to do 
any Thing for the Aecomplifhing of the com- 
mon Intention of the Spaniards, or according to 
the Inftructions received from the Spanijh King, 
whatfoever they were ; becaufe the fudden and 
unlooked for Departure of the Duke of Medina 
with the whole Fleet, from the Coaft of Calais , 
and his fmall Abode upon any other Coaft, cau- 
fed the whole Care of the aforefaid Duke, that 
he took upon the main Land, to become void, 
fo that he did not embark the reft of his Men to 
join with the Duke of Medina. 

The 



A Bifcourfe, concerning the Spanifh Jnvafien. • 127 

The Lord Admiral, therefore, determined to particular Difcourfes as I thought to be nccef- 

follow the Spanijh Fleet only fo long until they fary, and fuch Ornaments of Speech as the Mat- 

might be (hut up to the Northward, whither the ter and the Italian Tongue did fpecially require : 

Spanijh Fleet direfted her Courfe, but to what Now, therefore, it remaineth, for the Finifhing 

End it was not known. And that he with the of our former Difcourfe, briefly and evidently 

fame Wind might come to the Firth, which is to fet down the Iilue of all the Things before - 

upon the Coaft of Scotland, if fo be that he faw the mentioned. 

Enemy pafs thofe Parts. Whereupon he thought The Spanijh Fleet, pafling, as aforefaid, into 

moreover, that it was good to ftav his Fleet thofe Seas, which, for the moll Part, are quiet 

from attempting aught upon the Spaniard, un- and calm enough, whether it were driven to and 

til he mould have good Intelligence of their fro in them with contrary Winds, or by fume 

Purpofe, thereby to work a Mean utterly to other fatal Accident that fell out, it continued 

difperfe and overthrow them. But the Spaniards therein tolled up and down until the End of Sep- 

kept their Courfe about the Iflands oiOrkney, de- Umber, with fearful Succefs and deadly Ship- 

claring thereby, that they minded to return that wrack along the whole Coaft of Ireland, fo that 

Way into Spain, along by the North-coaft of the Duke of Medina Sidonia was inforced to leave 

Scotland, which, as fkilful Men conjectured, there behind him about the Number of feventeen 

would be to their evident Danger, as it fell out good Ships, befides thofe fifteen that were 

afterwards. Perceiving, therefore, the Purpofe thought to be loft in the Months of "July and 

of the Enemy, when he was fhut up fifty-five Augujl, and fo to return into Spain. 

Degrees thirteen Minutes to the Northward, The Perfons, loft in Ireland, were efteemed 

and thirty Leagues off" from Newca/lle, the Lord to be about 55CO. So that, all being accounted 

Admiral refolved with himfelf to let the Spanijh together, it is certainly avouched, that all the 

Fleet keep on her Way ; albeit at the firft he Ships that were loft amount unto the Number 

was minded to give them a ftrong Aflault upon of thirty-two, and the Men accounted, one with 

the Second of Augujl ; but, perfuaded otherwife another, arife to the Number of 1 3500 or more; 

by a more fafe Advice and Counfel, he wifely The Prifoners alfo of all Sorts, in England, lre- 

ftaid himfelf from that Action. leaving the E- land, and the Low Countries, arife to the Num- 

vent that mould enfue unto Fortune, who might ber of 2000 and more. As for the Lofs of the 

work fome farther Matter upon them, feeing the Ordnance, and the common or private Trea- 

Enemy had taken that Way to fave himfelf. fure, or whether the Duke, after he was pre- 

Moreover, he confidered the Scarcity of Muni- ferved from the former fearful and mortal Dan- 

tion, whereof at that Prefent he had but little, gers loft any more Ships, or no, or laft of all,. 

and that upon this Occafion, for that the Ships how many he brought Home with him' again 

that lay on the Coaft, appointed by Order from into Spain, I mean not to occupy or trouble 

her Majefty to carry fuch Provifion, knew not my Pen with any fuch fuperfluous Curiofities, 

where to find our Fleet in Time convenient. being willing to leave that Matter unto fuch as 

The Spanijh Fleet, therefore, as for her own have received certain Tidings thereof; becaufe 

Welfare it was requifite, having gone on far I ftudy (fo far forth as is poflible) for Brevity, 

before, the Lord Admiral refolved to put into without procuring unto any Man either Hatred 

the Firth in Scotland, as well to refrefh himfelf, or evil Report. 

with new Victuals, as alfo to difpatch certain And, therefore, to knit up this prefent Trea- 

other Matters which he thought neceflary. But, tife, this is reported, that, after her Majefty was 

the Wind being much Weftward and againft thoroughly afTured of the Return of the Duke 

him, the Day following he changed his Courfe, into Spain, and that her Seas were free and clear 

and returned to England, with his whole Fleet, from all her Enemies, and having called Home 

the Seventh of Augujl, although, by Reafon of a the Lord Seymer with his Fleet, it feemed good 

Tempeft which befel them, Part of the Ships unto her, as a convenient Thing, that her Peo- 

put into Dover, Part into Harwich, and the pie fhould render unto Almighty God as great 

reft into Yarmouth. Thanks as might be, for that it had pleafed 

Hitherto I have defcribed, according to the him thus to work and bring about the Delivc- 

Inftructicns and Directions which I received of ranee of them all. And, therefore, the Nine- 

thofe Things that fell out between the Englijh- teenth of November, by publick Edi<St and Or- 

men and the Spaniards s adjoining thereunto fuch der from her Majefty,' there was generally made, 

throughout: 



The Lc/Jis of the Spanhli Navy on the Coaft of Ireland. 

throughout the whole Realm, a moft frequent through which her M^fty was to pafs, bein" 

Aflembh of all Sorts of People publickly to give accompanied with fucli a princely Train of ail 

Thanks unto God all the Day long, for fo fin- thofe that had been Inftruments of that notable 

gular a Benefit received, with this Intention, Victory, that it feemed lier Majefty, together 

that the Remembrance of the faid Benefit mould, with the reff, having gotten the Victory, was 

upon the fame Day of every Year to enfue, be defirous in triumphing Manner to fhew her 

renewed in the Mind and Eyes of all Men thankful MLnd unto the Londoners alfo, for the 

throughout the whole Nation, with an evident Charges and Pains they had undertaken all the 

and religious Acknowledgment, that the com- Year before, in the Service of the Crown and the 

mon Safety of them all was accomplifhed by the Commonwealth, together with the Increafe of 

fpecial Favour of God, the Father of all good their own Reputation, being accounted the Foun- 

Things. dation and chief Stay of all the other Parts of 

Her Majefty alfo, being afterwards defirous, the Realm. Wherein her Majefty followed the 

to do the like in her own Behalf (as it was Example of divers Kings, her PredeceiTors, who 

convenient) came into St. Paul's Church, in upon fpecial Favour, according as good Occafi- 

London, on Sunday, being the Twenty- fourth ons moved them thereunto, have given many 

of the fame Month, with a moft decent Order, large Privileges and Liberties unto the faid City, 

and Affembliesof all the Magiftrates and Com- which at this Day is, doubtlefs, more populous, 

panies of the City ftanding in a Rank in the more wealthy, more mighty, and more free, 

Street, replenifhed moft abundantly with People, than ever it was heretofore. 



Certain Advertifements out of Ireland^ concerning the Lofles 
and Diftrefles happened to the Spanijh Navy, upon the Weft 
Coafts of Irela?id % in their Voyage intended from the 
Northern Ifles beyond Scotland +, toward Spain J. 

Imprinted at London, by J. Vautrollier, for Richard Field, 

1588. 



By the foregoing Accounts, it is vifible, that the whole Power of Spain, and its Popifh 
Allies, was fent againji us. But as the Greatnefs of any Armament does appear more 
intrinfically , by the certain Proofs of its Loffes ; / fhall, for the greater Satisfaclion 
of the Reader ; fubjoin the following Teftimonies . Yet, before I conclude this wonderful 
Hiftory, let me obferve, that this invincible Armada, which had been fome Tears a 
preparing, with immenfe Labour and Coft, was, by God's Ann, overthrown within 
a Month, and chaced away with the Lofs of many, both Men and Ships -, whereas 
the Englifh loft but one Ship, and about one hundred Men only. 

* Where fome were killed by the Wild Irijh, and others by the Deputy's Command ; left, coming on 
Shore, they mould join with the Rebels againft the State ; and the Remainder, taking to their Wracks and 
Boats, were moftly drowned. \ Seven hundred Men were faved alive wracked on this Coaft, whom 

the King of Scotland, by the Queen's Confent, fent, at the Duke of Parma's Requcft, after one Year's 
Impfifonment, into Flanders. % Without Glory. 

Ta 



(C 

tc 
(( 
tc 

CI 



The Loffes of the Spanifh Navy, upon the Coajl of Ireland. 129 

In this Dijlrefs, they were pafl all Hopes of returning by the Way they had entered the 
Channel, and forced to fe cure a Retreat through the dangerous and unknown Coajis of 
Scotland, Orcades, and Ireland, which compleaied their utter Ruin. This is not only 
tffi'ficd by the s/ifuing Informations, but confirmed by very late Difcoveries made of their 
Wrecks on ihofe Coafls. 
Upon this Occafion, a univsrfal Joy overfpread every true-born Englifh Countenance ; and, 
after publick Thanks to God, the Slate endeavoured to perpetuate its Happinefs to Pofierity, 
a Medal, reprefenting a Navy flying away, with the Infcription, Venir, Vidic, 
Fugic •, and by another, bearing Ships on Fire, and a Navy routed, with this In- 
scription, Dux Foemina Fafti •, afcribing the fir fi Invention 0/ Fire-Ships to the Queen 
herfelf. For, as my Hijlorian cxprefly avouchclh, l< By her Commandment, the Ad- 
miral took eight of the worfi Ships, and drefifed them with a Wild-Fire, Pitch and 
Rofin, and filled them full of Bnmftcne, and Jome other Matter fit for Fire ; and tbefe, 
being fet on Fire were, fecretly in the Night, by tbt Help of the Wind, fet full up- 
on the Spanifh Fleet, as they lay at Anchor. Which fo furprifed the Enemy, that 
each Ship, firiving to fecure itfetf from the Danger, broke loofe, and threw them all 
" into Confufion, and fo feparated the whole Fleet, that, they never more united to any 
" Purpofe." And certainly, had not that gracious Queen been fired with divine Zeal, 
jhe cculd never have fo effectually provided a Means to defiroy that Part of the Ene- 
mies Fleet by Fire, of which God was determined to defiroy the other Part by Water. 
Well then may we fay, 

This was the Lord's Doing, and it was marvellous in our Eyes, pfalm cxviii. 

UP ON Saturday, the Seventh of Sep- whereof one-hundred were Gentlemen, but 

umber, the Bark which was in Pe- not of that Reckoning as the former were ; and 

ril of Wreck in the Bay of Trayley, only one John Anthonio de Monona, a Genoefe, 

cf between forty and fifty Tens, did being the Filot's Son of that Ship, faved. 

render themfelves, in which there The fame Tuefday, it was advertifed to the 

were twenty-four Men, whereof two were Vice-Prefident of Munjier, that there were loir, 

the Duke's own Servants, and two little Boys. upon the Coaft of Thomond, two great Ships, 

On Tuefday the Tenth of this September, out of which there were drowned about {cvsn- 

there was a Frigate caft ofF, as it feemeth, by hundred Perfons, and taken Prifoners about 

this Name, which, as Sir William Herbert faith, one-hundred and fifty. 

wrecked upon the Coaft of Defmond. About that Tuefday alfo, as appeareth by a 
On the fame Tuefday, there wrecked, in the Letter written to Stephen IVlnte, of Limerick, 
Sound of the Blejkeys, a Ship, called, Our Lady the Twelfth of this September, there was caff, 
of Rofary, of one-thoufand Tons. In this Ship upon the Sands of Ballicrahihy, a Ship of nine- 
was drowned the Prince of Afrule, the King's hundred Tons ; thirteen of the Gentlemen of 
bafe Son, one Don Pedro, Don Diego, and that Ship, as he writeth, are taken : and fo 
Don Francifco, with feven other Gentlemen of writeth, that he heard the reft of that Ship, be- 
Account, that accompanied the Prince. There ing above four-hundred, have fought, for their 
was drowned in her, alfo, Michael Oquendo, Defence, being much diftrefled, to intrench 
a principal Sea-man, chief Governor of the themfelves. 

Ship ; Villa Franca, of Saint Sebajlians, Cap- He writeth, alfo, of another Ship which was 

tain of the fame Ship ; Matuta, Captain of the caft away at the Ifle of Clare in Irrife, and that 

Infantry of that Ship ; Captain Snares, a Por- feventy-eight of the Men of that Ship are 

tuguefe ; Garrionerie, Ropecbo de la Vega, Mon- drowned and flain. 

Unefe, and one Francifco CaJlUian, Captains ; He writeth alfo, that there was, about the 

one John Ryfe, an Irifh Captain, Francis Roch, fame Time, another great Ship caft away in 

an Irijhman, and about five-hundred Perfons, Tirawley, and that there are three Noblemen, 

S a Bifhop, 



/ 



i 30 'The Lpfes of the SpAnifh Navy, upon the Coa/i of Ireland. 

a Biihop, and a Friar, and inc other ami a Bark which came in fmce that Time, if 
Men taken by William Bouri, of 4rdntrit r and they be not difperfed or loft, by the great Tem- 
all the Refidue of that Ship are flain and drown- peft that was the Seventeenth and Eighteenth of 
ed ; infomuch, as he writeth, that one Melegh- this Month: For the State of the Admiral, at 
ten Mac Cahh, a Galtoglafs, killed eighty cf h's Coming in, was thus : The Ship had been fhot 
them with his GaUoglafs Ax. h \iy the through fourteen or fifteen Times, her Main- 
Eleventh of this September, feven of thofe bhips, mad fo beaten with Shot, as fne durft not bear 
then remained within the Shannon, departed her full Sail, and now not fixty Mariners left 



out of that Road with an Eafteily Wind, and, 
before their Going forth, they fet on Fire one 
other very great Ship of their Company, which 
was onc-thcufand Tons at leaft. 

It was informed from the Vice-Prcfident at 

.-, upon this Seventeenth of September Lift, 

that two other great Ships of that Fleet fliould Jfter this was printed thus far, as every 1),,-. 

be loft upon the Coaft: of Cmnaught. bringsth more Certainty in Particulars cf the 

The Admiral, cailed John Martin de Rl- L:fs of the Spaniards in Ireland, thefe Reports, 



in her, and many of them fo fick, that thev 
lie down, and the Refidue Co weak, that they 
were not able to do any good Service ; and there 
are daily caff over the Board, out of that Ship, 
rive or fix of the Company. 



calde, came into the Sound of BLjkeys, with 
one other great Ship, and a Bark, about the 
lixth Day of this September, and remaineth there 
with one other Ship, of four-hundred Tons, 



which follow, came from Ireland, being 
Examinations of feveral Perfons there taken 

and faved. 



John Anthonio de Monona, an Italian, Son to Francifco de Monona, Pilot cf the 
Ship, called, Sancta Marie de la Rofe, of a thou y and Tons, cafi away in the Sound of 
Blefk.y, September 2, 1588. 



EXamined, the Eleventh of September, faith, 
that he, and the reft, parted from the 
Englijh Fleet, as he thinketh, about the 
Coaft of Scotland, and at that Time they want- 
ed, of their whole Fleet, four Gallies, feven 
Ships, and one Galiiafs, which was the Captain 
Galliafs ; and there were then dead by Fight, 
and by Sicknefs, eight-thoufind Men, at the 
leaft. Where he left the Duke *, he knoweth 
not ; but it was in the North Seas, about 
eighteen Days fithence 3 he faw then no Land, 
and therefore can name no Place 3 but they fe- 
vered by Tempeft, the Duke kept his Courfe 
to the Sea : We drew towards Land to find 
Cape Clare, fo did divers other Ships, which, he 
thinks, to amount to the Number of forty 
Ships : With the Duke there went twenty-five 
Ships. 

Hither he came round about Scotland 3 he 
thinks the Duke is, by this Time, near Spain 3 
the Duke's Defire was, after his Stay before 
Calais, to go to Flanders, but by Reafon of the 
Contrariety of the Winds, the Shallownefs of the 
Water (his Ships being great) he could not 
arrive there. 



Befides the Ships beforementioned, he re- 
membereth, that two Ships were funk upon the 
Coaft of Scotland, by Reafon of Shots received 
from the Englijh Ships 3 the one called Saint 
Matthew 1 of five-hundred Tons, wherein were 
drowned four-hundred and fifty Men 3 the other 
Ship, a Bifcayan of Saint Sebajlians, of four- 
hundred Tons, wherein were drowned three- 
hundred and fifty Men ; and the Ship wherein 
he was, called Saint Mary Rofe, of one-thou- 
fand Tons, wherein, of five-hundred, there 
c leaped but himfelf ; in which Ship, of principal 
Men, there were drowned thefe principal Men 
following : The Prince of Afcule, bafe Son to 
the King of Spain, Captain Matuta, Captain 
Convalle a Portuguefe, Ritpecho de la Vego of Caf- 
tile, Suryvero of Caflile, Montanefe of Cajlilt, 
Villa Franca of Saint Sebajlians, Captain of the 
faid Ship : The General of all the Fleet of 
Guipufque, called Don Michael dG qua: do, twen- 
ty other Knights and Adventurers upon then- 
own Charges. 

He faith, that the Fleet was in great Want of 
frefh Water 3 and being examined, what Ord- 
nance, Wines, or other Matters of Moment 



Of Medina Sidonia, the Chief Commander. 



were 



TJje LoJJes of the Spanifli Navy? upon the Goajt cf Ireland. 131 

w?re in the Ship here caft away, faith, thefe much rich Apparel and Phtc, and Cups of Gold, 

were fifty great brafs Pieces, all Cannons for the He faith alfo, that the Duke of Medina ap- 

Field, twenty-five Pieces of Brafs and caft Iron pointed all the Fleet to refort and meet at the 

Belonging to the Snip ; there are alfo in her fifty Groyne, and none of them, upon Pain of Death, 

Tons of Sack. In Silver, there are in her fif- not to depart there hence, afore they mould know 

ty-thoufand Ducats ; in Gold, as much more, his farther Pleafure. 



The Examination of Emanual Fremofa, a Portuguefc, September 12. 



1588. 



HE faith he was in the Ship, called St. 
yo&n, of the Port of Portugal, of one- 
thoufand one-hundred Tons. In which, 
Don "John Martin de Ricalde is, who is Ad- 
miral of the whole Fleet, and is next under the 
Duke, who is General ; in which Ship, at their 
Coming forth, there were eight-hundred Sol- 
diers, and, for Mariners, fixty Portuguefe, and 
forty Bifcayans ; this is the greateft Ship of the 
the whole Navy. 

He faith, they were in all, at their Coming 
forth, a hundred and thirty-five Sail, whereof 
four were Galliaffes, four Gallies, and nine of 
them were Victuallers. 

They came from the Groyne, on the fifteenth 
Day, next after Mid-fummer laft paft, by their 
Account. 

He faith, they were directed to the Duke of 
Parma, and by him to be employed for Eng- 
land, at fuch Time as Parma mould appoint. 

He faith, after their Departure, from the 
Groyne, about eight Days, the Fleet came to 
the Lizard. 

He faith, about that Place, the General ftruck 
Sail, whereupon, they all ftruck Sail all Night, 
and the next Morning they faw the Englijh 
Fleet, whereupon they hoifted their Sails. 

He faith, they were before informed, that 
the Englijh Fleet was in Plymouth and Dart- 
tnouth. 

He faith, on the North-eaft of the Lizard, the 
urft Fight began between the Fleets, and, in that 
Fight, their Ship loft fifteen Men. 

He faith, that there were other Fights, with- 
in four or five Days after, along the Coafts, in 
which the Ship, that this Examinant was in, loft 
twenty-five Men ; what were loft in thefe Fights, 
out cf the other Ships, he cannot tell ; and, in 
thefe Fights, they loft two Ship, in the one 
of which Don Pedro was, and one other that 
was burned. 



They anchored at Calais, expe£Kng the Duke 
of Parma ; where, thro' the Firing of the Eng- 
lijl) Ships *, they were driven to leave their An- 
chors, and to depart, fo as each of the Ships 
loft two Anchors at that Place; the next Morn- 
ing, the Fight began about Eight of the Clock 
in the Morning, and continued, eight Hours, 
along the Channel to the North ; all which 
Time, the Englijh Fleet prefled the Spanijh 
Fleet, in fuch Sort as if they had offered to 
board the Spanijh Fleet ; they faw their Admi- 
ral fo fearful, that he thinketh they had all 
yielded. 

He faith, that, in the faid Fight, the Spanijh 
Fleet loft one Galliafs, which ran a Shore a- 
bout Calais ; two Galleons of Lijbon, which 
were funk, being the King's ; and one Bifcayan 
Ship funk, of between four and five-hundred 
Tons, and one other Ship funk alfo ; after which 
Fight, the General took Account of the whole 
Navy, and found that they were left about a 
hundred and twenty Sails of the whole Fleet, 
as was delivered by thofe that came from ihe 
Top ; but of his own Sight he faw not paifing 
eighty-five Sail, or thereabout, but what was 
become of the reft he cannot ; 

He faith, that there were alfo in that Fight 
three great I enetian Ships, which were in Dan- 
ger of finking, being fore beaten, and fhot 
through in many Places, but were, for that 
Time, helped by the Carpenters, and as he hath 
heard, for that the} were not able to keep the 
Seas, took themfetves towards the Coaft of Flan- 
ders, but what is become of them he cannot 
tell. 

He faith, the}- were purfued by fome of the 
Englijh Fleet, about five Davs after this Fight, 
Northward, out of the Sicht of any Land, and 
as he thinketh of the North-part of Scotland. 

He faith, that, about four Davs after the Eng- 
UJl) Fleet left them, the whole Fleet remaining 



Hz. The eight Fire-Ships. Sec the Introduftion to this Tract. 



S 2 



beinj 





132 The Lojjes of the Spanifti N&yy, upon the Coaft of Ireland. 



being towards one hundred and twenty Sail, rs 
it was faid, came to an Iilan.l, as he thinketh, 
of the North Part of Scotland, where they flay- 
ed not, nor had Relief; but at this Place the 
General called all the Ships together, giving 
them in Charge, that they fhould, with the beft 



and do lie down and die daily ; and the reft, he 
faith, be all very weak, and the Captain very 
fad and weak ; he faith, this Admiral hath in 
her fifty-four brafs Pieces, and about four-fcore 
Quintals of Powder. 

He faith, they were fo near the Coaft, be- 



they could, hafte them to the iirft Place they fore they found it, that, by Means of the ftron'* 

could get to, of the Coaft of Spain, or Portu- Wefterly Wind, they were not able to double 

gal, for that they were in fuch great Diftrefs, out from it. 

through their great Wants of Victuals, and o- There are in the Admiral left but twentv- 

therwife. Ke faith they came forth the worfe five Pipes of Wine, and very little Bread and 

furnifhed thereof, for that they expected to be no Water, but what they brought out of Spain, 

relieved of thofe Things more amply by the which ftinketh marvelloufly, and their Flefh- 



Duke of Parma ; he faith, that out of this Ship 
there died four or five every Day, of Hunger 
and Thirft, and yet this Ship was one that was 
beft furnifhed for Victuals, which he knoweth, 
for out of fome of the other Ships fome People 
were fent to be relieved in this Ship. 

After this, for ten Days, the whole Fleet re- 
maining held together, holding their Courfe 
the beft they could towards Spain. 

He faith, that at the fame Time, which is 
now about twenty Days or more paft, they were 



they cannot eat, their Drought is fo 



meat 
great. 

He faith, no Part of the Navy, to his Know- 
ledge ever touched upon any Land, until fuch 
Time as they came to this Coaft at Din- 
gle Cujhe, nor hath had any Water, Victuals, 
or other Relief, from any Coaft, or Place, 
fi thence the Englijh Fleet left them. 

He faith, that, when they lay before Calais, 
there came a Pinnace to their Fleet, from the 
Duke of Parma, who told them the Duke 
fevered by a great Storm, which held from Four could not be ready for them, until the Friday 
of the Clock in the Afternoon of one Day, to following, but, by Reafon of this Fight of the 
Ten of the Clock in the Morning the next Day ; Englijh Fleet with them, they were not able to 
in which Storm the Admiral came away with tarry there fo long. 

feven and twenty Sail, which this lixaminant He faith, that the Admiral's Purpofe is, upon 
did tell, and that one of them was a Galliafs of the firft Wind that ferveth, to pafs away for 
eight and twenty Oars on a Side ; what is be- Spain. 



come of the reft of the Navy he cannot tell. 

He faith alio, that, about ten Days paft, they 
had another great Storm with a Mift, by which 
Storm, they were again fevered, fo as, of thofe 
twenty-feven Sail, there came into the Coaft, 
by Dingle Cnjhe, but the Admiral, and another 
Snip of four-hundred Tons, and a Bark of a- 
bout forty Tons ; and what is become of the 
reft of the twenty-feven Sail, he cannot tell, 
but of one great Hulk, of four-hundred Tons, 
which was fo fpoiled, as fhe caft towards the 
Shore, about twenty Leagues from Dingle Cujhe, 

he knoweth not who was Captain of this Hulk ; are principal Men. that have CrofTes on their 
he faith, that of all Sorts, there be now re- Garments * ; other mean Gentlemen there 
maining in the Admiral near about five-hun- be alfo in the fame Ship : He faith, all the Sol- 
dred, of which there be twenty-rive Bifcayans, diers in this Ship were Spaniards ; he faith there 
feventy Portuguefe, which] are Mariners, the are in the fmail Bark, that is with them, about 
Mafter being very fick, and one of the Pilots. five and twenty Perfons ; how many are in the 

He faith, there be eighty Soldiers, and twen- Hulk, that is there, he knoweth not. 
ty of the Mariners in the Admiral, very fick, 

* Knights of the Ctuzado, or Sar.clo Chrijlo. 



He faith alfo, that it is a common Bruit a- 
mongft the Soldiers, if they may once get Home 
again, they will not meddle again with the Eng- 
glilh. 

He faith, there be of principal Men, in the 
Admiral's Ship, Don John de Lina a Spaniard, 
who is chief Captain of the Soldiers of that Ship ; 
Don Gomes a Spaniard, another Captain ; Don 
Scbajlian a Portugal Gentleman, an Adven- 
turer, and a Marquefs an Italia::, who is alfo 
an Adventurer, and one other Portugal Gen- 
tleman whom he knoweth not, but that thev 



He 



The Loffes of the Spanifli Navy, upon the Coaft of Ireland. 



He faith, he thinketh that the Duke is part 
towards Spain, for that he was fome twelve 
Leagues more Wefterly, than the Admiral was, 
in the firft Storm. 

He faith, that the great Galleon, which came 



'33 

from the Duke of Florence, was never feci) 
fithence they were in the Fight at Calais ; He 
faith, the People of the Galliaftes were mofV 
fpoiled by the Englijh Fleet. 



The Examination of Emanuel Francifco, a Portuguefe, September 12, 1588. 



T^Manuel Francifco, a Portuguefe, faith, in 
jt^j all Things, as the former Examinant, till 
the Fight at Calais ; in which Fight, he 
faith, he knoweth there was loft a Galliafs, that 
ran a-fhore at Calais; two Galleons of the King's, 
the one called <SY. Philip, of the Burden of fe- 
ven-hundred, and the other called St. Matthew 
of eight-hundred ; a Bifcayan Ship, of about 
five-hundred, and a Cajlilian Ship of about four- 
hundred Tons, all funk. This he knoweth, 
for that fome of the Men of thofe Ships were 
divided into the Admiral's Ship, in which this 
Examinant was. 

He faith, after this Fight ended, it was de- 
livered by him, at the Top, that there were one- 
hundred and twenty Sail left, of the Spanijh 
Fleet; and faith, that thofe were very fore beaten, 
and the Admiral was many Times (hot through, 
and one Shot in their Mail, and their Deck at 
the Prow fpoiled, and doth confefs, that they 



were in great Fear of the Englijh Fleet, and 
doubted much of boarding. 

He faith, the Admiral's Maft is fo weak by 
Reafon of the Shot in it, as they dare not abide 
any Storm, nor bear fuch Sail, as otherwife he 
might do ; and for the reft he agreeth, in every 
Thing, with the former Examinant, faving that 
he faw not, or underftood of any Pinnace, that 
came from the Duke of Parma, nor doth re- 
member that he faw above twenty Sail with the 
Admiral, after the firft Storm ; and faith, that 
thofe in the Ship, that he is in, do fay that they 
will rather go into the Ground themfelves, than 
come in fuch a "Journey again for England j and 
faith, the beft that be in the Admiral's Ship 
are fcarce able to ftand, and that if they tarry 
where they are any Time, they will all perifh, 
as he thinketh ; and for himfelf he would not 
pafs into Portugal again, if he might choofe, 
for that he would not be conftrained to fuch 
another Journey. 



The Examition of John de le Conido, of Lekic in Bifcay Mariner, September 12, 

iq88. 



70 HN de le Conido, of Lekit in Bifcay Ma- 
riner, faith he was in the Ship that the 
Admiral is in, and that he told the Navy, 
after the Fight ended at Calais, and that there 
were then remaining not paffing a hundred and 
ten, or a hundred and twelve of the whole Spa- 
nijh Navy ; and faith, that a Leak fell upon one 
of the Galliaffes about fifteen Days paft, which 
he taketh to be fallen upon the North Coaft of 
this Land ; he faith, he doth not remember, 
that there were above twenty Sail left in the 
Company of the Admiral, after the firft great 
Storm, which fell on them about thirty Days 
fithence ; he faith, the Duke did give them ex- 
prefs Commandment, that they fhould not go 
on Land in any Place, without his Order ; he 
confcfTeth, that the Navy, that remained after 
the laft Fight, were marvelloufly beaten and 



fhot through, and their Tackle much cut and 
fpoiled with the Shot, and, for the reft of the 
Matter, agreeth with the former Examinant, in 
every Point in EfFedr, and faith, there was an 
EngUJh Pilot with the Duke. He faith, that 
the Scot, that is taken, was taken in the 
North Part, after the Englijh Fleet parted from 
them, in a Ship of fifty Tons, in which were 
about feven Men, which the Fleet hath carried 
with them, both the Ship and People, fix of 
which Scots were a-board the Admiral, whereof 
one is he that is taken. 

He faith, after the Englifn Fleet parted from 
them, the Spa><iJJ) Fleet caft out all the Horfes 
and Mules into the Sea, to fave their Water, 
which were carried in certain Hulks provided 
for that Purpofe. 



The 



154 The Loffes of the Spanifh Navy, ufon the Coaft of Ireland. 



'The Re-examination of John Anthonio, of Genoa, Mariner, September 15, 1588. 



HE faith his Father and himfelf with others 
came into Lijbon in a Ship of Genoa, 
about a Year fithence, where they were 
embarked by the King of Spain, that Ship was 
of about four-hundred Tons. 

He faith his Father after this was appointed 
Pilot in the Ship called our Lady of the Rofary, 
of the Burden of a rhoufand Tons, being the 
King's : He faith the Prince of ' Afcuh the King's 
bafe Son came in the Company of the Duke in 
the Duke's Ship, called the Galleon of St. Mar- 
tin, of a thoufand Tons, but [at Calais, when 
the Englijh Navy came near them, this Prince 
went to the Shore, and, before his Return, the 
Duke was driven to cut off his Anchors, and to 
depart, whereby the Prince could not recover 
that Ship, but came into the faid Ship called our 
Lady of the Rofary, and with him there came 
in alfo one Don Pedro, Don Francifco, and fe- 
ven other Gentlemen of Account, that accom- 
panied the Prince. He faith the Captain of tins 
Ship was Villa Franca, of St. Sebajlians, and 
Matuia was Captain of the Infantry of that Ship. 
There were alfo in her Captain Snares, zPortu- 
guefe, and one Garrionero, a Cajlilian Captain, 
Lopicho de la Vega, a Cajlilian Captain, Cap- 
tain Montanefe, a Cajlilian, and one Captain 
Francifco, a Cajlilian ; and Michael d'Oquendo, 
who w-_, General of this Ship. There was alfo 
in her one Irijh Captain, called 'John Rife, of 
about thirty Years of Age, and another Irijh- 
man, called Francis Roche. The Prince was 
of. about eight and twenty Years of Age. He 
faith, there were other Gentlemen Adventurers 
in the Ship, bur not of that Reckoning as the 
former were. He kith there were in all feven- 
hun. en in this Ship at their Coming forth ; 

he faith there were about five-hundred in this 
Ship ;t iuch Time as fhe funk, the reft perifhed 
by - nd bv Sicknefs. He faith this Ship 

was fhot thorough four Times, and one of the 
Shot was between the Wind and the Water, 
whereof they thought fhe would have funk, and 
the moil of her Tackle was fpoiled with Shot ; 
this Ship ftruck againft the Rocks in the Sound 
of the Bkfkies, a League and a half from the 
Land, upon Tuefday laft at Noon, and all in the 
Ship pciifhed, faving this Exam i riant, who faved 
himfelf upon two or three Planks that were 



loofe ; the Gentlemen thinking to fave themfelves 
by the Boat, it was fo faft tied as they could not 
get her loofe, whereby they perifhed ; he faith, 
as foon as the Ship (truck againft the Rock, 
one of the Gzptz'msfew this Examinant's Father, 
faying he did it by Treafon. He faith there 
came in their Company a Portugal Ship of 
about four-hundred, who, coming into the fame 
Sound, caft Anchor near where they found the 
Admiral of the Fleet at Anchor, called St. John, 
in which Don Martin de Ricalde the Admiral 
was i he faith that, about two and twenty Davs 
paft, the Duke departed from them, and about 
five and twenty Ships in his Company, and a- 
bout forty Ships were with the Admiral, but 
this Ship was not able to follow the Admiral, 
by Reafon her Sails were broken, and for the 
reft of the Navy that remained, they were fo 
difperfed, as he cannot tell what is become of 
them. He faith the Duke, being better watered 
than the others were, held more Wefterly into 
the Seas, and willed the Admiral with his Com- 
pany, being in worfe Eftate for Water, to fee if 
he could touch with any Coaft, to get frefh 
Water ; fithence which they have been fevered 
by the Nights and by Tempeft ; he faith this 
Ship nor any other of the Ships touched upon 
any Land, nor had any Releafe of Water or 
Victuals at any Place, fithence they parted, but 
from two Scots, which they took upon the Coaft 
of Scotland, whofe Fifh and Victuals the Duke 
took, but paid them for it. 

He faith, their Ships were fo beaten, and the 
Wind (o contrary, and the Shoals upon the Coaft 
of Flanders fo dangerous, as the Pilot, that was 
in the Duke's Ship, directed them this Courfe 
Northward as their fafeft Way. He faith, that, 
in one of the Davs in which the Ficiht was be- 
tween both the Navies,theDuke, feeing the Eng- 
lijh Fleet fo hardily to purfue them, willed his 
Fleet, feeing no other Remedv, to addrefs them- 
felves to fight. He faith, that in that Day of 
the Fight at Calais, they loft four-thoufand Men 
in Fight, one- thoufand were drowned in four 
Ships ; he faith, the Mafter of the Cavalry of 
the Tcrcii of Naples and Sicily was flain in this 
Fight, by a great Piece that broke his Thigh, 
his Name he remembered not ; at which Time 
alfo the Mafter of the Camp of the Horfemen, 

and 



The Loffes of the Spanifh Navy, upon the Coaft of Ireland. 135 



and the Mailer of the Camp of the Footmen, 
were both {lain, but their Names he remembereth 
not. He faith, the four GalliafTes were of Na- 
ples. He faith, the four Gallies left the Fleet, 
before they came to the EngUJh, by well near 
forty Leagues. He faith, the Florentine Ship is 
gone with the Duke. He faith, there were 
fourteen FcnetianShips in this Fleet; two of the 
faid are drowned, what is become of the reft 



he knoweth not, they ferved the King only by 
Arreft. He faith, there be three Englifnmen Pi- 
lots in the Duke's Ship. 

He faith, this Ship that is drowned hath in 
her three Chefts full of Money. He doth not 
know what moved the Duke to command, 
that the whole Navy that remained fhould re- 
pair to the Groyne, and not depart without his 
Direction, upon Pain of Death. 



The Examination of John Antonio de Moneko, thirty Miles from Ganna, September 

17, 1588. 



HE faith, the Prince of Afcule was a (len- 
der made Man, and of a reafonable Sta- 
ture, of twenty-eight Years of Age, his 
Hair of a brown Colour ftroked upwards, of a 
high Forehead, a very little Beard, marquefot- 
ted, whitely- faced with fome little Red on the 
Cheeks ; he was drowned in Apparel of white 
Sattin for his Doublet and Breeches, after the 
Spanijh Falhion cut, with RufTet-filk Stockings. 
When this Prince came into their Ship at Calais, 
he was apparelled in black raifed Velvet laid on 
with broad gold Lace. He faith, that this 
Prince's Men, for the moft Part, were in the 
Ship that this Examinant was in, from their 
Coming out of Spain ; and, when they were at 
Calais, the Prince pafTed in a little Felucca 
with fix others from Ship to Ship, to give Or- 
ders to them, and fome faid he went to the 
Shore at that Time. 

He faith, it was thought to be about fixty 



Leagues Weft from the Northvveft Part of Ire- 
land, that- the Duke departed from the reft of 
the Company. He faith, they parted by a 
Tempeft growing in the Night, and that, about 
fix Days after, a Portugal Galleon overtaking 
this Ship told unto thofe of this Ship, that there 
were twenty-five Ships of the whole Navy paf- 
fed away with the Duke, and that the reft, then 
remaining of the whole Navy, were difperfed 
by this Tempeft, fome eight in one Company, 
and four in another j and thus difperfedly pafTed 
on the Seas. But how many Ships remained 
after their Departure from the Coaft of Scotland, 
of the whole Navy, this Examinant cannot tell. 
He faith, that after this firft Tempeft, which 
was about twenty-five Days now paft, growing 
of a South- weft Wind, they had fundry Tem- 
pefts, before they they were loft, with variable 
Winds, fometimes one Way, and fometimes 
another. 



TJie Re-examination 0/Emanuel Fremofa, September 17, 1588. 



TT?Manuel Fremofa, Mariner, examined the 
-fy fame Day, faith that the Day next be- 
fore the great Tempeft, in which the 
Duke was fevered from them, being a very 
calm Day, himfelf counted the Navy then re- 
maining, which then were but feventy-eight 
Sail in all ; when they were fartheft off in the 
North, they were at fixty two Degrees North- 
ward, and were then about four- fcore Leagues 
and fomewhat more from any Land, and at 
the North -weft Part of Scotland, Cape Clare 
being then from them South and by Weft ; and 
this was about four or five Days before the 
faid great Tempeft j and, from that Time until 



the fame Tempeft, they had the Wind moft 
Weft, and Weft South- weft, and fometimes 
Weft North-weft, but that not very long ; he 
faith that it was known to very few of the Na- 
vy that the Prince, the King's bafe Son, was in 
in this Navy, until they came unto Calais, 
where this Prince, about the Time of the 
Fight, was faid to take himfelf into a little 
Boat upon the Coaft of Calais ; but before that 
he kept himfelf as private in the Duke's own 
Ship, as it was faid, and not noted or fpoken 
o£4n the Navy until then. But he faith, 
there was a great Prince, an Italian, that was 
a chief Man in a great Argofy, very well fur- 

nilhed, 



MIS 



The Lojjes of the Spanifli Navy, upon the Coajl 0/* Ireland. 



nifhed, who, before their Coming to the Eng- 
lijb Coaft, did very often banquet the Duke 
and the other great Men of the Navy. This 
Argofy was called the Ratte. He faith, he 
did not perceive if this Ship were in this Fleet 
the Day before the. faid Temped or not, but 
he faith, this being a famous Ship, it was of- 
ten demanded, if Ihe were in their Company, 



and it was anfwered, that {he was. He faith, the 
chiefcft of the Treafure, that ferved for the Pay, 
was, as he heard, in the Galliafs that drove on 
the Shore at Calais, and in a Ship of Scvil, made 
in Galicia, called the Gallega, of about feven- 
hundred Tons, in which Don Pedro de I aldez 
was, which was taken on the South Coaft. 



The Examination of Pierre Carre, a Fleming. 



HE faith, that in the Ship that he came 
hither in, called S:. 'John, a Galleon of 
nine-hundred Tons, befides John Martin 
de Ricalde, there are five Captains, Don John 
de Lune, Don Gomes de Galanexar, Don Pedro 
de Madri, the Count of Paredes, Don Felice, 
and there is alfo an Italian Marquefs of Piedmont, 
called the Marquefs of Faruara. 

He faith alfo, that the Admiral, after fuch 
Time as the Fight was at Calais, came not out 
of his Bed, until this Day Sen'night in the 
Morning that they ran upon the Shore. He 
f^ith, his Admiral is of Bifcay, either of Bilboa 
or Allerede, and of fixty-two Years of Age, and 
a Man of Service. He faith, that there were 
in this Navy of the old Soldiers of Naples, un- 
der the Conduct of Don Alonfo de Sono, and of 
the old Soldiers of Sicily, under the Conduct of 
Don Diego de Piementelli, whofe Ship was loft 
near Calais. There was alfo Don Alonfo de 
Leva, Mafter of the Camp of the Cavalry 
of Milan. He faith, there is a Baftard Son of 
King Philip, of twenty-eight Years of Age in 
this Fleet in the Ship with the Duke, called the 
Prince of Afcule in Italy, who paffed from them 
in a Pinnace about Calais, as he took it. 



By other Advtrtifements of the Fourteenth of 
September, it is certified to the Lord Deputy of 
Ireland, from the Earl of Tyrone, being at his 



Caftle of Djngannon, that, upon Intelligence 
brought to him of the Landing of certain Spa- 
niards in the North of Ireland, he fent two Eng - 
lijh Captains with their Bands towards them, 
to the Number of one-hundred and fifty ; who 
found them at Sir John Odoghertie's Town, 
called Illagh, and there, difcovering their Num- 
ber to be above fix-hundred, did that Night in- 
camp within a Mufket-fhot of them, and, about 
Midnight, did fkirmifh with them for the Space 
of two Hours, in which Skirmifh the Spanijh 
Lieutenant of the Field and twenty more of 
the Spaniards were (lain, befides many that were 
hurt. 

The next Day following they did offer Skir- 
mifh again to the Spaniards, whereupon they 
all yielded, and fo, as Prifoners, were carried 
to Dongannon to the Earl, who meant to fend 
them to the Lord Deputy, being judged to be 
Men of good Value, and one thought to be 
a Man that hath had fome great Charge and 
Conduct of Men for many Years, whereof the 
Lord Deputy will give Knowledge, as foon as 
they fhall be brought to Dublin. 

There may be fome Errors in r^Spanifh Names 
in Englilh, beccufe the fame are written by 
Way of Interpretation, but there is no Er- 
ror in the Numbering of the Perfons that are 
either dead or alive. Sept. 26, 1588. 



Ships and Men funk, drowned, killed, and taken upon the Coajl of 'Ireland, in the Month 

of September, 1 588. 

In Tyrconnel In Loughfoyle — 1 Ship — noo Men, of that Ship and others that efcaped. 

"In Sligo Haven 3 great Ships 1500 

In Tirawley — I Ship — 400 

In Clare Ifland 1 Ship — 300 

In Connaught-{ In Finglafs — 1 Ship — 400 

' In Ofarty — 1 Ship — 200 

In lrrife -2 Ships — The Men fled into other Vefleb. 

.In Galivay Bay 1 Ship — 70 

In 



The Lojes of the Spanirti Navy, upon the Coafl of Ireland. 

rln the Shannon 2 Ships — 600 
I Ship — 24 

1 Ship — 500 

I Ship — 300 
1 Ship burnt The Men embarked in another Ship. 



*37 



In Traylie — 

In Munjler -l In Dingle 

I In Defmond — 
L In the Shannon 



Total 17 Ships 5394 Men. 

Before the Lofs of the aforefaid fevenieen Ships in Ireland, there perifhed, in July and 
Auguft, fifteen other great Ships in the Fight betwixt the Englilh and Spanifh Naviei 
in the narrow Seas of England. 



Firft Gallies 4 Ships 

Near Edijlon, by Plymouth, at the firft Conflict 1 — 
The fame Time was diftreffed and taken Don } 

Ptdro de VaWs Ship J 

At the fame Time by Fire a great Bifcay Ship I — 
Before Calais, fpoiled the principal Galliafs of ) 

Naples 5 

In the Conflict was funk a great Bifcayan — 1 — 000 

The Galleon St. Philip 1 

St. Matthew * I 



1622 Men 
0000 

* " }• Thefe two remain in England. 
289J 

68.6 



A Bifcayan wrecked before Ojlend ■ I — 

The Day after the Fight there funk two Venetians 2 — 
A great Bifcayan forced by two of the Queen's 1 
Ships to perifh at Newhaven 5 

Total 15 Ships 
The above Lofs 17 

Total of both thefe LofTes 32 Ships 

Befides many Ships not yet 
heard of, thought to be 
loft. 



Englijb great Shot. 



~) Thefe two forced into Flujhing 

" )» being fore beaten by the 
397 J 

000 

843 

000 



4791 Men 
5394 



10185 Men, whereof there are Prifo- 
ners in England and Zeland at 
leaft 1000, befides a great 
Multitude of Men not here ac- 
counted, that were flain in the 
Fight, and that have died of 
Famine, as by the Examina- 
tions aforefaid appeareth. 



The 



( 138 ) 



The Copy of a Letter fent out of E?igland to Don Bernardin 
Mendoza, AmbarTador in France for the King of Spain, de- 
claring the State of England, contrary to the Opinion of Don 
Bemardin, and of all his Partifans, Spaniards and others ; 
found in the Chamber of one Richard Leigh, a Seminary 
Prieft, who was lately executed for High-Treafon ; with 
an Appendix. 

Imprinted at London y by jf. Vautr oilier, for Richard Field. 

MDLXXXVIII. 



In this Letter we not only find a Confirmation cfi the foregoing Hijiory ; but we alfio learn 
the Sentiments of our Enemies concerning the moft likely Methods to enflave us, and the 
cnly Means to preferve our pre fent Ejl'dblifhment. 

The Author, a Papift, and in the Spanifh Inter eft, informs the King of Spain, that 
the Hopes of a foreign Invafion did not only depend on a large Army to be tranfi- 
ported, but on a ftrong Party ready in England to join the foreign Forces at their 
Landing, 

He advifies to acl more politically than by Excommunication of the Prince, and the 
Pope's ufurped Power to abfche Ssbje els from their Allegiance, and to difpofe cfKingd 
by Violence, Blood, Slaughter, and Conqueft ; as alfio to conceal their Intentions, till the 
Time came cfi ftriking the Blow effectually. For, Jays he, when thefie Things were 
publifihed without Referve, the Queen endeavoured to Jlrengthen her Kingdom. The 
Militia of the InL: vns provided for their own Safety, and the Places on the Coaft, 

where a Landing might be fufipeoled, were well guarded. Beftdes, every Nobleman, 
Knight, and Gentleman ofi Fortune immediately took the Alarum, and thought it Time 
to provide fior their own and the publick Safety, by arming their Servants and De- 
pendents. 

He pews the Error ofi the Popirti Stales, who confide on the Numbers ofi thofie that pro- 
fiefis Popery in England, and clears the Laws cfi the Land firom the Imputation of 
punifihing any Priefii, or Jefiuit, or other Recufiant for his Religion c 

He blames and explodes thofie lying Accounts publifihed in France, ofi Victories gained 

over us when we at the fame Time have intirely routed the Enemy ; yet this, as well 

. as many other of their filale Politicks, is conftantly praclified in the fame Place. And 

then dififiuades them firom the like Attempt, and propofies the heft M .lain Pc- 

. . England. 



MY 



M 



The Copy of a Letter, &c. 139 

Y Lord Ambaffador, though at the of the King's Forces, efpecially by Sea, have 
Time of my laft large Writing been Co many, as, until this laft Spring, we 
to you of the State of this Coun- were in Defpair ; at what Time you advert ifed 
try, and of our long-defircd Ex- us with great AfTurance, that all the King's Pre- 
pectation of Succours promifed, parations, which had been in making ready thefe 
I did not think to have had fuch a forrowful three or four Years together, were now in full 
Occafion of any fecond Writing, as now I Perfection, and without Fail would this Sum- 
have, of a lamentable Change of Matters of mer come into our Seas with fuch mighty 
Eftate here ; yet I cannot forbear (though it be Strength, as no Navy of England, or of Chrif- 
with as many Sighs as Lines) to advertife you tendom, could refill: or abide their Force ; and 
of the Truth of our miferable Condition, as for more Suretv, and for avoiding of all Doubts, 
now to me and others of our Party the fame to make the intended Conqueft fure, the fame 
appeareth to be; that by comparing of all fhould alfo have joined to it the mighty Armv, 
Things paft in Hope, with the Prefent now in which the Duke of Parma f had made ready, 
Defpair, your Lordfhip, who have had the prin- and kept in Readinefs in the Low Countries all 
cipal Managing, hitherto, of all our Caufes of this Year paft, wherewith he fhould land, and 
long Time, both here and there in France, be- fo, both by Sea and Land, this P.ealm fhould be 
twixt the Catholick King affifted with the Po- invaded, and a fpeedy Conqueft made thereof, 
tentates of the holy League, and all our Coun- to the which were always added fundry Reafons ; 
trymen which have profeffed Obedience to the whereupon was gathered, that, neither bv Sea nor 
Church of Rome, may now fall into fome new by Land, there would be any great Refiftance 
and better Confideration, how our State, both found here, but a ftrong Party in this Realm to 
for ourfelves at Home, and our Brethren A- join with the foreign Force. For otherwife 
broad, now at this preftnt fallen, as it were, than with fuch Helps, to be affuredly had from 
into utter Defpair, may be revived and re- hence, I know, it was always doubted, that 
ftored to fome new Hope, with better Affurance no foreign Force could prevail againft this 
of Succefs, than hath happened hitherto. For Realm, being, as it is, environed by Sea, and 
which Purpofe I have thought it neceffary to notably replenifhed with more mighty and 
advertife you in what Terms this Country now ftronger People than any Country in Cbriften- 
ftandeth, far otherwife than, of late, both we at dom. But with the Hope of the Landing of 
Home, and others Abroad, did make Account thefe great Armies, and our Affiftance in taking 
of. Part, we here continued all this Year paft in 

You know, how we have depended in firm allured Hope of a full Victory, until this laft 
Hope of a Change of the State of this Coun- Month. But, alas ! and with a deadly Sor- 
try, by the Means of the devout and earneft row, we muft all, at Home and Abroad, la- 
Incitations of the Pope's Holinefs, and the Ca- ment our fudden Fall, from an immeafura- 
ibolick King, and of other Potentates of the Holy ble high Joy, to an unmeafurable deep De- 
League *, to take upon them the Invafion and fpairand ; that fo haftily fallen out, as, I may 
Conqueft of this Realm ; and, by your Affur- fay, we have feen in the Space of eight or nine 
ances and firmPromifes, we were now of a long Days, in this laft Month of July, which was 
Seafon paft perfuaded, that the Catholick King from the Appearance of the Catholick great 
had taken upon him the fame glorious Act, and Navy upon the Coaft of England, until itwas 
thereof, from Year to Year, we looked for the forced to fly from the Coaft of Flanders near 
Execution, being continually fed and nourifhed Calais, towards the unknown Parts of the cold 
from you to continue our Hope, and fundry North, all our Hopes, all our Buildings, as it 
Times folicited by your earneft Requefts, and now appeareth but upon an imagined Conqueft, 
Perfuafions, to encourage our Party at Home not utterly overthrown, and, as it were, with an 
to waver, as many were difpofed, by Sight of Earthquake, all our Caftles of Comfort brought 
continual Delays, but to be ready to join with to the Ground, which now, it fecmeth, were 
the outward Forces that fhould come for this budded but in the Air, or upon Waves of the 
Invafion. Neverthelefs, the Delays and Pro- Sea ; for they are all perifhed, all vanifhed a- 
longations of Times appointed for the Coming way from our Thoughts. 

* So called by the Papijls, becaufe combined to deflroy all Preteftantu f Tiie King of Spats' a General. 

T 2 And 



i^p %be Copy of a 

And herewith I am aftonifhed what I may 
b6fl think of fuch a Work, fo long Time in 
Framing, to he fo fuddenly overthrown, as by 
no Reafon could proceed of Men, or of any 
earthly Power, hut oidy of God. And if fo it 
be (as no body can otherwife impute this late 
Change and Fall from our expected Fortune, 
but to God Almighty (then furely our Cafe is 
either dangerous or doubtful how to judge there- 
of, whether we have been thefe many Years in 
the Right or not. For I do find, and know, 
that many good and wife Men, which of long 
Time have fecretly continued in moft earneft 
Devotion to the Pope's Authority, begin now to 
ftagger in their Minds, and to conceive that 
this Way of Reformation intended by the Pope's 
Holinefs is not allowable in the Sight of God, 
by leaving the ancient Courfe of the Church by 
Excommunication, which was the Exercife of the 
Jpiritual Sword, and in Place thereof to take the 
temporal Sword, and put it into a Monarch's 
Hand to invade this Realm with Force and Arms, 
yea to deftroy the Queen thereof, and all her 
People addicted to her ; which are in very Truth 
now feen, by great Proof this Year, to be in a 
Sort infinite, and invincible, fo as fome begin 
to fay that this Purpofe by Violence, by Blood, 
by Slaughter, and by Conqueft, agreeth not 
with Chrift's Doctrine, nor the Doctrine of St. 
Peter, or St. Paul. And to tell your Lordihip 
truly, I find prcfently a great Number of wife 
and devout People, though they continue in 
their former Religion, yet do they fecretly con- 
demn this intended Reformation by Blood and 
Force. Infomuch that I heard a good Divine 
alledge a Text out of St. Gregory in thefe Words, 
*6htid de Epifcopis, qui Verberibus timeri volunt, 
Canones dicunt, bene Paternitas vejlra novit, 
Pajiores fumus non Pcrcujfores, Nova enhn eji 
Pradicatio qua Verberibus exigit Fidem. This 
Sentence I obtained of him, becaufe it feemeth 
to be charitably written. But, leaving this Au- 
thority among Doctors, I muft needs fay that, 
in very Truth, no one Thing hath done at this 
Time more Hurt to the Action, than the un- 
timely haity Publiihing abroad in this Realm, 
before this Army of Spain was ready to come 
forth to the Seas, of fundry Things written and 
put in Print, and fent into this Realm, to noti- 
fy to the People, that all the Realm mould be 



Letter, Sec. 

invaded and conquered, that the Queen fliM 
be deftroyed, all the Nobility, and Men of Re- 
putation, of Honour, and Wealth that did obev 
her, and would defend her, or that would 
withlland the Invafion, mould be with all their 
Families rooted out, and their Places, thcir 
Honours, their Houfes and Lands bellowed up- 
on the Conquerors : Things univerfally (o odi- 
oufly taken, as the Hearts of all Sorts of Peo- 
ple were inflamed ; fome with Ire, fome with 
Fear, but all Sorts, aimed without Exception, 
refolved to venture their Lives for the With- 
ftartdmg of all Manner oi Conqueft, wherewith 
every body can fay this Realm was not threatened 
thefe five-hundred Ye.trs and more. 

Thefe Reports were brought to this Realm, 
with good Credit, not in fecret, but in publick 
Writings and Printings, and took deep Root in 
all Kinds of People of this Land ; and indeed 
was of the more Credit, firjl, by Reafon of a 
new Bully lately published at Rcme, by the 
Pope's Holinefs, which I have feen, with more 
Severity than other of his Predecefibr?, 
whereby the Queen here was accurfed, and 
pronounced to be deprived of her Crown, and 
the Invafion and Conqueft of the Realm com- 
mitted, by the Pope, to the Catholick King, to 
execute the fame with his Armies both by Sea 
and Land, and to- take the Crown to himfelf, 
or to limit it to fuch a Potentate as the Pope 
and he fliould name. And, fecondly, there fol- 
lowed a large Explanation of this Bully by fend- 
ing hither a Number of Englijh Books printed 
in Antwerp, even when the Navy of Spain was 
daily looked for, the Original whereof was 
written by the Reverend Father Cardinal Allen, 
in April laft, called in his own Writing the 
Cardinal of England ; which Book was fo vio- 
lently, fharply, and bitterly written, yea (fay 
the Adverfaries) fo arrogantly, falfly, and flan- 
derouflv, againft the Perfon of the Queen, a- 
gainft her Father King Henry the Eighth, a- 
gainft all her Nobility and Council, as in very 
Truth I was heartily forry to perceive fo many 
good Men of our own Religion offended there- 
with, in that there mould be found in one ac- 
counted a Father of the Church, who was alfo 
born a Subject of this Crown (though by the 
Adverfaries reported to be very bafely born) fuch 
foul, vile, irreverent, and violent Speeches, 



* What fay the Cnnotrs of thofe B:fhop.% who would force themfelves to be feared, you know right 
well : We are Sbepkerds, end not Strikers. For it is a new Way of Preaching, tliat would convert us by 
Mood and Force. 

fuch 



7he Copy of a 

fuch- ireful and bloody Threatenings, of a Queen, 
of a Nobility, yea of the whole People of his 
own Nation. 

Sorry, and moil forry, I am to report the 
general evil Conceit of thofe unordinate and 
unadvifcd Proceedings of this Cardinal, of whofe 
rafh Choice to fuch a Place, the World fpeak- 
eth ftrangely, as though he came to it, through 
Corruption of the Pope's Sifter, without Liking 
of the College of Cardinals, where, otherwife, 
the blefled Intention of our holy Father, and 
the Defire alfo of the faid Cardinal, might, with- 
out fuch fatal bloody Premonitions and Threaten- 
ings of future Invafions and Conquefts by the 
Catholick King's noble Forces, have taken better 
Place. 

There was alto, to add the more Credit to 
thefe terrible Prognostications, fuch Kind of o- 
ther Pooks printed in Spain, and tranflated into 
French, (as it is faid by your Lordfhip) contain- 
ing particular long Descriptions and Catalogues 
of Armadas of Cajlile, of Andalufia, of Bifcay, 
of Guipufque, of Portugal, of Naples, of Sicily, 
of Ragufa, and other Countries of the Levant, 
with a Mafs of all Kinds of Provifions. beyond 
Meafure, for ths faid Armadas, Sufficient, in 
Estimation, to be able to make Conqueft of 
many Kirgdoms or Countries. And one great 
Argument is publiihed by the Adverfaries to 
ftir up the Minds of the Ncbility of England, 
againft the Spaniards, which is vcrv malicioufly 
invented, to {hew the Intention oi the Conqueft 
not only of England, but of the whole Ifle of 
Britain ; moving all Men efpeciaily to mark 
by the Defcription of the Armada, that there 
are efpeciaily named fuch a Number of Noble- 
men, as Princes, MarquifTes, Condes and Dons 
that are called Adventurers, without any Office 
or Pay, and fuch another Number alio of Men 
with great Titles of Honour, and many of 
them named Captains and Alferez *, without 
Office, but yet \r\fold\, and therefore called 
Entertenidos %, as all thofe, being for no Service 
in the Armada, may be well prefumed (fay they) 
to have come to have pofTeffed the Rooms of all 
the Noblemen in England and Scotland : And 
this Fiction hath taken mere Place than it is 
■worth. And, though thefe Armies were, in- 
deed, exceeding great and mighty, yet they were 
fo amplified, beyond all Meafure, in thefe Books, 
as in no Preparation of Chriftendom, in former 
Times, againft the Saracens or Turks could be 



Letter, Sec. 1 4 1 

greater. By this Means, this Queen and hex 
Realm, being thus forewarned and terrified, 
took Occafion with the Aid of her People, be- 
ing not only firmly (as flic was perfuaded) devo- 
ted to her, but thoroughly irritated, to Air up 
their whole Forces for their Defence, againft 
fuch prognosticated Conquefts, as, in a very 
fhort Time, all her whole Realm, and every 
Coiner were fpeedily furnifhed with armed Peo- 
ple on Horieback, and on Foot, and thofe con- 
tinually trained, exercifed, and put into Band?, 
in warlike Manner, as in no Age ever was be- 
fore, in this Realm. Here was no Sparing of 
Money to provide Horfe, Armour, Weapon, 
Powder, and all Neccffaries, no nor Want of 
Provifion of Pioneers, Carriages, and Victuals, 
in every County of the Realm, without Excep- 
tion, to attend upon the Armies. And to this 
general Furniture every Man voluntarily of- 
fered, very many, their Service perfonally, 
without Wages ; others Money for Armour and 
Weapons, and to wage Soldiers; a Matter 
ftrange, and never the like heard of, in this 
Realm or elfewhere : And this general Reafcn 
moved all Men to large Contributions, that 
to withftand a Conqueft, where all mould be 
loft, there was no Time t» fp2re a Portion. 

The Numbers made ready in the Realm I 
cannot affirm, of mine own Knowledge; but 1 
have heard it reported, when I was grieved to 
think the fame to be fo true, that there wa?, 
through England, no Quarter Eajl, Wejl, North 
and South, but all concurred, in one Mind, to 
be in Readinefs to ferve for the Realm : And, 
that feme one Country was able to make a fuf- 
ficient Army of twenty-thoufand Men, fit to 
fight, and fifteen-thoufand of them well armed 
and weaponed ; and in fome Countries the Num- 
ber of forty- thoufand able Men. 

The maritime Countries from Cornwall, all 
along the Southfide of England to Kent ; 2nd 
from Kent Eaftward, by EJfex, Suffolk, and 
Norfolk to Lincoln/hire (which Countries, with 
their Haver.s, were well defcribed unto you, in 
perfect Plots, when Francis Throgmorton firft 
did treat with your Lordfhip about the fame) 
were fo furnifhed with Men of War, both of 
themfelves, and with Refcrt of Aid from their 
next Shires, as there was no Place to be doubted 
for landing of any foreign Forces, but there 
were, within eight and forty Hours, to come to- 
the Place above twenty-thoufand fighting Men 



f Enfigns. 



f Part of the Corps. 



X Volunteers. 



en 



142 

on Horfeback, and on Foot, with Field Ord- 
nance, Visuals, Pioneers and Carriages, and 
all thofe governed by the principal Noblemen of 
the Countries, and reduced under Captains of 
Knowledge. 

And one Thing, I heard of, that was very 
politickly ordered and executed, at this Time, 
as of many late Years was not ufed : That, as the 
Leaders and Officers of the particular Bands were 
Men of Experience in the Wars, fo, to make the 
Bands ftrong and conftant, Choice was made of 
the principal Knights of all Countries, to bring 
their Tenants to the Field, being Men of 
Strength, and landed, and of Wealth ; where- 
by, all the Forces, fo compounded, were of a 
refolute Difpofition to flick to their Lords and 
Chieftains, and the Chieftains to truft to their 
own Tenants. And to remember one ftranc;e 
Speech, that I heard fpoken, may be marvelled 
at, but it was avowed to me* for a Truth, that 
one Gentleman, in Kent, had a Band of one 
hundred and fifty Footmen, which were worth, 
in Goods, above one hundred and fifty Thoufand 
Pounds fterling, befides their Lands : Such Men 
would fight ftoutly before they would have loft 
their Goods, and, by Likelihood at this Time, 
many other Bands were made of fuch principal 
Men, both of Wealth and Strength. Ofthefe 
Things, I am forry to have Caufe to write in 
this Sort : Becaufe you may fee how heretofore 
you have been deceived with Advertifements of 
many, which had no Proof to know the Truth 
thereof, and fo I confefs myfelf in fome Things 
to have erred, namely, in imagining that, when- 
foever any foreign Power fhould be (ecn ready 
to land in any Part of this Realm, there would 
have been found but a frnall Number refolute 
to withftand the fame, or to defend the Queen, 
but that the fame would have been very unable 
for the Wars, untrained, raw-, and ignorant in 
all warlike Actions, without fufficient Armour 
and Weapons : And that alfo the Noblemen 
and Gentlemen that were in this Realm of our 
Religion, whereof, you know, we made Ac- 
count when you were here in England of very 
many, although many of them be dead fince 
that Time, but at this Time there are not fo 
many Tens, as we accounted Hundreds, whom 
we thought would have fhewed themfelves like 
Men of Courage for our common Caufe, and 
would have fuddenly furprifed the Houfes, Fa- 
milies, and Strength of the Hereticks and Adver- 
faries. 



Tbe Copy of a he Iter, See. 



But now, fuch is our Calamity, that it hath 
pleafed God, as I think, for ou'r Sins, or e 
for confounding of our bold Opinions, and Prc- 
fumptions, of our own Strength, to put in the 
Hearts of alj Perfons here one like Mind, and 
Courage to withftand the intended Invafion, as 
well in fuch as we accounted Catholicks, 
alfo in the Hereticks ; fo has it hath appeared 
manifcftly that for all earncft Proceeding for 
Arming, and for Contributions of Money, and 
for all other warlike Actions, there was no Dif- 
ference to be feen betwixt the Catholick, and 
the Heretic. But in this Cafe to withftand the 
threatened Conqueft, yea, to defend the Per- 
fon of the Queen, there appeared fuch a Sym- 
pathy, Concourfe, and Confent of all Sorts of 
Perfons, without Refpedt of Religion, as they 
all appeared to be ready to fight, againft ail 
Strangers, as it were with one Heart and one 
Body. And, though fome few principal Gentle- 
men, of whom heretofore you have had the 
Names in fuch Catalogues of Catholicks, as 
you have been acquainted withal, were lately, 
upon the Report of the Coming out of the 
Army to the Seas, fent to the Ifie of Ely, there 
to remain reftrained of their former Liberty, 
during the Expectation of this intended Invafion ; 
yet, it hath appeared, that they were not fo 
reftrained for any Doubt, that they would, with 
their Powers, have affifted our Army, but only 
thereby to make it known to all our Friends 
and Countrymen in Spain, and Flanders ; yea, 
even to yourfelf (for fo I heard it fpoken, as 
accounting you to have been the moft principal 
Author and Perfuadcr of this Action) that there 
fhould be no Hope to have any of them, or of 
their Friends, to affift thefe great Armies. And, 
in very Truth, I fee now, whofoever of our 
Friends in Spain, or in Flanders, or elfewhere, 
made any fuch Account of any Aid againft the 
Queen, or againft her Party here, they fhould 
have been deceived, if the Army had offered to 
have landed. For I myfelf have heard, that the 
beft of thofe, that were fent to Ely, did make 
Offers, yea, by their Letters to the Council 
here, figned with their Hands, that the}' would 
adventure their Lives, in Defence of the 
Queen, whom they named their undoubted 
Sovereign Lady and ^ueen, againft all foreign 
Forces, though the fame were fent from the 
Pope, or by his Commandment : Yea, divers 
of them did offer, that in this Quarrel, of in- 
vading the Realm with Strangers, they would 

pre- 



The Copy of a "Letter \ &c. 143 

prefent their own Bodies, in the foremoft Ranks, To which, thefe ear Adverfaries, pretending 

with their Countrymen againft all Strangers, fome fmall Drops of Charity, do anfwcr us, that 
Whereupon I heard alfo, by a fecret Friend of no Execution hath been of any, to their Know- 
mine in the Court, that it was once in fome ledge, for their Religion, or for Profeflion there- 
Towardnefs of Refolution amongft the Counfel- of; but, for that they, which have been execu- 
tors, that thev fhould have been returned, and tec, have been found to have wandered in the 
put to their former Liberty. But the Heat of Realm fecretly, and in a difguifed Manner, 
the War being kindled, with the Knowledge of which the Adverfaries fcorr. fully term as Ruf- 
the Kind's Armada, being at that Time come to fians, with Feathers, and all Ornaments of 
Groyne, and the Duke of Pafmlts Readinefs light-coloured Apparel, like to the Faihion of 
with fo great an Army and Shipping in Flan- Courtiers, and do vSz many Means to entice 
ders, daily looked for to tend in England, yea all People, with whom they dare adventure to 
to come to London, and a general Murmur of fpeak, not only to be reconciled to the Pope, 
the People, againft fuch Recufanis of Reputation, and Church of Ron:,; but to induce them by 
was the Caufe of the ftaying of thefe Gentle- Vows and Oaths to renounce their Obedience to 
men at Ely, notwithstanding their Offers of the Queen ; to deny her to be their Sovereign, 
their Service to the Queen ; and fo they do re- and themfelves to be difcharged of their Alle- 
main in the Bifhop's Palace there, with Fruition giance ; and to repute all Magistrates under her 
of large Walks about the fame, altogether with- to be unlawful, and in Confcience not to be 
out any Imprifonment, other than, that they obeyed, with many more fuch Matters (which 
are not fuffered to depart into the Town, or I neverthelefs count to be verv vain Calumiati- 
Country ; and yet, for their Religion, I dunk ons) tending to make the Facts of all fuch holy 
furely they do, and will, remain conftant to Pritfts, as are fent with Commimon to win 
the Obedience of the Church of Rome ; for the Men's Souls, to be direct Treafcns againft the 
which, neverthelefs, they are not impeached to Queen, and the State of the Realm, 
any Danger of their Lives, but only charged Thefe Defenders of thefe Judgments and Exc- 

with a Penalty of Money, becaufe they will cutions, contend, and do moft earneftly main- 
not come to the Churches ; whereby, by the tain, that all fuch Pritfts, Jefuits, Seminaries, 
Law, a Portion of their Revenue is allotted to and others, fo perfuading the People againft the 
the Queen, and the reft left to the Maintenance Queen, the Laws, the Government, and State of 
of them, their Wives, and Children. the Realm, and all others, that are fo perfuaded 

By which Kind of Proceedings our Adverfa- by them, aremanifsft Traytors ; and fo they fay, 
ries here do pretend, that both thefe Gentle- that their Indictments, and all Procefs of Law, 
men, and all other of their Qualities, are fa- extended and purfued againft them, do mani- 
vourably ufed, that they are not purfued to fcftly declare the fame. Wherein, thefe our 
Death for their Religion, as, they fay, it was Adverfaries do fometimes, for Maintenance of 
ufed in Queen Mary\ Time, and as it is daily their Arguments, (hew the- very Copies of their 
ufed (as they fay) moft rigoroufly and barba- Indictments and Judgments, wherein there is 
roufly in Spain, againft the Englifnmen that come no Mention made of charging them with their 
thither, only in Trade of Merchandize. And Religion, but that they have attempted to per- 
vet, I and others fometimes, privately fpeaking fuade the Queen's Subjects to forfake their Al- 
with fuch our Adverfaries, as we think are not legiance, and confequently to be Rebels to th 
malicioufly bent to have Men profecuted to Queen and Sovereign. 

Death, only for their Religion (for to fay the Li this Sort, thefe Men, for their Advantage, 

Truth, and as the Proverb is, not to bely the do 'at all Times, with thefe and many like ear- 
Devil, very many of our Contraries are, in that neft Arguments, maintain their Proceedings a- 
Point, not uncharitable) we do object, to them gainft the holy Priefts efuits, that have 

the Executions, by cruel Torments and Deaths, fufFered Death for their ?nces, as juft and 

of very manv, both here about London, and o- r . And though, where I and oth I 

ther Parts of the Realm, whom we account as may replv, without Peril to au (as fiirely 

Martyrs, in that they do witnefs, by their in fome fmall Com- nay, ufing mode ft 

Death, their Obedience to die Pope, and the Words) we object the Confeffion of the Catho- 
Catholic Church of Rome. lick Faith, by the Parties, at their Death, 

that 



144 



The Copy of a Letter \ &c. 



I with great C , which our Adverfa- 

deny, fo as iz mav feem thev die for 

tlishf Religion, yet is it on the other Part a- 

ifledged, and maintained, that they 

acithcr indicted, condemned, nor executed, 
for their Religion ; or for offering of themfelves 
to die for their Religion, but only for their for- 
mer Treafbns in confpiring ^.gamft the Queen, 
:e of the Realm; no otherwise, than of 
late Time Babington and all his Complices, 

> were condemned for their Attempt to have 
railed War in the Realm, and to have murdered 
the Queen, and to have fet up the Queen of Scots, 
all which the faid Babtnrton and all his Com- 
plices voluntarily confefled, and were condemn- 
ed and executed, only for thofe their great 
Treafons ; and yet divers of them, at the Place 
of their Execution, did make Confeffion of their 
Catholick Faith, with Offer to die for the fame, 
and yet (fay our Adverfaries) it ought not to be 
affirmed, that Babington and his Complices 
were put to Death for Religion, but for their 
Treafons. 

And, for further Maintenance of the coloured 
Arguments, wherewith I, and others my good, 
faithful, and Catholick Brethen, are often trou- 
bled how to anfwer them, it is alledged, that 
the great Number of Gentlemen, and Gentle- 
women, yea, fome of honourable Calling, and 
of other meaner Degrees, are known manifeftly 
to be of a contrary Religion to the Laws of 
the Realm, both near the Court and far off, and 
yet thev are never purfued by any Form of Law, 
to put their Lives in Danger, or queftioned, or 
imprifoned, for their Opinions in Religion, 
whereby to bring them in any Danger. Only 
fuch as are prefented or complained of, by the 
Parilhioners where they dwell, for never coming 
to any Church, by the Space of certain Months 
in a whole Year, are thereof indicted, and af- 
terward being called to anfwer thereto, if they 
can fliew no fuch lawful Excufe, as the Law 
hath provided, thev are then condemned to pay 
a Penalty, out of their Goods and Lands, if 
they have any, and not otherwife punifhed, nor 
vet, bv Inquifition, any of them examined of 
their Faith. But yet fay thefe Defenders, if they 
fhew themfelves, by their open Deeds and Facds, 
to be reconciled from their Allegiance and Obe- 
dience to the Queen, and that they will therein 
perfift, then thev are therewith charged, and 
punifhed according to the Laws, therefore pro- 
vided- 



Thefe Arguments in their Defence I do not 
repeat as allowing - them, but yet fureh 
do move me, and fo e others that are wife, t>> 
think, that, indeed, th Rafhnefs of diver, coj 
ming fecretly into ti._ Realm, and profefling 
themfelves to be Priefts, many of them being 
both very young, unlearned, and of light Be- 
haviour, hath done great Harm to the Good- 
nefs of our common Caufe ; and if they, and 
fuch others, could have temperately and fee: 
ly info ucted the People, and ufed more Circum- 
fpection in their own Living and Behaviour, 
there would have been a greater Incrtafe of 
Numbers, perfuaded in Confcience to have join- 
ed with us in our Profeffion. Whereof I am 
the bolder to write to you, my Lord, that you 
may confer with our Countrymen, that have Ac- 
cefs unto you, and that they alfo may deal with 
the Fathers of the Jcfuiis, that more Care and 
Choice be had ot fuch Englijhmen, as are here- 
after to be fent into England, and not to fend 
every young Man, that hath more Boldnefs, 
than Learning and Temperance, for fuch a 
Function. 

In the former Part of this my Declaration 
to you, of the univerfal Concurrence of all Men 
of Value, Wealth, and Strength, in the Body 
of the Realm, to ferve and defend the Queen 
and the Realm, I forgot to report unto you the 
great Numbers of. Ships of the Subjects of the 
Realm ; as of London, and other Port-towns, 
and Cities, that voluntarilv, this Year, were 
armed, able to make a full Navy of themfelves 
for an Arm)-, and all at the proper Colts of 
the Burgeffes, for certain Months, with Men, 
Victuals, and Munition, which did join with 
the Queen's own Navy, all this Summer ; a 
Thing never in any former Age heard of, o- 
therwife than, that fuch Ships were always 
hired, waged, and viedurdled by the Kings of the 
Realm ; which argued, to the Grief of me and 
fome others, a moft vehement and unaccuftomed 
AfFedticn and Devotion in the Cities and 
Port-towns, fuch, as they fhewed themfelves 
therein ready to fight, as it had been, pro arts 
fef focis\ i.e. For their Religion and Liberties. 

Of the Number and Strength of the Queen's 
own Ships of War, I think you have been fuf- 
ficiently informed many Times heretofore. 
But yet I will make you a true Report of the 
State of them this prefent Summer, what I have 
credibly heard thereof; becaufe I have been ve- 
ry forry to hear how you and others have been 

therein 



The Copy of a 

therein abufed ; and that not only in this Mat- 
ter of the Queen's Ships, but in fome other 
Things alfo of late, whereof fome Part hath 
been here by very many, malicioufly, and in 
common Speeches, imputed to your own In- 
vention and Publication : Whereof, in a few 
Words, I will make fome Digreflion, before I 
fhall fhew the Eftate of the Queen's Navy. 

In this Summer paft, there was printed in 
Paris, by your Direction (as it was reported) 
a notable Untruth, which I did fee, and read : 
That the King of Scots had befieged Berwick, 
and had won it by Aflault, and pofTelTed it qui- 
etly : Whereof no Part was true, nor any 
Caufe to imagine the fame, though I wifh it had 
fo been : But not for any good Will that I now 
bear to that King, but for the Trouble to this 
Queen. For, in Truth, there is no Good for 
us to be hoped for from the King of Scots, how- 
foever the Scottijh Bifhops in France have fought 
to make you believe otherwife, who is rooted 
in the Calvinijl Religion, as there is never 
Hope that he can be recovered to the Church 
of Rome : And fo I think you are of late duly 
informed, and by his violent Actions againft di- 
vers Catholicks, and againft all that favour the 
Spaniards, may certainly appear. 

And, likewife, another great Untruth was late- 
ly printed (as your Enemies fay) by your Direc- 
tion alfo, in Paris, that now in July laft, when 
the Spanijh Fleet and Englijh had met and 
fought, betwixt France and England, the Spa- 
niards had then a great Victory, wherein they 
had funk the Lord Admiral of England, with 
fixteen of the Queen's great Ships, into the Bot- 
tom of the Sea, and that all the reft were driven 
to fly with the Vice-Admiral Francis Drake. 
Upon thefe two fo notable Untruths, which 
the Adverfaries fpightfully called Don Bernardin 
Afendoza's Mendacia *, many who honour vou 
were right forry, that you fhould give fo hafty 
Credit, to publifh the fame (as your Enemies 
fay) you did : Though I have to my Power, 
for Clearing of your Honour, given it out, that 
thefe, and fuch like, have proceeded of the 
Lightnefs of the French, who commonly print 
more Lyes than Truths, in fuch doubtful Times, 
and not of you, whofe Honour and Wifdom 
I thought would not be juftly touched with fo 
great Untruths and Lyes : Confidering always, 
a fmall Time will difcover Things that are in 
Facts reported untruly, and bringeth the Au- 
thors to Difcredit and Infamy. There hath 
been a Speech alfo reported here, to have pro- 

* i. e. Sir Banardi 



Letter, 6cc. 14^ 

ceeded from you in Prance, that hath caufed a 
great Miflikirtg of you in Scotland ; which 
that you fhoul J, in open Aflembly, and in a 
Bravery fay, that the young King of Scots 
(whom you called, in your Language, a Boy) 
had deceived the King your Matter : But, if 
the King's Navy might profper againft England, 
the King of Scots fhould lofc his Crown : And of 
this the King of Scots hath been aavertifed out 
of France, and ufeth very evil Language of you, 
which I will not report. 

But now to leave this Digreffion, and to re- 
turn to let you know the Truth of the State of 
the Queen's Navy this Summer : The fome 
was in the Beginning of the Year, when the 
Bruit was brought of theReadinefs of the King's 
Armada in Lijbon, and of the Army by Land, 
upon the Sea Coafts in Flanders, with their 
Shipping, divided into three Companies : The- 
greateft under the Charge of Charles Lord 
Howard, High Admiral of England, whofe Fa- 
ther, Grandfather, Uncles, great Uncles, and 
others of his Houfe, being of the noble Houfe 
of the Dukes of Norfolk, had alfo been High 
Admirals afore him, whereof both France and 
Scotland have had Proof. 

Another Company were appointed to remain 
with the Lord Henry Seymour, fecond Son to 
the Duke of Somerfct, that was Protector in 
King Edward's Time, and Brother to the now 
Earl of Hertford : And thefe Companies, for a 
Time, continued in the narrow Seas, betwixt 
England and Flanders, under the Charge of the 
faid High Admiral, to attend on the Duke of 
Parma's Actions. 

A third Company were armed in the Weft 
Part of England, towards Spain, under the 
Conduct of Sir Francis Drake ; a Man by Name 
and Fame known too too well to all Spain, and 
the King's Indies, and of great Reputation in 
England : And this was compounded, partly of 
fome of the Queen's own Ships, and partly of 
the Ships of the Weft Parts. 

But, after that it was certainly underftood, 
that the great Navy of Spain was ready to come 
out from Lijbon, and that the Fame thereof was 
blown abroad in Chriftendom, to be invincible, 
and fo publilhed by Books in Print ; the Queen 
and all her Council, I am fure (whatfoever 
good Countenance they made) were not a little 
perplexed, as looking certainly for a dangerous 
Fight upon the Seas, and after that, for a Land- 
ing and Invafion. Whereupon, the Lord Ad- 
miral was commanded to fail with the greateft 



n M<.ndoz.aS Lyes. 

U 



Ships, 



1 46 The Copy of a 

Ships, to the Weft of England, towards Spain, 
to join with Drake, whom he made Vice-Ad- 
miral, and to continue in the Seas betwixt 
France and England, to ftop the Landing of the 
Navy of Spain. And, with the Lord Admiral, 
went in certain of the Queen's Ships, the Lord 
Thomas Howard, fecond Son to the laft Duke 
of Norfolk, and the Lord Sheffield, Son to the 
Admiral's Sifter, who is Wife to the Queen's 
AmbaflfaJor in France, with a great Number of 
Knights of great Livclode : And at that Time 
the Lord Henry Seymour was left with a good 
Number of Ships in the narrow Seas, upon the 
Coaft of Flanders, to attend on the Duke of 
Parma. 

Whilft thefe two Navies were thus divided, 
I confefs to you, that I, and others of our Part, 
fecretly made full Account that none of all thefe 
Englijh Ships durft abide the Sight of the Ar- 
madu of Spain : Or, if they would abide any 
Fight, yet they mould all be funk at the firft 
Encounter. For fuch conftant Opinion we had 
conceived, by the Reports of the World, that 
the Greatnefs and Number of the Ships, and 
the Army of Spain, being the chofen VefTels of 
all the King's Dominions, was fo exceflive mon- 
ftrous, beyond all the Navies that ever had been 
teen in Chriftendom (not excepting the Armada 
at Lepanto) that no Power could abide in their 
Way. But how far deceived we were therein, 
a very fhort Time, even the firft Day, did 
manifeftly, to the great Difhonour of Spain, 
difcover. For when the Catholick Army came 
to the Coaft of England, which, indeed, the 
Englijh confefs, did feem far greater than they 
looked for, and that they were aftonifhed at the 
Sight of them : Yet the Lord Admiral and 
Drake, having but only fifty of the Englijh 
Ships out of the Haven of Plymouth, where the 
reft remained for a new Revi&ualling, without 
tarrying for the reft of the Navy that was in 
Plymouth, they did offer prefent Fight, and fu- 
rioufly purfued the whole Navy of Spain, being 
above one-hundred and fixty Ships : So as the 
fame with the furious and continual Shot of the 
Englijh one whole Day, fled without any return- 
ing. And after, the Englijh Navy, being increafed 
to an hundspd. great and fmall, renewed their 
Fight with' terrible great Shot all the whole 
Day, gaining always the Wind of the Spanijh 



Letter, &c. 

Navy. And as I am forry to remember the Par- 
ticularities, which the Englijh have largely writ- 
ten to their own Praife : So to fpeak all in one 
Word, for nine Days together, they ftill forced 
them to fly, and deftroyed, funk, and took, in 
three Day's Fight, divers of the greateft Ships : 
Out of which, efpecially out of the principal 
great Ship of Andalufia, and out of the Admi- 
ranta * of Guipufqv.e ; and thirdly, out of the 
principal great Galliafs of Naples, great Num- 
bers were brought (befide many more killed and 
drowned) to London, and to fundry other Ports 
of the Realm, to the great Difhonour of Spain ; 
Amongft which Prifoners were a great Number 
of Captains, both for Land and Sea. And be- 
fides that, which deeply blemifheth the Honour 
of Spain, and vexeth me at my Heart, to con- 
fider the Inequality of Fortune, it is vaunted by 
our Adverfaries, that, in all the Time of thefe 
Fights fo many Days, the Spaniards did never 
take, or fink, any Englijh Ship or Boat, or 
break any Maft, or took any one Man Prifoner. 
A Matter, that, indeed, thefe Spaniards, which 
are taken, do marvel at greatly, and chafe there- 
at : So as fome of them, in their Anguifh of 
Mind, let not to fay, that, in all thefe Fights, 
Chrift fhewed himfelf a Lutheran f . 

And though fuch Speeches be unadvifed, and 
not to be regarded, yet furely it is moft mani- 
feft, that in all this Voyage, from the Coming 
of the Navy out of Lifbon, even to this Hour, 
God did {hew no Favour to ours any one Day, 
as he did continually to thefe Lutherans : 
Which, perchance, may be done for our Good, 
to corredf. us, as putting our Truft wholly in 
our worldly Strength, and to the Confufion 
hereafter of the Lutherans, by puffing them up, 
being his Enemies, with Profperity for a Time, 
to be afterwards the Caufe of theif Ruin. And 
amongft other Things reported, to the Difho- 
nour of the Duke of Medina, who, it is faid, was 
lodged in the Bottom of his Ship for his Safety, 
and to a great Touch to the Commanders of the 
Spanijh Navy, that they never would turn their 
Ships, nor ftay them, to defend any df their 
own Ships that were forced, fo tarry behind, but 
fuffered divers to perifh, as are good WitnefTes 
• thereof the three great VefTels, one wherein 
Don Pedro de Valdez was taken ; another Gal- 
leon oiGuipufque, that was fpoiled by Fire, and 



* Admiral's Ship. \ Note, that rJl the foreign Papijls fcarce know any other D!ffinc\ion in the Re- 
formed Churches, than Lutheran and CuhhiJ}, and generally fuppofe the Church of Englqnd to be a Luthe- 



ran Church. 



the 



The Copy of a 

the noble Galliafs, wherein Hugo de Mor.cada 
was Hain : Or" which Lack of Care, bv the Duke 
of Medina, thefe opamaras, that are taken, give 
very evil Report. The like is faid in Zeland, 
bv the Spaniards there, that were faved with 
Diego de Pimentelii, though the Galleon, where- 
in he was, being beaten with the Englifo Shot, 
and not fuccoured by the Navy of Spain, did 
there periih in their Coming to Flujhing, and 
fo alfo did another likewife periih for Lack of 
Succour, before OJiend. 

And now I mull needs think that you are 
-ftricken with fome Grief of Mind, or rather 
with fome Anger towards me, to hear from me 
fo much of thofe adverfe Things, although they 
are too true : And, therefore, I alfo imagine you 
may be defirous, for your better Contentation, 
to underftand what Opinions we that are here 
have, being thus fru {Irate of our expected De- 
livery, by the Defeat of this Enterprife : Whe- 
ther we do comfort ourfelves with a Conceit 
that this Aition may be, by any Probability, 
once again renewed this next Year, for the 
Recovery of our loft Hope this Year, famoufly 
fpoken of by the Number of Eighty-eight, and 
fo verified, to the Lofs of all Catholicks. Where- 
in, furely, for our own Parts, as by fecret Con- 
ference, I find, with many with whom I have 
fecretly, of late, upon this unfortunate Acci- 
dent, conferred, we cannot judge of any Like- 
lihood of good Succefs for any long Time : And 
if there fhould any be hoped for, furely the 
Sea- forces of the Catholick King muft of Ne- 
ceffity be more increafed, and better alfo go- 
verned than they were this Year. For this we 
here do confider, that this Enterprife of Invafi- 
on and Conqueft, was always principally ground- 
ed upon many probable Opinions of the evil 
State of the R*ealm *. 

Fir/l, of the Weaknefs of the Englijh Navy ; 
for fo, you know, you were divers Ways this 
laft Year advertifed from hence ; and fo, alfo, 
many of us here did conceive the fame : Wherein 
we fee., by all this Year's Service with thefe 
Ships, we did all notably err. 

Next, of. a fuppofed evil Contentment of a 
Number of People in this Land to ferve the 
Queen, and her Government, againft her Ene- ' 
mies. 

Lajily, and moft principally, of a great, ftrong 
Party that would-be found here in the Favour of 
us for the Catholick Religion, that fhould take 



Letter, &c. 147 

Arms againft the Queen, upon the firft Sight of 
the Catholick Navy on the Coafts of Englard. 
Of all which Opinions, fettled in good Men's 
Minds, in Manner of Judgments, we know 
that none in the World did more conftantly 
amire the King thereof, than you : Which, 
as the Matters have evil fucceeded, may, I 
fear, bring you in Danger of his Indignation, 
although I know you meant very well therein. 

And as thefe three Opinions have all failed 
this Year, fo I afiure you, though fome of ours 
on that Side the Seas may perfift in their former 
Opinions againft the Experience lately feen {as 
it is likely they may be forced to do, to main- 
tain themfelves in Credit, for continuing their 
neceffary Relief from the Pope, and the King, 
having no other Means to keep them from Starv- 
ing or Begging) yet, becaufe I would not have 
you further deceived by them, who have not 
been prefent in the Realm, to fee fuch contra- 
ry Proofs againft all their Conceits, as I and 
others have done : I will fhew you a great 
Number of manifeft Arguments, though I am 
forry at my Heart to remember them, whereby 
you, in your Wifdom (if you be not blinded by 
others) mall fee it moft certain, that thefe for- 
mer Opinions, for Comfort to be had from 
hence, will prove the next Year as ftrong againft 
us, and, in fome Part, more ftrong than they 
proved this Year, if any Account fhould be 
made thereof. 

Firji, for the Navy of England, which hath 
this Year, to the Sight of the World, proved 
to be of great Force and Value, for thofe Seas, 
and able to overmatch, in their Manner of 
Fight, double to their Number, of the great 
Galleons, Carracks, GalliafTes, or Gallies, it is 
certain that it will be greatly increafed this 
next Year : For, I know, that, within thefe 
few Days, Bargains are already made, and Im- 
preft of Money delivered, and certain fent into 
the EjJlands, for great Store of all maritime 
Provifions. And, as for the Increafe of the 
Number of good Ships for the Queen's proper 
Ufe, there is already a great Quantity cf Tim- 
ber ready, and Order given to fell more in No- 
vember and December next, in the Countries 
near both to the Sea, and to the "Thames, to build 
a Number of Ships of XVar, equal to thofe 
whofe Sen ice was feen this Year, to have over- 
matched the great Armadas and Caftles of Spain 
and Italy. And, furthermore, to join with the 



* This ought to betftell remarked ; and it is upon thefe Suppofitions, that the Enemy did ever attack us. 

U 2 Navy 



148 The Copy of a Letter, Sec. 

Navy of England, this Year following, not on- Day unoccupied) to bring thef; 



ly the Hollanders and Zelanders, but alfo Ships 
of Denmark, and other Parts of EJiland, will 
certainly be had in great Numbers, whereof 
there was none at all required this Year paft, to 
join with the Navy of England ; only certain 
Hollanders and Zelanders offered their Service 
(according as they are bound) in the End of 
this Summer, fince the Conflict near Calais, 
to join with fome of the Englijh Navy in the 
narrow Seas, to defend the Ifiuing of the Duke 
of Parma out of the Ports of Flanders : And in 
that Service, at this Time, there are above for- 
ty and fix good Ships of War, with the V ice- 
Admiral Jujtinia-i, of Najffhu, a Man that a- 
greeth too well with the Englijh Nation, and is 
a fworn Enemy to all Spaniards, and Catho- 
licks : And ar.it is reported, for certain, there 
arc threefcore more coming out of North-Hol- 
land to the Seas, for the fame Purpofe : So as it 
be doubted, that this Realm, this next 
, will be double as ftrong as it was this laft 
Year. 

As to the fecond Branch of our Hope depend- 
ing upon Opinion of fome great Mifcontentment 
of fundry Perfons againft the Qjeen, the Proof 



is to 

Year 



Sei vices to Efr 
feet ; and yet fhe did ftill continue her Commif- 
fkmeis, in the Low Countries, to treat of Peace, 
which furely, fhe defired to have obtained, fo 
that fhe might have had the fame, with cer- 
tain Conditions. So 2s to content her People, 
fhe did both treat and defire Peace, and did jiot T 
in the mean Tine, neglect to make her Realm 
ftrong for Defence, if Peace could not be gotr 
ten. But in the End, when her Demands were 
wholly refufed (whereof we and all Catholick- 
were moft glad) and that fhe underftood very 
certainly, that the Army of the Duke of Parma 
fhould come firft to deftroy the City of London^ 
flie revoked her CommiiTioners, approached Lon- 
don in Perfon, and did lie, as it were, in the 
Suburbs of the fame, whereby they of the City 
took great Comfort, having daily in Shew and 
Mufter of their own ten-thoufand Men armed 
ana trained of very able Men of the Citv, and 
in Readinefs thirty-thoufand more, able to fight, 
She caufed alfo an Army to be brought to 
incamp, near the Sea-fide, upon the River of 
'Thames, betwixt the Sea and the City, twenty 
Miles beneath the City ; and, after the Army 
was come thither, fhe would not by any Advice 



of the Contrary fo appeared this Year, both of be ftayed, but for Comfort of her People, 2nd 

her Actions, to maintain the Liking of all her to fhew her own Magnanimity of Heart (as fhe 

People, and of the general earneft Devotion faid, fhe would fo do, though fhe was a Wo- 

fhevved to her by all Eftates, Noble and Mean, man) fhe went to that Army lying betwixt the 

Rich and Poor, as I think no Prince chriftened City and the Sea, under the Charge of the Er.rl 

ever had greater Caufe of Comfort in her Peo- of Leicejler, placing herfelf, betwixt the Ene- 

ple ; which I may judge to breed a Pride in my and her City, and there viewed her Armv, 



her. And, to recompenie the fame, fhe did moft 
notably fhew herl'clr in this Time, even when 
moft Danger was threatened, in all her Actions 
towards her People, as careful for their Weal, 
and for the Safety of her Realm, without any 
fpecial or particular Proviilon, or Regard to her 
own Perfon, as ever any Prince could do. Firft, 
to let her People underftand what Care fhe 
had to make her Realm ftrong againft Invafion, 
fhe politicallv, jeamoft carefully, by her own 
frequent Directions, caufed her whole Realm to 
be put in Arms ; fhe took Account thereof her- 
felf by monthly Certificates, from fuch as were 
made her Lieutenants, in every Shire of her 
Realm ; fhe caufed Armour, Powder, Wea- 
pons, to be fent to all Countries, and Ord- 
nance to all Maritime Countries : There were 
alfo fundry Armies defcribed, to defend every 
Coaft of the Sea, and as I heard it reported, by 
fome that did know the Secrets of the Court, 
was importunate with her Council to leave no 



and palled though it divers Times, lodged 
the Borders of it, returned again, and dined in 
the Army : And firft, faw the People as they 
were, by their Countries, lodged and quartered, 
in their feveral Camps, which fhe viewed, from 
Place to Place. Afterward, when they were 
all reduced into Battles, ready, as it were, to 
fight with anv Enemy, fhe rode round about 
them, and did view them curioufly, being ac- 
companied only but with the General, and three 
or four others attending on her : But, yet to 
fhew her State, I well marked it, fne had the 
Sword carried before her, by the Earl of Or- 
mond. 

There fhe was generally faluted with Cries, 
with Shouts, with all Tokens of Love, of Obe- 
dience, of Readinefs and Willingnefs to fight 
for her, as feldom hath been feen, in a Camp 
and Armv, confidering fhe was a Queen ; and 
all tended to fhew a marvellous Concord, in a 
mutual Love, betwixt a Queen and her Subjects ; 

and 



The Copy 'of a Letter \ Sec. 149 

and of Reverence, and Obedience of Subjects, few Hours Warning, they will afturcdly return 
to a Sovereign ; all which (he acquitted with with them in good Array. 
very princely Thanks, and good Speeches. I Befide thefe forefaid Arguments to difprove 
could enlarge this Defcription^ with many more the Opinion of Difcontentment of the People, 
Particularities of mine own Sight, for thither I which heretofore hath been thought a great Fur- 
went, as many others did ; and all that Day, wan- therance to this honourable Action, I will alfo 
tiering from Place to Place, I never heard any remember you fome other more notable Actions, 
Word fpoken of her, but in praifingher for her to prove both Contestation and Readinefs, in 
ftately Perfon, and princely Behaviour ; and in all the Nobility of the Realm at this Time, 
praying; for her Life and Safety, and curfing of that were not tied to abide in their Countries 
all her Enemies, both Tray tors, and all Papifts, by Reafon of their Offices, as Lieutenants and 
with earneft Defire to venture their Lives for Governors there, for martial Services. For, 
her Safetv. as fbon as it was heard that the Queen was come 
And, befides fuch particular Acclamations, near London, and that the Armies were in ga- 
the whole Armv, in every Quarter, did devout- thering to come out of the Countries, for De- 
lv at certain Times fing in her Hearing, in very fence of all Invafions, and Reports brought from 
tunable Manner, divers Pfalms, put into Form the Sea-coafts of the Appearance of the Spani/h 
of Prayers in Praife of Almighty God, no Navy, all the Noblemen in the Realm, from 
ways to be mifliked, which fne greatly com- Eaft and Weft, from North and South, except- 
mended, and with very earneft Speech thanked ing only fuch great Lords as had fpecial Govern- 
God with them. This that I write, you may ments in the Countries, that might not lawful- 
be fure, I do not with any Comfort, but to give ly be abfent from their Charge, and fome few 
you thefe manifeft Arguments, that neither this that were not able to make Forces according to 
Queen doth difcontent her People, nor her their Defire, came to the Queen, bringing with 
People do fhew any Difcontentation, in any them, according to their Degrees, and to the 
Thing that they be commanded to do, for her uttermoft of their Power, goodly Bands of Horfe- 
Service, as heretofore hath been imagined. She men, both Lances, Light-horfemen, and fuch 
had alfo an Army of about forty-thoufand Foot- other as are termed Carbines or Argeleticrs *, 
men, and of fix-thoufand Horfemen, under the lodging their Bands round about London, and 
Charge of the Lord Hun/don, Lord Chamber- maintaining them in Pay at their own Charges all 
lain, as Lieutenant of that Army, made ready the Time, until the Navy of Spain was certainly 
from the Inland Parts of the Realm, to be a- known to be paffed beyond Scotland. And of 
bout her own Perfon, without difarming the thefe Noblemen, many (hewed their Bands of 
Maritime Countries ; fo as many marched out their Horfemen, before the Queen, even in the 
of fundry Countries, towards her, at the very Fields afore her own Gate, to the great Mar- 
Time that fhe was in the Camp ; fome came vel of Men of good Judgment (as I heard re- 
to the Suburbs, and Towns, near London, whom ported) for that the Number of them was fo 
{he remanded to their Countries, becaufe their great, and fo well armed, and horfed, as know- 
Harveft was at Hand, and many of them would ing that they were no Parcel of the Numbers of 
not be countermanded, but ftill approached on- Horfemen limited in every Country, and put 
ward on their own Charges (as they faid) to fee into Bands with the Armies defcribed, it was 
her Perfon, and to fight with them that boafted thought, before they were feen, that there had 
to conquer the Realm. But, though the greateft not been fo many fpare Horfes of fuch Valour in 
Number of the faid Soldiers were compelled to the whole Realm, excepting the North Part of 
return, yet the Captains, Leaders, and the prin- England, towards Scotland, whofe Forces con- 
cipal Knights and Gentlemen came to the fift chiefly of Horfemen. 

Court, to offer their Service ; and thofe were The firft that fhewed his Bands to the Queen, 

gracioufly accepted of her, with many Thanks, was that noble, virtuous, honourable Man, the 

and are now for the more Part returned with Vifcount Montague, who, howfoever Men do 

a full Determination, and firm Promife to con- judge of him for Opinion in Religion, yet, to 

tinue their Bands in fuch Readinefs, as, upon a tell you the Truth, he is reported always to 

* Troopers. 

have 



1 50 The Copy of a 

have piofefTed, as now alfo at this Time he did 
profefs and proteft folemnly, both to the Queen, 
and to all her Court, in open Aflemblies, that 
he now came, though he was very fickly, and 
in Age, with a full Refolution to live and die 
in Defence of the Queen, and of his Country, 
againft all Invaders, whether it were Pope, 
King, or Potentate whatfoever ; and, in that 
Quarrel, he would hazard his Life, his Chil- 
dren, his Lands and Goods. And, to fhew his 
Mind agreeablv thereto, he came perfonally 
himfelf before the Queen, with his Band of 
Horfemen, being almoft two-hundred ; the 
fame being led by his own Sons, and with them 
a young, Child, very comely feated on Horfe- 
back, being the Heir of his Houfe, that is, 
the eldeft Son to his Son and Heir : A Matter 
much noted of many, whom I heard to com- 
mend the fame, to fee a Grandfather, Father, 
and Son, at one Time on Horfeback, afore a 
Queen, for her Service ; though, in Truth, I 
was forry to fee our Adverfaries fo greatly pleaf- 
ed therewith. But I cannot conceal it from 
your Lordfhip's Knowledge, becaufe I think 
this Nobleman is known unto you, having been 
ufed as an AmbafTador to the Catholick King 
many Years paft by this Queen (as I have heard) 
to require Confirmation of the Treaties of Ami- 
ty, betwixt both their Fathers. And of this 
Nobleman's Conditions, I think, there be fome 
others, of whom there is no Account to be 
made, that they will give Favour to any At- 
tempt againft the Queen, or to any Invafion of 
the Realm. 

There were alfo many, at the fame Time, 
that made Shews of great Numbers of fervice- 
able Horfes, whereof, though it be no Comfort 
for you to hear, yet it is good that you be not 
abufed for Lack of Knowledge, how the prefent 
State is here; that you may better judge hereaf- 
ter, what may be done to recover this late Lofs 
and Difhonour. At this Time the Earl of 
Lincoln, and the Lord IVindfor, with fome 
Knights and Gentlemen with them, fhewed 
their Bands, as the Lord Montague had done ; 
and, after them, the Lord Chancellor fhewed 
goodly Bands of Horfemen and Footmen at his 
own Houfe, very many and ftrong. And, with- 
in one or two Days after, the Earl of War- 
wick, the Lord Burleigh, Lord Treafurer, the 
Lord Compton, and, in the End of the Day, 
the Earl of Lcicefter, and the Lord Rich, be- 
fides fundry Knights of the Realm, fhewed eve- 
ry of them feveral ftrong Bands of Horfemen, 



Letter, &c. 

to the great Liking of the Queen, and of all 
the People that were there, being many Thou- 
fands. And, within two Days after that, the 
Earl of EJfex, being Mafter of the Queen's 
Horfe, with certain principal Gentlemen, his 
Servants, Friends, and Followers, fhewed be- 
fore the Queen above three-hundred Horfes of 
all Service, and a great Number of Carbines, 
and a fair Band of Footmen, all Mufqueteers. 
This Shew exceed in Number any other par- 
ticular Band, and the Earl himfelf, with a 
great Number of Lances, horfed and armed, 
did run very many Courfes, and efpecially with 
the Earl of Cumberland, as they call it, the 
Courfe of the Field, which I had never feen be- 
fore ; and did alfo himfelf, and his Company, 
tournay on Horfeback a very long Time, and 
caufed alfo his Carbines, and his Footmen, to 
make many Skirmifhes there, to the great Liking 
of the Queen, and of the Multitude of People, 
which were many Thoufands. Amongft whom 
I heard many vehement Speeches againft all Eng- 
lijh Papifts, calling them all Traytors, wifning 
alfo, that the Spaniards had been there in that 
Field with treble the Number, to make Proof 
of the Value of Englijhmen ; all which I heard 
to my great Grief, with many Curfes againft 
all their Countrymen, faying, that they, as ar- 
rant Traytors to their native Country, had vil- 
lanoufly fold, as far as in them did lie, the Liber- 
ty of their own Country to Spaniards and other 
Papifts. It behoved me not there to have con- 
traried any of them, for furely, if I had, their 
Rancour was fo ftirred up, by the Comfort of 
thefe fair Shews of Horfemen, as they would 
there in the Field in their Rage have killed me, 
and cut me in a thoufand Pieces. 

Befides thefe Lords above-named, there were 
brought to the Town other fair Bands, by the 
Earl of JVorceJler, the Earl of Hertford, the 
Lord Audley, Lord Morley, Lord Dacres, Lord 
Lomley, Lord Mountjoy, Lord Sturton, Lord 
Darcy, Lord Sands, Lord Mordaunt, and by 
every one that were of the Privy Council ; ib 
as, by Eft i mat ion, there were about London, at 
that Time, above five-thoufand Horfes readv to 
ferve the Queen, befides all the Horfemen that 
were raifed in all other Countries for the Ar- 
mies and the Sea Coafts. And befides thefe, I 
heard in a very good Place, where I was filent, 
that there were, by Account, twice as many in 
Readinefs, with the Noblemen that were abfent, 
attending on their Charges in their feveral Lieute- 
nancies. As the Marquis of JVincheJler, one 

counted 



The Copy of a Letter , Sec. 



counted to be the ftrongeft Man of his own Fur- 
niture for Horfe and Armour, who is Lieute- 
nant of Hampjhirey with the Earl of Sujex, 
Captain of Port/mouth, and Lieutenant alfo of 
Dorjetjhire. Next to him is in Account the 
Earl of Shrewsbury, Earl Marfhal of England, 
Lieutenant of a great Number of Counties, 
and of great Power of his own, both for Horfe- 
men and Footmen, befides the Power of the 
Lord Talbot his Son. The Earl of Darby alfo, 
though he was in Flanders, from whence he 
came lately, yet his Son, the Lord Strange, 
Lieutenant of Lancajhire and Chejhire, in his 
Abfence, is faid to have raifed a great Power 
of Horfemen. And to (hew the popular Affec- 
tion to this Earl in his Country, I heard it 
for certain reported, that, when the Earl conti- 
nued longer in Flanders than they liked, and 
doubting of his Return, for that they fuppofed 
the Duke of Parma would flay him, and the o- 
ther Commiflioners there, the People of his 
Country, in a Generality, did amongft them- 
felves determine, that the Lord Strange, the 
Earl's Son, and all the Manhood of Lancajhire 
and Chejhire, would go over the Seas and fetch 
the Earl Home. A Matter for no Purpofe to 
be fpoken of, but to note the Force of the Love 
which the People do bear to the Earl, who, 
with his Son, is firmly bent againft the Pope. 

The Earl of Bath alfo, Lieutenant of Devon- 
Jlnre, had, as is faid, great Forces of his own 
ready to have impeached the Landing of any 
Strangers in Devonshire. The Earl of Pembroke 
alfo, being Lieutenant of Somerjetjhire and Wilt- 
Jlnre, and Lord Prefident of all Wales, was rea- 
dy to have come to the Queen with three-hun- 
dred Horfeman, and five-hundred Footmen, all 
of his own Retinue, leaving all the Countries 
under his Charge fully furnifhed. 

I omit here to fpeak of the Bands of Horfe- 
men, belonging to the Earls of Northumberland 
and Cumberland, which though they were ready 
to have been {hewed at the fame Time; yet the 
Earls, hearing of the Spanljh Army approaching, 
went voluntarily to the Sea- fide in all Hafte, 
and came to the Queen's Navy before the Fight 
afore Calais. Where they, being in feveral 
of the Queen's Ships, did, with their own Per- 
fons, valiant Services againft the King's Armada. 
And to (hew the great Readinefs in a Genera- 
lity of fundry others at the fame Time, to ad- 
venture their Lives in the faid Service, there 
went to the Sea at the fame Time divers Gen- 
lemen of good Reputation, who voluntarily 



without any Charge, and without Knowledge 
of the Queen, put themfelvcs into the Queen's 
Navy in fundry Ships, wherein they ferved at the 
Fight before Calais ; of which Number, being 
very great, I remember that the Names of fome 
of them were thefe : Mr. Henry Brook, Son and 
Heir to the Lord Cobham, Sir Thomas Cecil, Son 
and Heir to the Lord Treafurer, Sir William 
Hatton, Heir to the Lord Chancellor, Sir Ho- 
ratio Pallavicino, a Knight of Genoa, Mailer 
Robert Cary, Son to the Lord Hun/don, Sir 
Charles Blunt, Brother to the Lord Mountjoy. 
But much Speech is of two Gentlemen of the 
Court that went to the Navy at the fame Time, 
whofe Names are Thomas Gerard, and William 
Hervy, to me not known, but now here about 
London fpoken of with great Fame. Thefe two 
adventured out of a Ship-boat, to fcale the great 
Galliafs, wherein Moncada was, and entered the 
fame only with their Rapiers ; a Matter com- 
monly fpoken, that never the like was hazarded 
before, confidering the Height of the Galliafs 
compared to a Ship-boat. 

And yet, to make it more manifeft, how 
earneft all Sorts of Noblemen, and Gentlemen, 
were to adventure their Lives in this Service, it 
is reported that the Earl of Oxford, who is one 
of the moft antient Earls of this Land, went 
alfo to the Sea to ferve in the Queen's Army. 
There went alfo, for the fame Purpofe, a fe- 
cond Son of the Lord Treafurer, called, as I 
can remember, Robert Cecil : There went alfo, 
about that Time, to the Seas, the Lord Dudley, 
an antient Baron of the Realm, and Sir Walter 
Raleigh, a Gentleman of the Queen's Privy 
Chamber, and in his Company a great Num- 
ber of young Gentlemen, amongft whom I re- 
member the Names of the Heir of Sir Thomas 
Cecil, called William Cecil, of Edward Darcy, 
Arthur George, and fuch others ; with the Re- 
hearfal of whom I do not comfort myfelf, but 
only to fhew you, how far we have been de- 
ceived, to think that we fhould have had a Par- 
ty here for us, when, as we fee both by Land 
and Sea, all Sorts of Men were fo ready of their 
own Charges, without either Commandment or 
Entertainment, to adventure their Lives in De- 
fence of the Queen and the Realm. 

And for the Earl of Huntingdon's Forces, being 
Lieutenant General in the North, it is reported, 
that he hath put in Readinefs for an Army in 
Torkjhirc, and other Countries commonly limited 
to ferve againft Scotland, to the Number of 
forty- thoufand well-armed Footmen, and near 

Hand 



152 The Copy of 

Hand ten-thoufand Horfemen, to come to him, 
if any Occafion of Invafion fhould be in the 
North Parts, to whom are joined with their 
Forces three Lords in the North, the Lord 
Scroop, Lord Darcy, and Lord Euers. 

There are alfo divers other Lords that are 
Lieutenants of Countries, that have in Rcadi- 
nefs or their proper Charges good Numbers of 
Horfemen : As the Earl of Kent, Lieutenant of 
Bedford/hire, the Lord Hun/don, Lord Chamber- 
lain, Lieutenant of Norfolk and Suffolk, the 
Lord Cobham, Lieutenant of Kent, the Lord 
Gray of BuckinghamJI/tre, the Lord North of 
Cambridge/hire, Lord Cbandos of Gloucejlerjhire, 
Lord St. Jobn of Huntingdon/hire, Lord Buck- 
hurjl of Suffex \ and fo, by this particular Recital 
not unmeet for your Knowledge, it is to be 
noted what Difpofition the Nobility of the 
Realm had, at this Time, to have withftood 
all Invafion. And, if perchance you (hall per- 
uk your ordinary Catalogue of the great Lords 
of the Realm, you (hall find, that thefe are the 
Subftance of all the great Lords, faving three 
young Earls within Age, Rutland, Southamp- 
ton, and Bedford; all three brought up in per- 
verfe Religion. And fo remaineth to be fpoken 
of the Earl of Arundel, who is in the Tower, 
for attempting to have fled out of the Realm, 
by Provocation of him that now is Cardinal 
Allen ; who, howfoever he may be affec-ted to 
the Catholick Religion, yet I hear moft cer- 
tainly that he offereth his Life in Defence of 
the Queen againft all the World. 

And where Account was made to have a 
Party in this Realm, which by thefe former Re- 
lations appear could not be pofiible, the whole 
Nobilitv being afiured to the Queen, and the 
Force of the People not violently bent that Way ; 
in this very Time was offered to the Queen as 
great a Party for her, to come to her Service, 
and Defence of the Realm, as, out of all Chrif- 
tendom, (he fhould not have to all Refpects a 
Wronger : Which was the King of Scots, who, 
hearing of the intended Invafion of the Realm, 
fent a Gentleman to the Queen, with his Let- 
ter, as I credibly heard, to offer her all the 
Power that he had to defend her and her Realm ; 
and, if (he fo would, he would come in his own 
Peifon and hazard his own Life to defend this 
Realm againft all Invaders for Religion, or any 
other Pretence whatfoever. So by this you may 
fee, what Account may be made of any vain 
Promifes, made in the Name of this King. 



a Letter \ &c. 

And, becaufe you (hall perceive that I have 
good Means to have Intelligence of any other 
Forces of the Realm for Defence thereof, it is 
moft certain, as I hear, and I have feen a Lift 
or Roll of a great Number both of Horfemen 
and Footmen, which the Bifhops of the Realm 
have of their own Charges, with the Contri- 
bution of the Clergy, railed up in Bands of 
Horfemen and Footmen, which are to be led 
by noble Gentlemen at the Queen's Nomina- 
tion ; and thefe Bands muft be vainly termed, 
Milites Sacri ; i. e. Holy Knights. 

As to the lajl Point of the three Foundations 
of the principal Hope conceived, whereupon 
the Invafion was chiefly grounded and taken 
in Hand, which was moft certainly and gene- 
rally believed, that there fhould be found here 
in the Realm a ftrong Party of Catholicks, a- 
gainft the Queen, to join and aflift the Invaders, 
upon the Appearing of the Spanijh Navy ; by 
my former Relations of the general, great, and 
fervent Love of the People towards the Queen, 
and of the great Offers of Service now made by 
the whole Nobility of the Realm, this their Foun- 
dation may appear to have been wrong laid, only 
by vain Imaginations, as it were, upon a Quick- 
fand, or rather as flying in the Air. And yet it 
appeareth very truly that no fmall Account was 
made hereof by the King of Spain, and by his 
principal Minifters.; for there is nothing at this 
prefent more univerfally, with one lamentable 
Voice, fpoken of, by all the Multitude of the 
Spaniards, now here Prifoners, yea by the chiefeft 
of them, than that they now evidently fee, that 
the King their Mafter was with fuch Informa- 
tions greatly abufed, yea rather betrayed. For 
they fay, there was no Man of Value in all this 
Army, but he heard it conftantly affirmed, and 
fo delivered for Comfort of all that ferved there- 
in, before they were (hipped, that they fhould 
not be afraid of any Refiftance to land in Eng- 
land, for that there was good AfTurance given to 
the King, that they fhould find a ftrong Army 
of Catholicks ready in their Favour, as foon as 
ever their Navy fhould be feen upon the Sea- 
coaft, and fo they all here fay they were en- 
couraged to come to this Journey ; otherwife, 
many of them fwear they would never have 
come of Ship- board ; fo unlikely, they fay, it 
was, and againft all Reafon, to invade a Realm, 
with Opinion to conquer it, without both fome 
Title of Right, and a Party alfo, but efpecially 
without a good fure Party. 

And 



7be Copy of a 

And, therefore, now finding this Report very 
falfe, many of thefe Prifoners do by Name curfe 
you, as being the King'* Ambaffador; as him, 
they fay, who, upon the Opinion of the Know- 
ledge which you had gotten in England, was 
therein more credited than any other, and had 
thefe many Years together tempted the King, 
their Mafter, upon Hope, and other fuch like 
Perfuafions, to attempt fuch a Matter as this 
was ; being utterly in all Wifdom to have been 
condemned, without fome Certainty of this lat- 
ter Part, efpecially to have had a ftrong Party 
here. They alfo curfe all fuch Englijhmen, as 
have fled out of this Country, whom they fpare 
not to call arrant Traytors,for offering the Sale of 
their Country to the Pope and the King of Spain. 
And thefe Prifoners add alfo, that they were 
borne in Hand, that this Country was fo open 
to march in, and fo weak to withftand any 
Force, and the People fo miferable, as they 
thought the Conqueft thereof had been of no 
more Difficulty, than the Overcoming of a 
Number of naked Indians was at the Beginning 
of the Conqueft thereof by King Ferdinand. 

And now, for Strength of this Country and 
People : Many of thefe Prifoners having been 
brought from the Sea-coafts hither to London, 
whereby they have obferved the Country and 
the People, do fpeak marvelloufly thereof, count- 
ing the fame invincible, otherwife than by Trea- 
fon of fome great Party within the Realm. 
But whether all thefe Speeches, which are com- 
monly reported of them, proceed from their 
Hearts, or that they fpeak thus to pleafe the 
EngliJJ), becaufc they are well ufed by them, 
who alfo are eafily deceived with Flattery, I 
know not ; but fure I am they do thus fpeak 
daily, with outward Shew of great Paffions a- 
gainft fuch as have been Perfuaders to the King 
for this Journey. Divers of them alfo which 
are of good Judgment, and have heard of fuch 
of the Engli/h banimed Men as have been in 
Spain, and have known fome of them there (as 
of long Time, Sir Francis Englefield, and of 
late, the Lord Paget and his Brother) have cu- 
rioufly inquired, of what Power they were and 
Credit here, to have a Party. They alfo in- 
quired of the Earl of Wefttnor eland ; although 
of him they confefs he is a Man but of fmall 
Government. Bat our Adverfaries here have 
fo abafed thefe and all the reft, to have been 
of no Credit to carry any Numbers of Men, 
but bv the Queen's Authority, when they were 
at their beft j as their Prifoners wonder how the 



Letter, &c. 153 

King could be Co deceived to give thefn Pen- 
lions, otherwife than for Charity, becaufe of 
their Religion. But they confefs they have of- 
ten heard in Spain, how the King was once 
notably deceived, when one Thomas Stukeley, a 
private Englijhman, who fled out of Ireland for 
Debt and other lewd Actions into Spain, not 
being worth one Penny, his Debts being paid, 
and but the fecond Son of a mean Gentleman, 
pretended, and was believed in Spain (by fo in- 
titling himfelf ) to be a Duke, a Marquis, 
and an Earl of Ireland, and fo was a long Time 
entertained, as a Man that could do great Ser- 
vice againft the Queen of England ; until, at 
length, the King underftood his Fallhood, and 
baniflied him out of Spain. And after, repair- 
ing to Rome, was by the Pope alfo maintained 
for a Time, until he was difcovered even by 
fome good Catholicks, that could not endure 
the Pope's Holinefs to be fo grofly mocked ; 
oi whom, fome of the Prifoners, ufing merry 
Speeches, how both the Emperor Charles, and 
afterwards this King and the Pope, were fo 
notably deceived by this Stukeley, do conclude 
merrily, that they think fome of thefe Englifn, 
that have thus abufed the King, have followed 
Stukeley , s Steps. And, in very Truth, I and 
many others have been very often afhamed to 
hear fo broad Speeches of the King and of the 
Pope, yea of the Emperor Charles, whom fuch 
a Companion, as Stukeley was, could fo notably 
deceive ; and it was the more to be marvelled, 
how he could deceive the Catholick Kin;.:, con- 
sidering he was known to many of his Coun- 
cil, at the King's being in England, to have 
been but a vaunting Beggar, and a Ruffian, and, 
afterwards, a Pirate againft the Spaniards. 

Now, my Lord AmbafTador, by thefe my large 
Relations of the evil Things paft, and of the O- 
pinions of fuch as I have lately dealt withal, 
with mine own Conceit alfo, which I do not 
vainly imagine, your Lordihip may fee, in the 
firjl Part, our prefent Calamity, and mikrable 
Eftate : In the fecond 'Part, the State of this 
Queen, her Realm, her People, their Minds, their 
Strength, fo far contrary to the Expectation of the 
Pope's Holinefs, the King Catholick, and efpe- 
cially of you (my Lord) and all others that have 
been in Hand thefe many Years with this Action, 
as I know not what Courfe fhall, o; - may be 
thought meet to take, feeing it is (ecu by Ex- 
perience, that by Force, our Caufe cannot be 
relieved. Neither will any Change amend the 
Matter, when this Queen fhall end her Days, 
X 



i^4 ^ Copy of a Letter \ &c. 

as all Princes are mortal. For both the Univer- there might not be fome Difpenfation from the 

fality of the People, through the Realm, are fo Pope's Holinefs, for fome few Years, to tolerate 

firmly and defperately bent againft our Religi- their Coming to the Church, without changing 

on, as nothing can prevail againft their united of their Faith : Confidering a great Number do 

Forces : And whofocver (hall by Right fucceed ftand therein, not for any Thing (as they fay) 

to this Crown, after the Queen (who is likely ufed in this Church, that is diredtly contrary to 

to live as long as any King in Chriftendom) if God's Law, but for that the Rites and Prayers 

the Crown fhould come to the King of Scots, (though they are collected out of the Body of 

or to any other of the Blood Royal, as there the Scripture) are not allowed by the Catholick 

are very many, within this Realm, defcended Church, and the Head thereof, which is the 

both of the Royal Houfes of Tori and Lancajier, Pope's Holinefs: And for that Caufe juftly, all 

there is no Account to be made, but everyone true Catholicks account this Church to be 

of them, that now live at this Day, are known fchifmatical : By which Remedy of Toleration, 

to be as vehemently difpofed to withftand the a great Number of fuch, as will be perpetually 

Authority of the Pope, as any of the moft ear- Catholicks, might enjoy their Livings and Li- 

neft Proteftants or Hereticks in the World. So berty ; and, in Procefs of Time, the Catholick 

as to conclude, after all Circumftances well con- Religion (by God's Goodnefs) might, with more 

fidered, fortheprefent, I know no other Way, Surety be increafed, to the of Honour God, than 

but to commit the Caufe to Almighty God, and ever it can be by any Force whatfoever. For 

to all the Saints in Heaven, with our continual fo did all Chriftian Religion, at the firft begin, 

Prayers ; and in Earth, to the holy Counfels of and fpread itfelf over the World ; not by Force, 

the Pope, and his Cardinals, with our Supplica- but only by Teaching, and Example of Holinefs 

tions to relieve the affliited Number of our ex- in the Teachers, againft all human Forces. And 

iled Brethren, and to fend into the Realm dif- fo I will end my long Letter, with the Sen- 

creet, holy, and learned Men, that may only, tence which King David ufed four Times in 

in fecret Manner, without intermeddling in one of his Pfalms. Et clamaverunt ad Domi- 

Matters of Eftate, by teaching us, confirm us mini in tribulatione eorum, cif de angujlia eorum 

in our Faith, and gain, with charitable Inftructi- liberavit eos * : And fo muft we make that for 

on, others that are not rooted in Herefy. our Foundation to lay our Hope upon, for all 

And for Relief of fuch as are forced to pay other Hopes are vaift and falfe. 
yearly great Sums of Money out of their Reve- 
nue, becaufe they forbear to come to the Church, At London, the of 
it were to be charitably confidered, whether Augujl, 1588. 

* And they cried unto the Lord in their Trouble, and he delivered them out of their Diftrefs. 



The 



( '55) 



The APPENDIX. 



AFTER that I had made an End of this 
my Letter, which I found, by Perufal 
thereof, to have been at more Length, 
than I looked for, although the Matters there- 
in contained, did draw me thereto, and that I 
had made Choice of a Friend of mine, who 
had more Knowledge in the French Tongue, 
than I, to turn the fame into French : My 
Mifhap was, that when he had done fome Part 
thereof, he fell fick of a burning Fever, where- 
by my Letter remained with him, upon Hope 
of Recovery, for ten or twelve Days : And fee- 
ing no Hope thereof, I intreated another very 
trufty and found Catholick, having perfect 
Knowledge in the French Tongue, who took 
upon him to put it into French, wherein was alfo 
longer Time fpent : So as my Letter being writ- 
ten in the Midfl of Augujl, I am forced to end 
it in September. And, thereupon, I thought 
good, whilft my former Letter was in Tranfla- 
ting, to add fome Things happened in the mean 
Time, meet for your Knowledge. 

About the Seventh of Augujl, the Lord Ad- 
miral returned with the Navy, having follow- 
ed the Spanijh Navy (as they reported) as far as 
the 55th Degree Northwards ; the Spanijh Na- 
vy taking a Courfe either to the furtheft Parts 
of Norway, or to the Orcades, beyond Scot- 
land ; which, if they did, then it was here 
judged that they would go about Scotland and 
Ireland : But if they fhould go to Norway, then 
it might be, that if they could recover Provifi- 
ons of Mafts, whereof the Efigli/h Navy had 
made great Spoil, they might return. But I, 
for my Part, wifhed them a profperous Wind 
to pafs Home about Ireland, confidering I de- 
fpaired of their Return, for many Refpeits, both 
of their Wants, which could not be furnifhed 
in Norway, and of the Lack of the Duke of 
Parma's Ability, to bring his Army on the Sea, 
for Want of Mariners. Neverthelefs, upon 
Knowledge from Scotland, that they were be- 
yond the Orcades, and that the King of Scots 
had given ftricl: Commandment upon all the 
Sea-coafts, that the Spaniards mould not be fuf- 
fered to land in any Part ; but that the Englijh 
might land, and be relieved of any Wants : 
Order was given to difcharge all the Navy, 



faving twenty Ships, that were under the LorJ 
Henry Seymour's Charge, to attend upon the 
Duke of Parma's Attempts, either towards 
England, which was moft unlikelv, or towards 
Zeland, which began to be doubted. But with- 
in three or four Days after this, fuddenly there 
came Report to the Court, that the Spanijh 
Navy had refrefhed itfelf in the Iflands beyond 
the Orcades, both with Water plentifully, and 
with Bread, Fifh, and Flefh, as for their Mo- 
ney they could get ; and would return hither 
once again, to attend on the Duke of Panna's 
Army, to conduit it by Sea into England. 
Whereupon grew fome Bufinefs here, where- 
with, I know, the Queen and her Council were 
not a little perplexed what to do ; but, in the 
End, Order was given to flay the Difarming of 
her Navv, and fo the whole Navy was very 
fpeedily made ready again, only upon the for- 
mer Reports ; wherewith I, and many others, 
were very glad, to fee them thus newly trou- 
bled, and, upon every light Report, put to 
great Charges. But this lafted not pad eight or 
ten Days ; for, upon more certain Knowledge, 
by two or three Pinnaces that were fent to dif- 
cover where the Spanijh Fleet was, which cer- 
tified, that they were beyond the Orcades, fail- 
ing towards the Weft, in very evil Cafe, having 
many of their People dead in thofe North Parts, 
and in great Diftrefs for Lack of Mafts, and 
alfo of Mariners, a new Commandment was 
given to diflblve the Navy, faving that which 
fhould attend on the Duke of Parma : And fo 
the Lord Admiral returned, with the Lord Tho- 
mas Howard, the Lord Henry Seymour, Lord 
Sheffield, Sir Francis Drake, with all the Cap- 
tains to the Court, faving fuch as had Charge of 
the Fleet that was under the Lord Henry. And, 
upon the Return of thefe Seamen to the City, 
there are fpread fuch R.eports, to move the 
Noblemen, Gentlemen, Ladies, Gentlewomen, 
and all other vulgar People of all Sorts, into a 
mortal Hatred of the Spaniards, as the poor 
Spanijh Prifoners were greatlv afraid to have 
been all mafTacred : For that it was publifhed, 
and of many believed, that the Lords of Spain, 
that were in the Navy, had made a fpecial 
Divifion, among themfelves, of all the Noble- 
X 2 men's 



i 5 6 



The APPENDIX. 



men's HoyieS in England, by their Names, and 
had, in a Sort, quartered England among them- 
fclves, and had determined of fundry Manners 
of cruel Death, both of the Nobility, and tlie 
reft of the People. The Ladies, Women, and 
Maidens, \vc\c alfo deftined to all Villany : 
The rich Merchants Houfes in London were put 
into a Regiflcr, by their very Names, and li- 
mited to the Companies of the Squadrons of the 
Navy for their Spoil. And to increafe more 
Hatred, it was reported, that there were a great 
Number of Halters brought in the Spanijh Na- 
vy, to ftrangle the vulgar People, and certain 
Irons graven with Marks, to be heated, for tire 
Marking of all Children in their Faces, being 
under feven Years of Age, that they might be 
known hereafter, to have been the Children of the 
conquered Nation. Thefe were commonly re- 
ported by thofe that came from the Englijh Na- 
\ y, as having heard the Spaniards confefs the 
fame ; fo as for a Time, there was a general 
Murmur, that thefe Spanijh Prifoners ought not 
to be futfered to live, as they did, but to be 
killed, as they had purpofed to have done the 
Ei-glijh. But the wifer Sort of Men, and fuch 
as had the Charge of the Prifoners, having no 
Commandment from the Council, did ftraight- 
1}' look to the Safety of the Prifoners, as a Mat- 
ter not to be fo rafhly fuffered. But, to con- 
tent the People with fome other Matter, there 
was, upon Sunday lair, at the Requeft of the 
Mayor, and his Brethren, a great Number of 
Banners, Warners, and Enfigns, which were 
*c.\\ from the Spanijb, Navy, brought to Paul's 
Church-yard, and there fhewed openly in the 
Sermon-time, to the great Rejoicing of all the 
People. And afterwards they were carried to 
the Crofs in Cheap, and afterwards to London- 
bridge \ whereby the former Rage of the People 
was greatly aflwaged, the Fury generally con- 



verted into Triumph, by boafting in every 
Place, that this was the Acl: of God, who had 
heard the fervent Prayers of the People, and 
was pleafed with their former Prayers and Fail- 
ings, to have fuch Banners, and Streamers, 
which the Spaniards meant to have brought and 
fet up in all Places of the City, as Monume. 
of their Triumphs, by his good Providence, in 
punifhing the Pride of the Spaniards, now to 
be erected by the Englijl), as Monuments of 
their Victories, and of perpetual Shame to the 
Spaniards. Upon thefe Shews, great Rejoice- 
ing followed : And as in June and July paft, 
all Churches were filled daily with Pec pie cx- 
ercifed with Prayers, and Shews of Repentance, 
and Petitions to God for Defence agJnft their 
Enemies : And in many Churches, continually 
thrice in the Week, Exercifes of Prayers, Ser- 
mons, and Fadings, all the Day long, from 
Morning to Evening, with great Admiration to 
fee fuch general Devotion (which I, and i . 
do judge to proceed more of Fear than of De- 
votion) fo now, fince the Englijlj Navy is re- 
turned, and the Spanijh Navy defeated, and 
Intelligence brought of the Diforders in Eland 
of the DifTenhons betwixt the Spaniards and the 
other Soldiers, of the Contempt of the Duke of 
Parma by the Spaniards, being hereto main- 
tained by a Duke, called the Duke of Pajlr. 
the Catholick King's Ballard, and of the De- 
parture and Running away of the Duke's Ma- 
riners, here is a like Concourfe of the People to 
Sermons in all Churches ; wherein is remem- 
bered the great Goodnefs of God towards Eng- 
land, by the Delivery thereof from the threat- 
ened Conqueft, and Prayers alfo publickly, to 
give Thanks to God for the fame. 

At London, this of 

September , 1588. 



An 



( 157 ) 



An Exhortation, to far up the Minds of all her Majefty's faith- 
ful Subjects, to defend their Country, in this dangerous Time, 
from the Invalion of Enemies. Faithfully and zealouflv com- 
piled, by Anthony Marten^ Sewer of her Majefty's moft Ho- 
nourable Chamber, 

M E L I RA S P E R 0. 

Imprinted at London, by Jolm Windet, and are to be fold in PauFs 
Church-Yard, at the Brafen Serpent. MDLXXXVIII. 



'The fallowing Trafit was written, immediately after the Nation's Deliverance from the 
Spanifh Jnvaficn, in the Tear 1588, with that Judgment, Juftice, Zeal, and Elegancy 
of Stile, that at once it perpetuates the juji Commendation of the Author, dif plays his 
Eloquence, and confirms his feafonable Loyalty to his Sovereign, his Religion, and his 
Country. 

The fever al Branches of this Exhortation are fo well united in the moft jolid Reafon, thai 
neither Time nor deceitful Politicks are able to withftand their Force ; and fo well adapt' 
ed to the general Foible of Mankind, 'that it may be accounted a rtation on 

the like Occafions, whenever God 'permits any fucb Calamities to befall us. For here 
1 very one may fee bis Duty, and arc inftrucled as well to avoid the Misfortunes that 
ruin a Nation, as the Means, which, by God's BUffing, fruflrate and rout our Enemies, 
and maintain our juft Rights and Religion, Laws and Liberties. 

ALbeit (my dear Countrymen, and well derful Caufes you have, to arm your Bodies, to 
beloved in the Lord) your faithful prepare your Minds, and to fharpen your Swords 
and willing Minds were lately fhew- againft your Enemies. Not as your Forefathers, 
ed, by an earn eft Defire of ver.tur- againft fome one particular Prince in France, in 
ing your Lives for Defence of your Spain, or in Scotland. Neither for Lands, for 
Country ; yet, becaufe the fame then happened Honour, or Conqueft, which by Battles one or 
in a Fury againft your Enemies, and, as it were, twain might be decided, and the Quarrel end- 
in the Fear of final Deftruclion ; and that the ed ; but ye muft ftrengthen yourfelves agair.lt 
Trial of your valiant Courages, and Proof of that horrible Beajl *, who hath received Powsr 
your warlike Furnitures, was prevented bv the from the Dragon. Againft the Print 
great Mercy of God, and the provident Fore- Nations*, which have entered into League with 
light of her excellent Majeity ; fo as God him* the Ty'hore of Babylon f, who hath fworn your 
felf hath ftricken the Stroke, and ye have but Deftruclion and will not be fatisfled with the 
looked on, I am not now to fpeak of any late Blood of many Days Battle, nor with the Lands 
Acts, atchieved by your Prowefs and Courage, which you hold, nor with the Goods which ye 
but to fet before your Eyes the great a;.J won- poiTefs, nor with the fair Koufes which ye have 

* The whole Power cf Popery uniting to deftroy the Proteftasf InterefL f Ti.e Pc x 

builded, 



jr^3 An Exhortation, to her Majejlys faithful Subjefls, 

builded. Neither are they minded to carry you Good King David, albeit he were already a- 

away, as the Ajfyrians, Egyptians, and Romans nointed King of Ifrael, in the Life-time of 

did the Ifraelites, into Captivity. But, after they <SW, and had his faid Enemy many Tim^s 

have taken their vile Pleafure of your Wives, alone, where he might have (lain him, and fo 

\ iur Sons, and Daughters, they Will utterly de- have pofTefied the Kingdom quietly, would net 

oy you, that the Name of our Nation flail attempt fo great a Treachery, 

be no more remembered upon the Earth. Wba- What fhall we fay of the Roman Captain, 

hover, fav they, folleth not down and worjhipeth Canal/us, that, while he lay at the Siege of a 

that Golden Image *, flail be cajl the Jar..; H. tr City, called FaUifcus, there came fecretly to him, 

into the hot fiery Furnace + . Thev will no more out of the City, a Schoolmafter with his Scho- 

fuffer you to try the Truth by Teftimcny of the lars, offering him to betray the Town into his 

Scriptures, nor to plead for yourfelves the moft Hands. No, faith Camillus, I will win it ho- 

antient Fathers. But, having prevailed againft rourably, and thou fhalt be fent Home with 

you, thev will execute their Malice upon \ou Shr.me ; and, fo delivering Rods into the Hands 

\vithout Judgment, and deftroy )Oti without of his own Scholars, they whipped their Matter 

Mercy. They have already caff Lots for your Home into the C 

lnherkar.ee, and have given Sentence vpon the Is it not that Beaft of the bottomlefs Pit 

facred Perfon of the Queen %. They will make that wcrketh all thefe Tragedies? Hath he not 

no Difference of Degrees, but the Queen and made drur.k the Princes of the Earth, with the 

the Commons, the Noble and Ignoble, the Cup of his Fornication, even the bloody Wo- 

Learned and Unlearned, the Prieft and the Peo- man, that fitteth on the bloody- coloured Beaft? 

pie, the Pcor and the Rich, the Old and the That exalteth himfeif above all the Princes, and 

Young, have all one Punifhment allotted unto maketh himfeif equal with God? 

them. Was there ever any Nation in the Was there ever any Prince or Monarch of 

World fo barbarous, or People fo bloody, or the World before this petty God fprang up ; nay, 

Prince fo cruel before this Time, whether he did ever all the Princes of the World feek to 

warred for Greedinefs, or Malice, or Revenge, deprive any one abfolute Prince of his Kingdom, 

or Conquefl ; but he fatisfied himfeif with the and entitle the fame unto another, without an 

Blood and Captivity of them that offended him ; exprefs Commandment of God, unlefs it were 

i'parins the Nation, and them that were innocent by honourable Conquefl or juft Victory ? By 

in the Action. ne, faith God, Kings reign, and Noblemen of the 

Aeain, was there ever any King or Prince, Earth do hear Rule. Where is there any Ex- 

or Magiftrate, whether he were godlefs or reli- ample in the Old Teftament, that any Prieft 

gious, whether Idolater or Chrijlian, but, if he did ever depofe any Prince ? (For Athaliah was 

minded to revenge againft any other Nation, he but an Ufurper, and was fiain by Confent both 

would plead the Caufe by MefTengers ||, accord- of Prieft and People as a Murdrefs of her own 

ins; to the Law of Nations ; and not purpofe Children ; and Joajh the right Heir was efta- 

a Hidden Deftruction before a perfect Examina- blifhed in the Kingdom) Was not Peter, in the 

tion ? What Barbr.rian, Turk, or Tyrant, would New Teftament, greater than any Pope on the 

feek to conquer his Neighbour by Fraud, to Earth? And yet fo far from depofing of Princes, 

crain to his Sect; by Falfhood, to bereave a Prin- as he himfeif of all other was moft obedient to 

cefs of her Kingdom, bv Villany ; of her Sub- fecular Power, and gave the fame Leffun unto 

iects, bvDifloyaltv ; of her Life, by Treachery ; ethers? But was not Cl)riji himfeif the Prince 

and of ail their Lives and Souls, by Hypocrify ? cf all Princes ; and yet, feeing his Kingdom was 

h this the Spirit of him that rebuked his Dif- fpiritual, was he not obedient to all Govern- 

ciples when they would have called for Fire ment, commanding all Manner of Obedience 

from Heaven to have confumed them, which and Humility to all his Difciples ? 

would not receive him ? No, faith he, ye mujl he Now let us fee more at large, by whom, atainft 

of another Spirit ; J am not come to dejlrvy Men's whom, and for what Caufes this War, or rather 

Lives, hut tofave them. cruel Profcription, groweth. That, thefe Things 

being plainly fet down before your Eyes, not 

* Popery. + Pcrftcuted with Fire and Sword. J See Pope Sixt* *"*? Bull of Excommu- 
nication againft the Queen, and his Letter to the King of Spain. 

only 



to defend their Country againfl the Invafion of Enemies. 



'59 



they that be or the poorer Sort (which, ha- Subjects the Law of the Lord * in their own 

\';<iz excellent Courages, will fee to their Hearts Mother Tongue, fo many Years excluded from 

and Hands to defend their Prince, their Coun- them, gave Power unto godly Preachers to 

try, and Religion, if they may be enabled there- publifh the Truth, maugre ail the Enemies of 

unto) but chiefly thofe that have Subftance, the fame. 



Lands, and Living, which God hath given 
them, not to confume in their own Pleafures and 
Vanities, but efpecially to thefe Ends and Pur- 
p fe% may be perfuaded with a full and perfect 



Whofe godly Example, his virtuous and pru- 
dent Son, King Eduard the Sixth, faithfully 
following, utterly chaced away in one Moment 
all the Remnant of Traditions, that Men had 



Refutation (forfaking the Pomps and Vanities been fo long in devifing, and reftored Religion 



of this Life) to live frugally, honeftly, and tem- 
perately, as mall beft become the loyal Servants 
of fo godly a Prince, and the valiant Defen- 
ders of fo Chrijiian a Commonweal ; and hence- 



to the felf-fame Form, that the holy Apcftles 
left the fame. 

According whereunto cur melt gracious So- 
vereign, leading us out of the Captivity of Ba- 



forth be ready, not alone with their Lands and bylon (where God for our manifold Sins made 

Goods, but alfo with their Bodies and Lives us by the Space of fix Years, or thereabout +, 

to defend (o juft, fo godly, and fo holy a to ferve under Antichriff, till we were returned 

Caufe. unto him by Prayer and Amendment of Life) 

What Time as it pleafed our moft merciful perfectly reftored us again to all thofe heavenly 

and heavenly Father, in this our Age, to difcover Gifts which her Royal Father and Brother had 

unto his Church, by certain Preachers of great bellowed upon us. 

Courage and Magnanimity, the manifold A- Wherefore, thefe Things being thus godly 

bufes and Heap of Traditions, which the Bilhops and fincerely taken in Hand, the Pope in his 

of Rome, by their Letters, Decrees, and Canons, Greatnefs fore appalled ; fearing at the very 

ha 'e brought into the Church, by little and firft, that, if thefe Things (hould profper and 

little, from the fecond Age of Chriji unto that have good Succefs, he and his whole Religion 

Time: (Whereby the fincere and plain Reli- fhould be overthrown, and himfelf caft down 

gion of Chriji, pronounced, written, and efta- from that high Dignity of a Pope, to the poor 

blifhed by his Apoftles over all the World, was Degree of Peter ; from being carried on Alen's 

fo corrupted and overfhadowed, as even unto Shoulders to be fent abroad to preach in his own 

this Day, unlefs it be thofe, whofe Minds God Perfon ; from the wearing of Paul's Sword, to 



hath lightened with the bright Beams of his 
Spirit, Men can hardly remove that Vale of 
Vanities from their Heart:) Even then alfo, it 



be obedient to Princes Laws ; from being fer- 
ved as a King at his Table, to ferve as a Mini- 
fter in the Church ; and from being an uni- 



pleafed his fatherly Goodnefs, to open the Eyes verjai Head, to be content with his own Ci- 

of that noble Prince of everlafting Memory, ty of Rome. He at the very firft, in a great 

King Henry the Eighth, Father to her excellent Fury, perfuaded the Chrijiian Princes, that were 

Majefty ; that he plainly faw how long the taking in Hand a noble Action againft Infidels, 

Princes and People had been abufed, and, as it to turn their Forces againft fuch their own 

were, bewitched, with that ungodly Antichriji Neighbours as were Enemies to his Superfti- 

of Rome. Who being puffed up with certain tion. 

liberal Donations of fome well-minded Princes, So, then, it is the Romijh Antichriji that hath 

by little and little, became, of the pooreft of all blown the Trumpet of this cruel Sedition. It 

human Creatures, the moft mighty Pope and was that Man of Sin, which caufed the Com- 

Primate and Commander of all Chrijiian Princes, motion of the North againft King Henry the 

Wherefore, by the Advice of his mofl prudent Eighth. It was he that raifed up divers Rebel- 

znd godly Council, with the AlTent of the whole liens againft that virtuous young Prince, King 

Realm in Parliament, he difcharged himfelf of Edward the Sixth, and alfo againft her Majefty. 

the Romijh Yoke, which many of his Progeni- It was he that curfed the Queen our Sovereign, 

tors, the Kings of England, for Fellowfhip ofo- and, in his own fond Imagination, depofed her 

ther Princes had fo long fubmitted themfelves Royal Perfcn from her Crown and Dignity ; 

unto. And therewithal, delivering to all his and of his own free Gift (forfooth) beftowed 



The Holy Bible. 



f During the Pcpijb Reign of Queen Mary. 



the 






rtation, to her 



the fame upon others, but nevr durjl give Live- 
. Sei/m of the fame himfelf. He it is that 
iv againft the Word of God (wherein it was 
i'.iJ : Lei every Soul fuhmit itfelf to the King as 
to bis Head:*) difcharged all her Majefty's Sub- 
jects of their due Obedience towards her, and 
fent in Swarms of fidfc Hypocrites, to deal a- 
way the Hearts of the fimple People from her, 
and to carry away their Confciences Captive un- 
to Satan. He it is, that hath fundry Times 
laid Plots for the Defrruclion of her Royal Per- 
fon ; and, fo far as in him lay, committed cruel 
Murder by aflenting unto vile Perfons to flay 
her, and by giving them Pardons beforehand 
for their Villanies. Finally, he it is, that hath 
ibwn Sedition in the Kingdom ; that hath driven 
Men, Women, and Children from true Reli- 
gion to Perdition ; from fincere Worfhiping 
to damnable Superftition. And he it is, that 
hath made not the Holy, but the Hellifti League, 
with the great and mighty Princes of his Re- 
ligion, to devour and confume us. But God 
be blefled for evermore, which hath lately de- 
livered us, and turned fome of their own Wea- 
pons, prepared againft us, into their own Bowels, 
and hath drowned Pharaoh and his Horfemen in 
the Sea. For, though the Spanish King lately ap- 
proached to the Kingdom with wonderful Force 
and Preparation to have conquered the fame, yet 
was he but a Deputy tlxrein to the Pope, and 
Jhould have taken Poffeffian but of that which he 
gave unto him, and have held the fame of him, 
much like as Charles the Earl of Anjou and 
Provence held from him the Kingdom of both Si- 
cilies. Ye fee, therefore, who is Author, Devi- 
fer, and Maintainer of ail thefe Mifchiefs. 

Now let us confider, againft whom this holy 
Father and his Adherents have raifed up fo un- 
godly and fo unnatural a War. 

This famous and noble Kingdom of England 
(as teftify all the beft Writers old and new) was 
not the f.ackeft among other Nations that re- 
ceived the Gofpel. For if PWhimfelf, or fome 
other of the Apoflles, were not the firft that 
planted Chrijlian Religion in England, yet it is 
certain, that Jofeph of Arimathea, with his Fel- 
lows, preached the Gofpel unto us within lefs 
than eighty Years after Chrijl. And, in iheOne- 
bundred and eightieth Year of our Lord, Lucius, 
the King of England, received new Preachers ; 
and not only was himfelf the firft or the fecond 
King that received Baptifm in all the Chrif- 



Majeftfs faithful Subjects, 

turn World ; but healfo caufed all his Kingdom 
to do the like, and publickly to receive the 
Gofpel. A principal Teflimony hereof may 
be, that the Kings of England have cither the 
frjl or the fecond Place in general Councils. 

Afterwards, about the fix-hundreth Year of 
Chrijl, they received Augujline and his P'ellows, 
fent from Gregory the Pope, and rather left the 
more fincere Worfhip of Chrift, taught i 
by Fugatius and Damianus, in the Time of 
King Lucius, and to make no Commotion for 
the Lofs of four- hundred Englijh Chriftians, cru- 
elly murdered at Bangor, by the Procurement of 
the fame Augujline, than to raife any Schifm or 
Divifion in the Church. 

If none of all thefe moft antient Merits (for 
the which England might both be cailed and 
reputed the moft Chrijlian f Kingdom of all other) 
will move them to take Pity upon us, becaufe 
Antiquity of Time breedeth Coldnefs and Ob- 
livion. Let them remember, that though we 
be here removed in a Corner from the reft of 
the World, and may be meafured with a Span, 
in Comparifon of all Chriftendom befides ; yet 
have we been ever as ready, as any other of the 
mightieft and richeft Kingdoms, to travel over 
Sea and Land, to fpend our Lives, Lands, and 
Goods, to refift the Fury and Invafion of the 
Turks, and other Heathen Nations : Whereas 
we ourfelves, being an Ifland, and defended by 
the Ocean Sea, had lefs Caufe than any other 
to fear the Infidels, being fo far remote from 
us. 

An Example hereof may be Richard the Fir/1, 
who behaved himfelf fo nobly in Service, againft 
the Pagans, that he obtained the Name of Cicur 
de Lion, that is, Richard with the Lion's Heart. 
Is this then the Reward that we receive for fo 
great Defert ? Is there no other City, nor 
Kingdom, nor Country that is fallen from them 
but we ? Or be we the firft that muft be fac^i- 
fced by the Lcagujls, in Example of all others ; 
becaufe we moft fincerelv profefs the Truth, 
and moft defend them that are opprefled for the 
Gofpel ? 

But is it our Queen, the Lanthorn and 
Light of true Religion, that they (o much en- 
vy, becaufe (he hath reformed the Church in 
her own Kingdom ? Hath (he done any Tl 
elfe than did thofe good Kings of Jfrc 
Hezekiah, and Jehojhaphat f Hath fhe fought any 
other Way than her moft Royal Fa:her, and her 



P,t. 



in 



iotn. xui. 



f The Title affumed by the French King. 



virtuous 



virtuous Brother, as an Inheritance left unto 
-her, together with the Kingdom ? Or any o- 
ther Way than Queen Mary her Sifter fome- 
times followed, and, no doubt, but would have 



to defend their Country againft the Invqfion of Enemies. 1 6 I 

circumvent her Neighbours, but what (he meant 
to execute, in Deed, that fhe profefled unto the 
World. She bare not Men in Hand that me 
prepared againft the Turk, or for the Indies, when 
fo continued, if (he had not been feduced by fhe meant to invade her Neighbours ; neither did 
•by certain Parafites of that finful Man; and, fhe make any Semblance of Peace, till (he might 
perhaps, by fome corrupt Pool*, that came from be fully prepared unto Battle : But (he hath al- 
the River Tiber ? Let them {hew me, if it be ways dealt plainly and valiantly, and honour- 
not the felf-fame Way, that the mod Chriftian ably with all Promife. She never omitted any 

good and friendly Means to Pacification, while 
any Hope of Friendfhip remained. But, when 
all Hope of Intreaty was quite extinguifhed, 
flie fled unto the next Remedy, trufling that 
the mighty God of "Jacob, which had many 
Times delivered her, would now alfo be her 



King, Lucius, her antient PredecefTor, received 
from Eleutherius, fourteen- hundred Years paft ; 
which Eleutherius had received the fame from 
them which heard the Apoftles ? Have not we 
fhewed and proved, a thoufand Times a Thou- 
fand, by Writing, by Difputation, by Preach- 



ing, by Conference, and many other Ways, the Defender and Keeper 



Alas ! What Honour (hall it be for fo great 
and mighty a Princefs, to bend their Force a- 
gainft fo godly and peaceable a Queen, that 
confefTeth, as much as they, one and the felf- 
fame God in Trinity of Perfons, and Unity 
of Subftance ; that hath one and the felf-fame 
Baptifm ; that looketh to be faved by one and 
the felf-fame Death ; that hopeth for the fame 
Refurrection of the Body ; that confefleth one 
and the fame Gofpel ; and that believeth in the 
felf-fame Book of Canonical Scriptures ? It had 
been far more for their Honour and Credit, and 
League f fo deeply offended with the Govern- for the Profit of all Chriftendom, thev having 
ment of fo excellent a Princefs, that they fhould fuch Store of Men and Wealth, if they would 
feek to bereave her of her Kingdom, before have fought firft to enlarge the Kingdom of 
they have well examined the Queftion, and to Chrift, by compelling Turks and Infidds to the 
repute her as a Schifmatic, before they well know Faith, rather than to fpoil themfelves of their 
her Religion ? No Doubt, but fhe daily fpeak- Riches, and their Dominions, of Chriftian Sol- 
eth unto God, and faith : Plead thou my Caufe diers, by making War againft a maiden Queen. 
(0 Lord) and fight thou with them that fight a- By the Charges and Blood of which unnatural 
gain/} me. For fhe carrieth the Teftimony of War, thev might, perhaps, have gained many 
a good Confcience, that fhe feeketh no Glo- thoufand Infidels to the Faith of Chrift. No, 



Perfons by whom, the Times wherein, and the 
Matters whereof, every particular Piece and 
Patch of their Religion is framed ? Which 
Things (with the prefumptuous Affirmation of 
their vain Opinions lately devifed, either by cu- 
rious Heads, or by Emulation of the Learned, 
or of a fond Zeal without Knowledge, or for 
the Increafe of Pomp and Riches) laid a- part 
from our Religion, they (hall find themfelves un- 
awares, in the felf-fame Truth which we pro- 
fefs. 

Wherefore, then, are they of the Holy 



ry nor Praife unto herfelf, but Peace and Tran- 
quillity unto the Church ; fhe feeketh not the 
Dominions of other Princes, but a juft De- 
fence of her own ; nor to fhed any Chriftian 
Blood, but to fave the poor afflicted Souls which 



forfooth, They would not feem to war with a 
Woman, but to prepare fo invincible % Force a- 
gainft her, as might devour her and her whole 
Kingdom in one Day, without any War at all. 
But God, who fitteth above, cafteth out the 



cry unto her. Hath fhe ever broken any League Counfels of Princes, and bringeth their Devices 



with Chriftians, or made any Covenant with 
Infidels ? Hath (lie not always laboured for 
Peace between Chriftian Princes, and travailed 
therein to her exceeding Charges? She never 
endeavoured, by any fecret or fubtle Means, to 



to none Effect. For he hath deftroyed their 
Forces, and funk in the Sea their huge and 
ftrong Veflels ; feeing there is no Wifdom, no 
Policy, no Counfel, no Strength, againft the 
Lord of Hofts. 



* Cardinal Pole, who was fent from Rome, which is fituate on the River Tiber in Italy. 
f Thofe Popifh Princes, who had combined with the Pope, to extirpate Proteftants. 
X Alluding to the fore-mentioned Armada. 



Wc 



J ' 2 



An Exhortation \ to her Majefty' $ faithful Subjects, 



■ fee now, by whom, and againft whom, 
this War is made. It remaineth to declare 
briefly the Caufes thereof. Which, though they 
have in fome Part been touched, yet will I more 
cxprefly fet forth the fame. That it may ap- 
pear, what are the lawful Caufes of War, and 
how juftly we take in Hand to defend our- 
felves. 

Wars (faith Cicero) mu(l be taken in Hand, to 
the End we may live in Peace, without taking 
JVrcng. Which Rule, no Doubt, is very good, 
and agreeable to our Religion, and to the Law 
of Nature. 

For why elfe did the Lord promife Victory 
unto Ahab, by the Prophet, in Defence of Sa- 
maria, and to many other Kings of Ifrael, when 
they were afTailed and befieged by their Enemies ? 
Neither have we, in any of our Actions, ftepped 
one Jot from the fame Rule. For when the 
greateft Princes of Chriitendom had, with one 
Confent, confpired with the See of Rome, to 
make War upon all the Profefibrs of the Gof- 
pel, and to reduce them again to their abomi- 
nable Idolatry, or elfe fo to deltrov them, that 
their Name mould be no more remembered upon 
the Earth, but efpecially perceiving the Queen's 
Majefty to be moft zealous of the Truth, and 
the principal Pillar, on whom the Church of 
Chrijl did depend, they devifed many Ways how 
to deprive her of her Life and Kingdom. Come 
(fay they) this is the Heir, let us JJay her, and the 
Inheritance fliall be ours. Then, her Majefty, 
knowing, from whence the chief Caufe of their 
Malice proceeded ; and that the Matter, moft 
of all, concerned the Glory of God, and next 
unto that, the Life of her own felf, and of in- 
finite thoufands of her Subjects : She hath, fince 
that Time taken into her Poffeffion (though 
not the hundredth Part of that, which {he might, 
and hath been offered her) vet fome Part of her 
Enemies Weapons, as lawful was for her to do, 
for the better Defence of her Kingdom, and 
more Safety of the Church oiChri/i : Since, with- 
out thofe Helps, (he had no fafe Way to defend 
her felf. Yet have thefe Things been done of 
her Majeftv, with fuch Deliberation, Advifement, 
:;nd long Protracting of Time, as it might be 
evident unto all the World, that fhe fought no- 
thing more, than to have her Enemies, by fome 
Means or other, reconciled unto her, before fhe 
wou!d enter into any new Action, for her own 



Defence. And undoubtedly, but that it fo much 
concerned the Caufe of God, and the Kingdom 
of her antient Allies; all which, {he was born 
to defend, when fhe took upon her the Imperial 
Crown ; and that fhe law, that, if {he did take 
whole Kingdoms from her Enemies by Violence, 
they could never have enraged more againft her, 
than before ; fhe would rather have loft a thou- 
fand Lives, in her own Perfon, than to have 
touched any Thing, that fhould ofFend her 
Neighbours, or might feem to belong to another. 
But when fhe faw that no good ordinary Means 
would prevail; when her Highnefs perceived, 
that Turks, Jews and Infidels, were fuffered to 
live quietly among them, without Compulfion 
of Confcience, but her poor Subjects brought 
into Servitude, unlefs they would fubmit their 
Souls to the Power of Antichrijl ; when, for a 
moft courteous Entertainment of all their Sub- 
jects, within her Dominions, all hers, among 
them, were either made Gaily- Slaves, or elfe 
brought within the Compats of their cruel In- 
quifition, when neither her own friendly Letters 
might be received, as they fhould, nor her Mef- 
fengers of Account, regarded as they ought : 
Finally, when they had decreed, that no Faith * 
was to be kept with us, and made us worfe than 
Infidels, becaufe we have fled from their Su- 
perftition, and followed the fincere Faith of 
Jefus Chrijl: Then her Majefty, with all prince- 
ly Courage and Magnanimity, began to ftretch 
forth her Power to defend the Caufe of God, 
and her own Right. And, thefe be the ftrong 
Caufes of their tragical Dealings againft us ! 

Awake now, therefore, my Countrymen ; 
Pluck up your Spirits, ye that have Courage in 
you : Advance yourfelves, which have fo long 
lain in Security. If ever you were forced but 
for a Seafon to fhe w the Strength of your Bodies. 
now have you Caufe to join therewith the Cou- 
rage of your Minds. They have founded their 
Trumpet, and made ready unto Battle. What 
they have, thefe many Years, devifed againft 
you, now they do put in Practice. Their 
Standard is advanced, they are in Arms to af- 
fail you. Be ye valiant to refift, and prepare 
you to the Fight. It muft be no more with 
you now, as it was in Times pair, when you 
had fudden Expeditions againft the French and 
Scotti/h Nations ; when you thought it fuftkient, 
to prepare for forty Days Victuals and Muniti- 



* O: folemn Prornifes, Treaties or E ig?gements. 



on, 



to defend their Country againft the Invafion of Enemies. 



on, and for one Day's Action, and fo to return 
Home to your wonted quiet Reft, and carelefs 
Cuftom; fearing no more till a new Alarum. 
For ye deal not now with fuch Nations, 
which either for their Poverty could not, or 
for Lack of Courage durft not, or fcr Want of 
flayed Minds would not ; but j e encounter 



163 

redrefs the fame. Which Things being regard- 
ed, with fuch Care as they ought, will fo 
thoroughly prepare and furnifh us, that, though 
the whole WcrlJ, and Enemies of Chrill and 
his Gofpel, rage never fo much againft us, we 
fhall continually be able to defend ourfelves, and 
the Realm, againft them ; yea, and (if Need 



with them that are rich, hardy, refolute, and fo require) to offend fome of them alio, fcr the 

frequented with daily Victories, which neglect better Safety of our Chriftian Brethren difper- 

no Opportunity nor Advantage 5 which defire fed abroad in the Wcrld. 

not to be Lords To- Dav, and Loiterers To- Mor- The late Enterprife, which your Enemies 

row ; which, if they fet in one Foot, are ready made againft you j whereby they made a full 

to enter in with both. But on the other Side, Account to have conquered you ; although the 

fie, of all Nations, have been noted invincible, fame was exceeding dangerous, by Reafon of 

if we encounter with our Enemies, -while cur their wonderful great Preparation and Furniture ; 

Spirits be Jharpened againft them, while the Caufe Such, as, I fuppofe, in that Kind, hath fcarce- 

is yet frejh in our Memory : And that we, at the ly been heard or read of, fince the Beginning of 

firjl, run unto all great Attempts with greedy the World, againft any Nation : Yet, fince God, 

Defire, but after a While grow cold, negligent by his mighty Arm, hath delivered you from 

and carelefs : That, which we, now willingly the Danger thereof; it may turn, (if ye be well 



enterprife with the Lofs of our Lives, within 
few Days, we let flip by a carelefs Negligence. 
And this Report (no Doubt) hath been too much 
verified by us in France, Normandy, Gafcoyr.e, 
Aquitain, and in innumerable other Places ; 
led in fome Time, with wonderful Honour, 
and loft upon the fudden, with great Difho- 
nour. 

But far be thefe old carelefs Minds from new 
EngKJb Hearts ; and when we have the true 
Knowledge of God, Experience of our Enemies, 
Riches, Munition, and more Means to defend 
than ever before. When we know our Enemies 
to be fo many, fo mighty, fo rich, and fo refo- 
lute : When we are fo well advifed of our for- 
mer Faults ; when our Caufe is fo rare, fo great, 
and concerns, not only, our Lives and Goods, 
our Wives and Children, our Honour, our 
Prince, and our Common- weal : But moft of 
all, when it toucheth the Salvation of our Souls, 
the Inheritance of Chrift's Kingdom, and the 
Prefervation of all his Saints. Which Caufe, 
never before this Time, happened to any of our 
Forefathers. Banifh, therefore, from you tbofe 
old Negligences, wherewith ye have been fo 
long noted; and print in your Minds new Re- 



advifed) to the greateft Profit that ever happened 
unto England. For thereby we have feen, 
what Force our Enemies be of, and have learn- 
ed how to prepare 2gainft them. We have 
tried, that great Actions muft not be taken in 
Hand, with flender Furnitures. That, if we 
purpofe to be forth for one Month, we muft 
prepare for twain. That it is better to leave 
great Abundance, than to lack one Pennyworth. 
That, if we have all the Strength and Provifi- 
on that can be devifed in the World, vet to put 
no Confidence therein, but to rely only en the 
Mercy, and Afiiftance, and Defence of Almigh- 
ty Gc'd, the Lord of Hofls. 

It hath alfo difcovered unto us the Forces 
and Furnitures of our own Realm. It hath 
wed unto us our own Wants. Ithathftir- 
red up our Minds to look to ourfelves. It hath 
made us effectually to know the Meaning of our 
Enemies, which before we did but miftruft, and 
would hardly believe. It hath taught us, who 
be her Majefty's loyal Subjects at Home, and 
her faithful Friends Abroad. Finally, it hath 
warned us, not to ufe anv more our old w r onted 
Negligence, but with Hands and Heart, with 
Lands and Goods, before and after, and at eve- 



folutions of ftedfaft and perpetual Courage, fuch ry prefentTime, to refill every foreign Invafion, 

as {hall never decay, or grow cold by the In- and to provide earneftly againft the fame. 

termifTion of Time, or Change of Matter. In like Manner, the general Mufters, and 

And, to the End there may never be in you Training up of Men, moft prudently and poli- 

any Thing to hinder fo dutiful and necefTary a tickly commanded throughout the Realm : Ee- 

Work, I will fet down both the Lets and 1m- fides the wonderful Readinefs, that it hath 

pediments, that be moft Enemies to this excellent brought the State into, irt Time of Need ; it 

Defence : And alfo, the beft Means I find to hath alio civen us a full and perfect Knowledge, 

Y 2 both 



1 64 An Exhortation^ to her Majejifs faithful Subjetti, 

both of the Sufficiency of our Men, and of all hive Store of thefe, well furnifhed, and do mount 

their Furnitures of War. All which Things, on them our own valiant Englijbmen ; what great 

though they might feem fufficient of themfelvts, Act dare we not attempt ? What Army dare wc 

to fhew and admonifh you to prepare all that is not affail ? What City dare we not befiege? 

neceffary ; yet will I (hew you more particularly, Nay, what Enterprife think we not before-hand 

what Things, in my Judgment, are moll need- obtained ? Did we not in a late Siege againft 

full herein, and what Impediments there be, the Town of Zutfen, in the Low Countries, with 

that we cannot fo thoroughly defend the Realm, the Force of Two or Three-hundred Horfemen, 

as we ought, and are bound in Duty to do. under the Conduct of the valiant Earl of Effex, 

Which being confidered, and the Impediments General of the Horfemen, and divers other hardy 

removed, we may more eafily do the fame. Gentlemen, give Repulfe unto above Twelve- 

Thsfr/l and mod general Thing to be noted hundred of the beft Horfemen of the King of 

herein, is, That all particular Perfons, which arc Spain ? With infinite other Examples of the 

charged by the Statute to provide Furnitures * like. If then the Number of Twelve-fcore did 

according to their Eftate and Living, have ei- fo great an Exploit, what will Ten or Twelve- 



ther none of thefe Things at all, when they be 
commanded to ferve the Common Weal, or elfe 
they have them in fuch bare and fimple Sort, as 
it may feem they do nothing for Confcience and 
Duty, and for the Love they bear to their Coun- 
try, but for a bare Shew, to blind the Eyes of 
the World, and to deceive the Laws of the Realm. 
And no doubt, but the Offence of thefe is fo great, 
as if either in their own Confcience they know 
themfelves able, or if it be proved by others that 
they have Sufficient, and yet neglect their Ser- 
vice, it ftandeth both with Juftice and Reafon, 
that they mould enjoy nothing of their own, 
till the Common Weal be firft furnifhed of fuch 
Things as is their Part to perform. 

Moreover, In the levying and prejjing of Sol- 
diers, as there have always been great Abufes in 
them, which have been Captains, and had the 
Charge thereof ; fo is there fome Corruption 



thoufand of thofe, or the like Lances, do in 
any neceffary Service, for the Honour and De- 
fence of the Realm ? And I truft, that the wor- 
thy Example, which my Lords of her Majefty's 
Council, and of other Lords and Gentlemen, 
taken in muttering of fo many good Horfes, 
and Men at Arms, of their own Charge f, will 
encourage the whole Realm to provide fuch Store 
of Horfes and Armours, as mall throughly be 
able to defend the fame. For, let it be (hewed, 
where there is any Civil Realm in CbriJfendom y 
that hath better Means to breed Horfes than 
England hath ; wherein be more Parks, Fo- 
refts, Chaces, and Commons fit for - this Pur- 
pofe, than in all the Kingdoms round about us. 
And affuredly, if Noblemen and Gentlemen, 
which have the greateft Store of thefe Grounds 
to fpare, would employ fome of them to the 
Breed of Horfes, befides the unfpeakable Benefit 



ufed at this Day. For the beft and ftrongeft they fhould bring to their Country, they them- 



Bodies, the belt trained, and moft able to do 
Service, are many Times fpared, and young 
Weaklings, without Strength, or Skill, or Abi- 
lity, are appointed in their Stead. Howbeit (I 
hope) that by Reafon of the Weight inefs of the 



felves alfo, in fhort Time, fhould reap as great 
Benefit thereby, as by any other Means they can 
devife. And although, thefe many Years paft, 
there hath been no Talk but of Peace, Peace, 
and Security ; yet that now, when they fee 



Caufe at this Time, and Willingnefs that Men they muft feek Means, how to defend both their 
have to the Wars, hath made this Offence not Living, and Lives alfo, from their Enemies, they 
fo general now, as before time. And I myfelf will no more neglect a Matter of fo great Impor- 



have lately feen whole Bands, as well chofen and 
furnifhed, as one might wifn. 

Again, We muft confider with ourfelves, that 
the Bands and Cornets of Horfemen, and efpeci- 
ally of Lances, have ever been, and yet are, 
the moft necdlary and puiffant Strength in 
Wars, both to defend ourfelves, and offend our 
Enemies. And therefore we muft take more 
Care in thefe Days, to provide great Horfes, and 

For if we 



tance ; but will with one whole Content provide, 
that within few Years, by the Example of Ger- 
many, and other Places, all the Horfes of La- 
bour, which are not now worth their Meat, 
(hall be turned into able Horfes of Service ; 
which being done, we fhall have one of the 
moft puiffant and flourifhing Kingdoms of the 
World. And hereby we fee how neceffary a 
Means this is for our Defence. 



large Geldings, than ever before. 

* Arms for the Militia, \ See the Particulars on/. 149, 150, 151, 152. 



Moreover, 



To defend their Country againft the Invqfion of Enemies. 165 

Moreover, there arifeth many Times a Mut- true-hearted Man to his Country, will abandcn all 
tering, or Difcontentment of Soldiers, that though Contentions , and willfet a-part alLDi/pleafures and 



the Prince, and her chief Officers, have provid- 
ed that every one fhould be juftly paid for the 
Time he ferveth, yet oftentimes their Pay is 
kept from them, by fome mean Captain or Of- 
ficer. And I have heard fo many of them, fo 
often, and fo pitifully complain of the Wrong 
that their young Captains have offered them 
herein, as although fome lewd Fellows among 
them mav abufe their Hearers ; yet, without 
Doubt, there is a great Fault : And, left this fhould 
be any Impediment to a general and faithful 
Defence of the Realm, we are to wifh, that 
there may be good Means to redrefs the fame. 

In like Manner all Sorts of Purveyors and 
Victuallers, whether they be for the Army or 
Navy, if they have any Love to their Coun- 
try, any Faithfulnefs to their Prince, any Cha- 
rity towards Men, or any Regard of their Du- 
ty and Service, mult be more careful than here- 
tofore ; not only, that there be Store of Vic- 
tuals diligently provided in Time, and before 
there be any Scarcity, and Murmuring among 
the Soldiers, but that it be alfo good and whole- 
fome for their Bodies ; left by the Corruption 



petty Grudges ; efpecially in the Time of any p-d>- 
lick Service ; when everv Man's Duty and Cou- 
rage fhould appear. Very notable was that Ac- 
tion of Hermias, towards his Adverfary Cretinus 
Magnetius, but efpecially towards his native 
Country ; againft which Mithridntes made War. 
For when Magnefius had given his Confenr, that 
Hermias mould be general Captain of the Wars, 
and he himfelf in the mean Time would banifh 
himfelf, for Fear of Factions that might arife : 
No (faith Hermias) I know Cretinus to be a bet- 
ter Captain than myfelf, and therefore I will be 
banifhed till the Wars be ended. This Exam- 
ple is worthy Remembrance; howbeit, Chriftiart 
Captains muft ftep one Degree further ; and 
irniit not only lay afide all Difpleafure for a 
Time, and be content that their Adverfary, 
whom they think to have better Knowledge, 
and more Experience in martial Affairs than 
they, {hall have Government and Preheminence 
above them ; and they, for that Caufe, to with- 
draw themfelves from the Wars ; but they muft 
alfo be prefent in Perfon, and, with all their 
Counfel, Endeavour, and Strength, muft help to 



thereof they be infected ; and fo the whole Realm, overthrow the publick Enemy of the Realm, in 



by their Sicknefs, be indangered. 

Alfo private Men, which have moft Store of 
Victuals in their Houfes, and be beft able to 
ferve, and yet, being commanded, do either re- 
fufe to ferve, or, by corrupting of under Officers, 
withdraw themfelves from the Service : Befides 
that they be Enemies to their Country, and be- 
tray the Common Weal; they be alfo moft in- 
jurious to their poor Neighbours, which are 
compelled to ferve, and yet not fo well able as 
they. 

Finally, The Diffenfton and Emulation that I 
have feen in the Common Weal, between pri- 
vate Captains, for Vain -glory ; hath been, and 
is no fmall Hinderance to the Defence of the 
Realm. For while one faith, I have been lon- 
ger in the Wars, and have more Experience 
than he : Another, I have been in more Bat- 
tles, and have received more Wounds : Another, 
I have travelled further upon the Sea, and have 
done greater Exploits: Another, I have been 
more fortunate, and have brought Home more 
Spoils from the Enemies, and yet am worfer 
rewarded than he. What is this, but to tear 
in funder the Common Weal, and to hinder 
every honourable Action that belongeth to the 
Defence of the fame. 



how mean a Place foever the Prince, or her 
Lieutenant, fhall appoint them. 

Laft of all, the great Prodigality and Excefs of 
Apparel, Building, and dainty Fare of the No- 
bility and Gentlemen of the Realm, is an ex- 
ceeding Hinderance to the Defence of the fame. 
For fince the moft Part of the Lands and Pof- 
feffions thereof belong unto them, and that all 
others do, as it were, depend on them, and are 
led by their Example, Government, and Direc- 
tion, they are fpecially, and above all others, 
bound both in Reafon and Confcience, to defend 
that which is their own. But how fhould they 
defend their own, when they run headlong into 
Debt ; when fo many Score, fo many Hundred, 
yea fo many Thoufand Pounds, v/hich they have 
in a Year to fpend, will not pay for the Apparel 
they wear on their Back ? How much lefs are 
they able to buy good Horfes, good Armour, 
and good Munition, and to pay their juft Por- 
tion of all fuch Things as belong to the Defence 
of their Country ? But, alas, what fhould I com- 
plain of this Impediment, or what can it avail 
me to fpeak of fo defperate an Enormity ; fince 
I myfelf have feen fo many good Laws, fo ma- 

Proclama- 



ny Commandments, and fo many 
Whereas every honejl and tions fet forth by her Majefty j yea, ib many 

Threat- 



An 'Exhortation, to her Majejlys faithful Subjetfs, 



166 

Threatenings pronounced by godly Preachers 

out of the Word of (jod, for the Reformation 

of this Excefs ; and nothing regarded, nothing 

amended, nothing obferved : Nay, all falling 

from 

from 

Gold ? And were it not that I faw this to be 

the whole Ruin of my Country, and (as it were) 

the material Caufe why the fame cannot profper, 

nor be well defended, till this Vice and Vanity 

be reformed, I would rather fit down, and be- 



thing, and yet one of ours is worth three of 
theirs. 

And generally, In all thefe Things, we are 
fo far from the Rule of our Forefathers, nav, 
of our own Fathers in this Age of ours, v, 
(knowing that the unneceffary Wars of ftrai 
Countries might breed infinite Lofs to I 
Kingdom) rarely ufed any other Ornaments 
for their own Perfons, than fuch as the Realm 
itfelf could make. But now we be all Helio- 
gabnlians%. We delight altogether in ftiange 
wail the palpable Blindnefs of Men, than feek to Fafhicns, in ftrange Ornaments, ftrange Stuff, 



better to worfe, from Pride to Pomp, 
gay - coloured Silk, to bright glittering 



perfuade them that be obftinate and wilful in 
in their own Opinions. 

The famous Emperor Auguflus, though a 
Heathen Prince, yet he faid, that cojily Apparel 
was the Banner of Pride, and the very Nurfe of 
Riot and IVantonnefs. But what would he fay, 
if he faw England in theje Days, and had fa- 
voured of Chr'ijiianhy ? Aflu redly, he would 
judge the fame to be the High-Way unto Hell, 
and the efficient Caufe of our Deftrudtion *. 

Outrageous alfo is the great and fumptuous 
Budding of our Time : It confumeth all the 



ftrange Apparel, ftrange Diet, and in all Things 
thnt be farfetched, and dear bought. If we be far 
from the Sea, we muft have Fifh : If we be 
near the Sea, we muft have Flefrj : When we 
have the beft, and the fineft, and mod Diverfi- 
ty of Cloath and Colour, and of Stuff - made 
within the Realm, fuch as our Forefathers could 
never have, then muft we mod of all feek for 
Clothes of Silk, of Silver, of Gold : From Spain, 
from Italy, from Africa, from Jfia, from Cali- 
cut, from China, and from the End of the World. 
When we have the beft Meat of our own, that 



great Timber of the Realm, which fhould ferve can poflibiy be devifed, then muft we fend into 



to make us Ships, for our Walls and Defence 
And, within a While, it will force us, either to 
build our VefTels in ftrange Countries, or elfe 
to yield ourfelves for a Prey unto our Enemies. 
Alfo, it beggareth the greateft Number of them 
that takePleafure therein ; and maketh them un- 
able to ferve their Country. And there be many 
more great Houfes already, than there be Men 
of Living able to uphold. 

I might fpeak alfo of the Superfluity of Meats 



Flanders, into France, and into far Countries, 
to feed our unfatiable' Bellies. O the miferable 
Bondage that our Nation hath fo willingly fub- 
mitted their Minds unto ! 

Wherefore, fince ye have now feen all the 
Caufes of this War, and cruel Attempts moved 
againft us, and by how many Ways we are hin- 
dered from a perfect and refolute Defence of 
the Realm ; and, by this Means alfo, are taught 
how to redrefs the fame. I would fif it were 



and Drinks : And efpecially of the Diverfity of the Will and Pleafure of God) that, for your 
Kinds, and fuch as are not nourifhed, nor do Sakes, I had the Tongue of Horterfua, and the 
grow within the Realm. The Abundance Pen of Cicero: That I had the Voice of Men 
whereof doth not only effeminate Men's Cou- and Angels, to ftir up your dull Spirits to re- 
rages, and weaken their Bodies, but alfo beggar member what the Lord in his Mercy hath 
their Purfes, and make them, by all Means, un- wrought for you, more than for any other 
able to defend their Country. Nation. How he hath committed to your 
We might take Example of the Roman Mo- Cuftody the precious Jewel of his Word, and 
narch f. The fame was One-hundred Times the perfect Adminiftration of his Sacraments, 
greater than ours, and the Gentlemen fo much How he hath hitherto defended thefe Things, 
greater, richer, and more honourable than ours, by the Excellency of his own Power and Good- 
■&, Marcus Crafjus affirmed, that a Senator, which nefs. And, having r.ow compaiTcd you with 



was not able to maintain an Armv of Six-thou- 
fand, was not worthy to be accounted rich. And 
yet was it ordained by a Law, that no Senator 
fhould have at his Board but three Difhes at 
one Meal. But with us Twenty -three is no- 



Enemies on everv Side, maketh Trial of you, 
whether you will faint in your Minds, or defend, 
with Courage, thdfe excellent Benefits. Whe- 
ther ye have ftedfaft Faith to ftand to the Truth, 
or do miftruff the Affiftance of his mighty 



* Before our Enemies. 



■J- Viz, The Ronw.n Empire. % i.e. Follow the Luxury and Excefs of Hrfiigabalus. 

Strength : 



to defend their Country againft the Invafion of Enemies. 167 

Strength: Whether the Multitude of your Ene- verer + ; under whom you have lived thefo 

mies fhall make you mifdoubt his wonted Thirty Years, in the greatefr. Happinefs and 

Mercies, or that you have a full Hope, and Security of any Nation in the World, 
fredfaft Belief, that he will perform his Pro- And neither are they fo chaced from you, that 

mifes: Whether ye have more Care to fpare you are to expect them no more. For though the 

your Goods, your Money, your Rents, and Lord hath done this Time very great Things 

Revenues, than to five your Wives, yourChil- for you, and hath covered them with Shame and 

dren, your Prince and Country, and your own Difhonour that fought your Life : Though the 

Lives from Deftruction : Whether you more Dragon be driven into his Den, yet is hisStiug 

efteem dainty Fare, coftly Apparel, gorgeous and Poifon frill in Force : Though they be cha- 

Buildings, and other vain Delights of this World, ced and repelled for aTime, yet their Malice and 

than the Lofs of fo happy a Kingdom, of fo Fury abideth : Though the Lord now defeated 

excellent a Prince, of fo fincere a Religion, and their Purpofe, yet theirDevice and Practice con- 

of fo pure a Gofpel, preached, and committed tinueth : Though fome of their Ships and Men 

unto our Cuftody, by Chrijl himfelf, our Saviour be funk in the Sea, yet the Sinews of their 

and Redeemer ? Commonwealth remain. Neither will they 

And now, even now, is the Time, that (hall ever come to any Peace and Attornment with 
try, who is faithful unto God, obedient to his you, till ye have plucked thofe Sinews in fun- 
Prince, and natural to his Country. Now, even der \. 

now, will God prove and tempt you, as he did Arm yourfelves therefore again and again, ye 

the Children of Ijrael, at the Red Sea, and in the Lords and Gentlemen, ye principal Captains, 

Wildernefs. Now, even now, are you either Citizens, and wealthy Subjects ; ye that have 

to call: the Nations out of the Land of Canaan, {hewed yourfelves fo courageous and forward, in 

or yourfelves to be caft out of the Kingdom of thefe late Enterprifes. Cleanfe your Armours, 

England. Now, even now, is the Ax laid to make ready your Weapons, renew your Furni- 

the Root, that, if ye bring not forth good Fruit, tures, redouble your Provifions, flack no Oppor- 

you fhall furely be overthrown. tunities, look for a fpeedy Return of your Ene- 

Say not with yourfelves, Lo, we have chaced mies; forefee the Dangers, provide all Necef- 

away our Enemies, and they are afraid of us. faries : Look to the Amending and new Building 

They fly hither and thither, and are at their of Ships. Make them ftrong, light, and nim- 

Wits End. For when the Children of Ifrael ble for the Battle. And ye that be honourable, 

called unto God for Mercy, with Repentance rich, and of the greateft Power, follow the 

of their Sins, he fubjected the Phili/lines, and good Example of Sir IV. Raleigh, who, of his 

other Nations, unto them : But when they for- own Charge, built two fuch Ships the lafr. Year, 

fook the Lord, and put not their whole Trull: as, perhaps, might have faved all England in one 

in him, they became Servants unto the Phili- Day. Worthy of great Praife alio was Mr. 

Jlines. So was it with you in Times part, when Outrich, and Job/on of Hull,znd whofoever build- 

your Forefathers fubmitted themfelves to the ed the Merchant Royal, by the happy Succefles 

Yoke of every Invafion : Namely, of the Ro- of whofe Ships, their Names fhall never be for- 

mans, Saxons, Danes, and Normans. And fo was gotten. O that Engl'ijhmen were fo fharpened at 

it of late Days, when, for the Multitude of your this Day againir. the Enemies of God and her 

Sins, the Lord took away his Gofpel from you, Majefty, as were the Romans againft the Cartha- 

and fubmitted not only your Bodies, but your ginians ! O that they would join their Purfes 

Confciences alfo, to that Roman Antichrift *. and Hearts together, as did the wealthv Men of 

And yet, when you turned to the Lord, with that Commonwealth, in any Danger of the fame, 

inward Sighs, with forrowful Mournings, and For in the fir ft Punkk War, when the Romans, 

with Repentance of Heart, he took Compaffion by the Unfkilfulnefs of their Pilots and Mari- 

upon you again, and fent you a mighty Deli- ners, had loft and broken at one Inftant, up- 

* The Pope. 

f Queen Elizabeth, who eftablifhed the Reformed Religion in England and Ireland. 

% Tiiis Maxim, by continual Experience, doth llill hold good ; Ycr our Popijb Enemies, France, Spain, $.c. 
never make any Peace with us till they are reduced to the laft Neceffity ; and have never kept any League 
with England longer than they could rind an Opportunity to break it to their Advantage j and we can nei 
be fafe from their Invafions, till we have utterly defbroyed their Power. 

on 



68 



An Exhortation, to her Majejifs faithful SubjeBs, 



on the Flats of Silicia, the Number of Nine- 
hundred and Twenty Ships ; and having emptied 
all their common Treafury, bv Reafon of the 
long War, were not able of their publick Purfe 
to build am more. It was agreed, by common 
Con Tent, that the Citizens lhould join their 
Purfes together, to the building of a new Fleet ; 
fome to mike one Ship, and fome another, ac- 
cording to the Subftance of every Perfon ; and 
fo to arm, fet forth, and maintain the fame ; 
to the End that the private Charge of the Citi- 
zens mould fupply the Lack of the Common- 
wealth. And fo were there fpeedilv made, rig- 
ged, and fet to the Sea, in very fhort Space, 
Two-hundred Sail (of Five Men to an Oar) 
for the War. And at another Time, upon 
the Lofs of Four-hundred Sail upon the like Ac- 
cident, they builded, furnifbed, and fet forth to 
the Sea, One-hundred and Twenty Ships, in 
Four-fcore and Ten Davs, after the Timber 
was felled. And yet were not all the Countries, 
which the Rowans had then in Poffeffion, any 
bigger than the Kingdom of England. But the 
MiferaBlenefs of the Rich was much lefs ; and 
the Diligence of the Subjects, Zeal to their 
Country, and Regard of their own Honour, 
was without all Comparifon greater. Hereby 
alfo we fee, that every Country hath not, at 
all Times, laid the whole Charge of Defence 
upon the Prince alone: But in Time of Necef- 
fity, and when the common Treafure would 
not fuffice, every one hath imparted the Charge, 
according to the Compafs of his Wealth and 
Living. This being confidered, I hope every 
Perfon of Ability will know what his Duty is 
to perform in this Bufinefs. 

In like Manner, ye that be Soldiers, and 
mean Captains, prepare yourfelves to all Obe- 
dience, when you be called to the Defence of 
your Country. Caft from you all Impediments, 
that may hinder fo good and loyal an Action. 
Brave not yourfelves in Gold, in Silk and 
Silver. For that is no Way to outface your 
Enemies, but to difgrace yourfelves : Seeing 
they be braver, they be richer, they be more 
cottly apparelled than you. But be ye rather 
inticed by the glittering Shew of their gorgeous 
Cloaths, to pull down their proud Peacocks 
Feathers. It is neither for your Reputation, nor 
Profit, nor good Name fo to be decked. Nay, 
to be clothed in Gold and the fineft Silks breed- 
eth a Sufpicion of fome Injuftice towards the 
poor Soldiers, though ye have fome good En- 
tertainment in the Wars, unlefs you have 



Lands and Living of your own to maintain the 
fame, or have obtained fuch Things by the 
Spoil of your Enemies. 

Generally, all ye good Men of the Realm, 
and well willing Subjects, in whofe Courage and 
Affiftance, ftandeth a great Part of our Defence, 
prepare yourfelves unto all Service and Loyalty, 
be ftrong and hardy. Comfort yourfelves in the 
Juftice of your Caufe. Convert your Ploughs, 
into Spears, and your Scythes into Swords. 
Turn your Bowls into Bows, and all your Paf- 
times into Mufquet-fhot. Abandon all your 
vain Delights, and idle Games. Imitate the 
immortal Renown of your Englijh Anceftors. 
If ever ye defired Fame, or Honour, or Glory 
to your Nation, now is the Time, that, by your 
Prowefs, ye may double and redouble the fame. 
Now is the Time, that either, by {hameful 
Cowardice, you {hall bring yourfelves into Cap- 
tivity, or by flout and courageous Minds, obtain 
a noble Victory. 

Confider with yourfelves the hard Attempts, 
that other Nations in Times part have taken in 
Hand, for the Love of their Country. The 
wonderful Magnanimity and Refolution of 
Mutius Sctevola, a young Gentleman of Rome, 
delivered the City from Siege, and caufed a 
firm Peace between Porcenna and the Romans. 
For, this Gentleman palled over the River of 
Tyber, with great Courage, and with an invin- 
cible Mind, through the whole Hoft of Porcenna, 
till he was entered the King's Pavillion ; where 
he, finding him with great Company about him, 
preffed in and flew the Secretary inftead of the 
King. But when he perceived, that it wai not 
Porcenna, but the Secretary that he had (lain, he 
was forry in his Heart, and, in Token thereof, 
burned his Right-hand in the Fire, and told 
Porcerina, that though it were his Chance to mifs 
of his Purpofe ; yet there were Three-hundred 
Gentlemen more in the Camp, that had vowed 
to perform that Action. Whereupon, Porcenna 
feeing fo great Refolution, that the Romans had 
to defend their Country, forthwith levied the 
Siege, and made Peace with them. 

And notable was the Story of the Widow 
"Judith, which ventured to fave her Citv, with 
fo unfpeakable Danger of her Life. For {he, 
feeing no other Way to affwage the Fury of 
Holifernes, but by the fmooth Words and Si- 
mulation of a Woman, prefented herfelf before 
him, in his Chamber, and promifed him fair, 
till {he had lulled him a Sleep with Drink, and 
fhicken off his Head with a Sword. 

What 



To defend their Country againft the hroafion of Enemies. 



169 



with fuch invincible Courage, as he utterly over- 
threw them. 

Alfo, the noble Victory of King Henry the 
Fifth t at the Battle of Jgincourt, hath deferved 
everlafling Memory : When Seven- thoufand 
Englijhmcn, and thofe wearied and weakened 
with long Travel, Sicknefs, and Scarcity of 
Victuals, vanquifhed the huge Army of the 
French Nation. 

Many Times alfo have we fought Honour in 
Spain, and defended that Country from Ufur- 
pers. Did not Prince Edward, by vanquishing 
of King Henry, and thofe Spaniards and French 
that took his Part, fettle Peter in his Right a- 
gain ? But this hath been ever a blefied Gift of 
God, and a peculiar Right of the Kings of 
comparable unto ours, yet they fpared England, as it were united to the Crown, to exe- 
neither the Money in their Purfe, nor the Blood cute the Juftice of God againft Ufurpers, and 
in their Bodies, to honour and defend their to relieve the Princes their Neighbours op- 
Country. preffed. 

How often did the antient Britons refift the V herein her Majefty hath mightily and mar- 

Landing, and Invafion of the Romans, though velloufly declared herfelf, above all Oi.hcr her 
we were then divided into many Kingdoms ; princely PredecefTors, to defcend of the Royal 
deftitute, altogether, of Armour and Ammuni- Seed of Courage and Magnanimity, and to be 
tion, and without Knowledge of warlike Dif- the right Queen of England, fent from above, 
cipline? Yet, how often were they repulfed ? to nurfe and protect the true Chriftian Common- 



What fhall I fpeak of Curtius, that noble 
Roman, and /Incur us, the King's Son of Phry- 
gia? Either of which, feeing in their Country 
a dangerous Bi each, or Cliffin the Earth, which, 
they were perfuaded, would not be clofed up 
again, till the beft Thing in the City (which 
they took to be a Man) were thrown into it, 
willingly threw themfelves into the fame, for 
the Safety of the People. But foreign Exam- 
ples are innumerable, and not fo well known to 
all, as be our own. And I would that we 
did chiefly follow the noble and worthy Acts of 
our own Progenitors, in fundrv Wars and Bat- 
ties, fought for the Defence of this Kingdom, 
and for the perpetual Honour and Renown of 
themfelves. Whofe Caufe (neverthelefs) being 
nothing 



And whatLofles fuftained they before they might 
attain their Purpofe? 

What Enterprifesdid famous King Arthur at- 
tempt, both at Home againft the Saxons, and 
Abroad with other Nations ? What Cities and 
People did he conquer ? What Battles fought 



we 



.1. 



Again, did not her Majefty 's moft Royal Fa- 
ther fend the Lord Darcy into Spam, to 
King Philip's Great-uncle, the King of Arra- 
gon, againft the Moors, who troubled Did 

he not alfo, within a While after, fend thither 



he ? What Victories obtained he ? Whereby the Marquis of Dorfet, with an Army of Ten 



he was reputed of all Writers, for one of the 
nine Worthies of the World. 

What fay we to the Battle of CreJJy, when 
noble King Edward the Third, having not the 
eighth Part fo many as had the French King ; 
yet he vanquifhed him, and, in a Manner, all 
the Chivalry of France ? 

Alfo, the Battle of PoicJiers (hall never be 



thoufand, to affcTt the faid King to conquer the 
Kingdom <if Navarre ? And, did he nor, many 
other Times, aid Charles the Fifth, Father un- 
to this Phiup, againft the French, and all other 
his Enemies? Yea, and did not the Englijhm en , 
in the Time of Queen Mary, affift King Philip 
himielf, with an Army, to overthrow the French, 
at St. Qi'intins, although we received thereby the 



forgotten ; where but an Handful of Englifo- greateft Lofs that happened unto England thele 



men overthrew all the Force of France ; for none, 
that regarded either Honour or Credit, was 
abfent from that Field ; feeing the French King 
himfelf was there prefent, who, being taken 
Prifoner, was carried Captive into England. 

But how valiantly and prudently did that 
King behave himfelf, at the Battle on the Sea, 
before Sluys, when the French, having three- 
hundred Ships, and we but two-hundred, and 
they four Men to one of us, and all expert Sol- 
diers and Mariners ; yet the King aflailed them 



hundred Years? And have we not ever been as 
careful of that Houfe of Burgo.gi;, as of our 
own felves ? But, for which of all thefe good 
Turns, do the Spaniards now io deadly hate 
us? 

Alfo, the worthy Examples of great M 
hood and Courage, that have been fhewed by 
our Forefathers, in Times paft, and in our D.:\s 
by us, in the Kingdom of Scotland, are infinite, 
and (o frefh in Memory, as they need not here 
to be recited. 
Z Wherefore, 



170 An Exhortation, to her Majeffs faithful Subjects, 

Wherefore, we have in every Age affined 
and tried, what Courage Englifimen have been 



of againft other Nations, and how thev have 
prevailed againft them. Some Doings alfo we 
have had with them of late; neither do we find 
them or any more Force than in former Time ; 
nor yet their Succefs better againft us than be- 
fore. Where have we met them with half the 
Number, but we have overmatched them ? Nei- 
ther wiil they abide the Sight of us, unlefs they 
far exceed in Multitude. Ttftimonies hereof 
are many, and of late, and notable. What did 
the great Army of the King of Spain, at the 
Siege of Berk, when it was only bruited, that 
the Earl of Leice/ier, her Majefty's Lieutenant- 
general, with thofe few Forces, which he had 
of Englijh Soldiers, came to relieve the Town ? 
Did not the fame Army forthwith retire from 
the Town ? Neither durft they come to levy 
the Siege, 



thefe late Actions how to withftand the Force 
of your Enemies. Though they be rich, proud, 
and cruel ; yet God hath given you Means to 
humble and abafe them. They have neither 
Juflice, nor Religion, nor Charity, nor Ccn- 
fcience, nor yet good Caufe on their Side. If 
they had been juft, they would not have pre- 
tended Peace -f, and yet fwear our DeftrucTon. 
If they had Religion and Charity, they would 
have fought bv godly and religious Means to 
fave our Souls, and reconcile us unto them ; 
and not to ban and curfe us to the bottomlefs 
Pk of Hell. Neither is their Caufe good ; 
for then would they not have fought by Trea- 
fons and Treacheries, but by honourable and 
princely Means to overthrow us : Wherefore, 
having none of all thefe with them, I truft, 
that neither have they God on their Side. So 
then, they for the Greedinefs of a Kingdom, 



which we made againil Dusboroiv, till for Defpite they bear to our Religion, for Vain- 

that Town and the great Sconce of Zutfen were glory, Pride, and Prefumption, for Mainte- 

both won. Neither could they ever have won nance of the Pope's Kingdom ; againil God, a- 

thofe Things again from us, had not Treafon gainfl his Word and Truth, againft our blefled 

more prevailed than Force and valiant Courage. Queen, againft all Reafon, Confcience and Hu- 



How many ftrong Cities and Caftles alfo did the 
young Englijh Captains and Soldiers conquer 
lately at the Indies ? How valiantly did they be- 
have themfelves, under fortunate Sir Francis 
Drake, at St. Domingo, Carthagena, Cales, and in 
many other Places ? Where the Englijh were in 
Number few, and the Enemies infinite. Nei- 
ther fhall any Age ever wipe away the Honour 
of thofe Acts from the Fame of Englijhmcn ; 
neither hath the like Act been ever heard or read 
of, in any Age before. Thefe and fuch like 

Things may mightily encourage our Minds, that 

whatfoever Force our Enemies bring againft us, 

God is on our Side, and we fhall not fear what 

they can do againft us. 

Have we not, of late, beaten and chaced a- 

way their great Mountains of the Sea ^freight- 
ed with Men, Ammunition, and Ordnance of 

War innumerable ? Have we not taken and 

llain many of them, and driven them Home 

with Shame enough ? And have fo penned in 

the reft, as they chirft not come forth to aflail 

us ? 

Imitate, therefore, the excellent Virtues of 

your Forefathers, if you will be Partakers of 

their famous Victories. Take Example by our Enemies more unjuft Caufe to deal againft 

* The Spanijh invincible Armada. 

f The Duke of Parma, the King of Spain s Commander in Chief, in the Lew Countries, endeavoured 
to amufe the Englijh with a Peace, and fo divert them from providing for their own Security, till the Spanijb 
Armada, was actually on iheE/tgliJk CoajJ. 

us 



manity, do offer all this Violence unto us. And 
we, on the other Side, in Defence of ourfelves, 
our native Country, our anointed Prince, our 
holy Religion, our own Jefus Chrijl, his holy 
Word and Sacraments, againft very Antichrift, 
and all the Pillars of his Church, and againft 
thofe that have curfed and indicted the King- 
dom, do withftand the Injury done unto us. 

And we, that have done fo valiantly at other 
Times, when the Quarrel was but for Money, 
or other fmall Matters, is it poflible, but we 
fhould be much more forward now in fo great 
and weighty Caufes ? When had ever England 
fo juft a Caufe to fight as now ? When did we 
ever more infinitely feel the Mercies of God 
than now ? When had we ever a more loving 
Prince to her Subjects than now ? When 
were ever any Subjects more obedient to their 
Prince than now ? When were there ever 
fo many lufty and gallant Gentlemen to de- 
fend the Realm as now ? When were we at 
any Time better acquainted with the Sleights 
and Cunning of our Enemies than now ? When 
had we ever more Skill in Martial Actions and 
Trainings than now ? Finally, when had ever 



to defend their Country again/} the Invafion of Enemies. 171 

us than notf, and we more lawful Caufe to de- the Sun in the Sight of the Lord, and as the 
fend ourfelves than now? And, therefore, when Moon in the Night- feafon, fo (hall our Eliza- 
(hould we ever have greater Hope of Victory beth give Light unto her People. Her Food (hail 
than now ? De or " tne 1 ree °f Life, that * ier Age ma . v never 
If ever, therefore, ye bare any Affection to decay. All the Bleffings of the Lord fhall plen- 
ybur Country ; if ever any Love to Religion ; tifully be poured upon her, and by her fha!l be 
if ever any Obedience unto a good and natural given unto you. The right Adminiftration of 
Prince ; if ever you would venture your Lives God's Word and Sacraments fhall be with you 
for your Fathers and Mothers, your Wives and forever ; neither fhall the Power of Antichrift 
Children, or bed deferving Friends ; if you have be able to wreft them from you. There fhall 
any Comfort in the Promifes of Chriji Jefus ; be no Decay, no Leading into Captivity, nor 
if you have any Hope to receive Salvation by Complaining in your Streets. Ye fhall be blef- 
his Merits ; and, as ye will anfwer before God fed in the City and in the Fie' J, at Home and 
at the Coming of his Son, now (hew yourfelves Abroad ; in your Barns and in your Houfes ; 
like Men, courageous and forward, prompt and in all your Actions and E1.ern.1fcs. Ye 
and willing to do all the Parts of Chriftian Sol- fhall be feared, loved, and honoured of all Na- 
diery. tions. They, who now hate you for your Re- 
Let now no more carelefs and negligent ligion, fhall then perceive that the Ark of the 
Minds pofTefs your Bodies ; let no more a few Lord is with you, and that it is in vain toftnve 
Days Security make you forgetful of fo continual with the Lord, and againfl you. They fhall 
Duties. Let neither the greedy Defire of Mo- have Remorfe in their Confcience, and when 
ney, nor the lewd Confuming of Riches, nor they have well confidered the Caufe, and do per- 
the wanton Excefs of Apparel, nor the Super- ceive, that neither by the Greatnefs of their 
fluity of Meats and Drinks, nor the coftly Build- Power, nor by the Help of their Riches, nor 
ings and curious Trimming of Houfes, be any the Afliftance of their holy Father of Rome^ nor 
Hinderance to fo honourable Actions. Learn by of any other petty God, which they have made 
thofe Things that I have here declared, what to themfelves, they can fulfil their Malice a- 
Wants there are in the Realm that hinder the re- gainft you, but that God doth {till defend you, 
folute Defence of the fame. Remember the Reme- they will be glad to forget all that is paft, and 
dies, fupply the Lakes, remove the Impediments, will rejoice themfelves with you in Amity. Yea, 
Begin betimes to train up your Youth, to amend and when they fhall fee your godly Life joined 
and build your Ships, to make Plenty of Shot with (o excellent Government of the Realm ; 
and Ammunition, to have Store of Victuals at it will make them draw more and more from 
all Times ready, to breed and provide good the Rcman^ to the right and true Religion. But if- 
Horfes ; that all Things, and in all the Realm, ye fhall ftill continue in your old wonted Neg- 
may be ready upon the fudden, and when any ligence, wherewith you have ever been infect- 
Need fhall require. But efpecially put from ed ; if you fhall ftill complain of Fortune, and 
you all private Factions and Divifions. Set a- fay : If we had come a little fooner, or tarried 
part all Quarrels and Debates among yourfelves. a little longer, or had not wanted a little of this, 
Yield more to the Safeguard of your Country or had too much of that ; thus and thus had it 
and Religion, than to the Obedience of your happened unto us ; when all the Fault is in 
own Affections. Contend who fhall be moft yourfelves: If you fhall think that Time will 
forward and valiant, but envy not your Equals work Wonders, though you yourfelves follow 
if they attain to more Honour. your own Pleafures : If you will not provide 
By this Refolution, if all the World fret and Refiftance before the Enemies be at your Gates; 
rage never fo much againft you, the Lord will if you feek not to take from them the Strength 
fight for you. He will give the Victory, and and Sinews of their Commonweal, before they 
ye fhall but look on. He will put a Fear into have eaten you out of vour own Houfes; final- 
their Hearts, and they fhall fly when no Man ly, if you mend not all Faults, wherein the 
followeth them. An Hundred fhall chace away World hath ever noted you ; that is to fay, To 
a Thoufand, and a Thoufand Ten-thoufand. have hereafter as good a Fore- wit, as ye have 
Ye fhall rob the Egyptians of their Jewels, and been accounted heretofore to have an After-wit: 
their own Weapons fhall be turned againft them. To have lefs Liking to coftly Apparel, and all 
The Glory of the Kingdom fhall remain as Toys and Vanities, than to the Profit of ycur 

Z 2 Countrv, 



172 An Exhort ci hi, to her Majejlfs faithful Subjects, 6cc. 

Country, than to the Care of Religion, than your Enemies, and you (hall become a Scorn 

to Godlinefs, yea, than to the Safety and Pre- arid Derifion unto all N Yea, he will 

fervation of your own Souls ; God will utterly bring upon you all the Plagues that he did upon 

leave and fotfake you, though you were his own the Children of Ifrael. 

Dwelling-place and Inheritance ; he will take Amend, therefore, your Faults, be diligent, 

from you his Truth and Teftimonies ; he will faithful, and refolute, with all your Power to 

deprive you of all thofe precious Jewels, for defend her Majefty, the Kingdom, and the true 

Which, and whofe Sakes, he hath fo long pre- Religion: And the Lord, for his Son's Sake, will 

ferved you ; he will make you a Prey unto all be gracious and merciful unto )ou. 

His Prayers to this Purpofe, pronounced in her Majefty's Chapel, and elftwhere. 

The Firft. 

OLord God, heavenly Father, the Lord of Ho/Is, Wealth ; by Weaknefs or by Strength. Ofoffefs the 

without Vfbefe Providence nothing prcceedeth, Hearts of our Enemies with a Fear of thy Servants, 

and without whofe Mercy nothing is Javed. The Caufe is thine, the Enemies thine, the Aff.icled 

In whofe Power lie the Hearts of Princes, and thine, the Honour, Viclory, and Triumph jhall be 

i of aU their Acl'ims : Have upon thine thine, Confeder,Lord,theEndofcurEnterprifes, 

(ifflicled Church ; and efpecially regard thy Servant, be prefent with us in our Armies, terrify the Hearts 

Elizabeth, cur mo/1 excellent Queen ; to whom thy of our Enemies, and make a joyful Peace for thy 

difperjed Flocks fly, in the Anguijh of their Soul, Chrijlians. And now, fence, in this extreme Necef- 

and in the Zeal cf thy Truth. Behold, how the fety, thou haji put into the Heart of thy Servant 

Princes of the Nations do band themfelves again/1 Deborah, f0 provide Strength to with/land the Pride 

h:r. beemtfk flit labmreth to purge thy Sancluary, of Sicera, and his Adherents ; blefs thou all her 

and that thy holy Church may live in Security. Forces by Sea and Land. Grant all her People 

Confeder, O Lord, how long thy Servant hath la- one Heart, one Mind, and one Strength, to defend 

toured to them for Peace ; but how proudly they her Perfon, her Kingdom, and thy true Religion. 

prepare thcmfelves unto Battle. Arife, therefore, Give unto all her Council and Captains Wifdom, 

maintain thine own Caufe, and judge thou between Warinefs, and Courage, that they may fpeedify pre- 

her and her Enemies. She fecketh not her ozvn Ho- vent the Devices, and valiantly with/land the Forces 

now, but thine ; nor the Dominions of others, but cf all cur Enemies ; that the Fame of thy Gofpel 

a jujl Defence of her fe If; nor the Shedding of may be fpread unto the End of the World. JJe 

Chriftian Blood, but the Saving of poor affiicled crave this in thy Mercy, heavenly Father, for the 

S:u!s. Come down, therefore , come down s and de- precious Death of thy dear Son } Jefus Chrift, 

liver il.y People by her. To vanquijh is all one Amen. 
with thee, ly few or by many j by Want or by 

The Second. 

OHeavtnty Father, we mo/1 humbly befeech thee, do call for Help from thy holy Habitation. Now is 

with xlyy merciful Eyes, look down from Hea- the Time, Lord, now is the Time, that, by a g.'o- 

ven upon tloy Church of England. And rious Viclory in thine own Caufe, t Chrifr. 

eftccially regard thy Servant, Elizabeth, the De- Jefus, and his holy Word, Jhall be magnified in all 

fender of thy true Faith, and Proteclor of thy Holy the World. For, to, thine Enemies have fworn to 

Word. And here we pro fir ate curfelves before the lay wajle thy Sancluary, and tixit thy Sen-ant, E- 

Throne of thy Mercy, mfe truly conftjfing in our lizabeth, her People and Kingdom, fiall be rooted 

[ arts, that, if thou f leal with us according cut, and no more remembered upon the Earth, 

to our Si;?s, we deferve nothing but Shame, Corfu- And now, that we have long and carne/lly fought 

feon, an ! utter Denotation. But, when we remem- unto them for Peace, they are mojl proudly come 

ber the Multitude of thy Mercies in Chrift Jefus, forth by Land and Sea again/1 us. In fetch Wifee^ 

', in Humblenefs of Mind, and Zeal of thy Truth, that, if thy mighty Providence had not forefeen their 

with one Heart, and one Mouth, in this our Dijlrefs, dijfembhd Malice^ we had fuddenly peri/hed, and 

come 



The Royal Gamefters, &c. 173 

erne to a fearful End. JPherefore, make frujlrate and Ajfiftance of thy heavenly Power. let thy 

their Devices, and fight thou with Ifrael, againji holy Ange~l defend us. Put a- Fear into their 

all the Ho/l of the Aflyrians. Stretch out the Hearts, that they, flying before us, may be van- 

Jr?n of Mofes, that tlyy Chrijlian Soldiers may quijhed, and cenfejs, that it is thy Power, and 

valiantly fight for their Prince, their Country, and tlyy right Hand, that hath prevailed againji them, 

thy true Religion. Let the fame Weapons, which And fo they being forry for their Sins, and confef- 

they have prepared againji us, be turned into their ing their Error, may jly from Antichrijl, unto the 

civn Bofom. Deflroy their Armies, confound their true Shepherd Jefus Chrift. For whofe Sake, O 

Forces, terrify their Captains. Scatter, break, heavenly Father, bow down thine Ear to this our 

and fink into the Sea, their huge andjlrong Vejfels. humble Defire ; and we that be thy People, and 

And, as it was with Pharaoh on the Red Sea,fi> Sheep of thy Pajlure, fiwll evermore give Thanks 

let it be with them that feek the Death of thy to thee the Father of Alercy. Which livejl and 

Servants. We trujl not in the Multitude of Horfe- r eigne ft with the Son, and the Holy Ghojl. ever one 

men, nor in the Power of our own Arm ; but in God, World without End. Amen. 
the Jtjlice of our Caufe, and in the Help, Mercy , 



The Royal Gamefters : Or, the old Cards new fhuffled, for a 

Conquering Game. 



The following Piece needs no Comment, much lefs any Apology for its Republication ; feeing 
that the old Times, in which it was firfi -penned, are become new, and the fame Game is 
begun again among the Powers and States of Europe, by the ambitious and treacherous 
Views and Attempts of France and Spain. 



Germany. ~W *i R ' E we to play this Match prepare, 
I Let's know firft, who together are. 
Holland. » Let England deal the Cards about, 

^ . -^ The four Knaves play, the reft ftand out. 
Prujfia. France is a Gamefter, and muft fall, 

Elfe Odds will beat the Devil and all. 
France. What I have won, I'll venture ftiU, 

I'll give you nothing but the Deal. 
England. Play fair then, and it is agreed, 

The two black Knaves, againft the red. 

The Kings fhall hold another Set, 

And the four Queens fhall fit and bet. 

The Knaves of France and Spain are black, 

'Tis Germany muft hold the Pack. 
Gertn. Give me the Cards, the Deal is mine ; 

Diamonds are Trumps, who bets this Time ? 
Holland. I'll hold ten-thoufcnd Livres by, 

'Gainft France and Spain, the Reafon why J 

Becaufe the Odds is Ten to One, 

They'll certainly be both undone. 
Savoy. I'll take you up, with you I'll lay, 

That France and Spain will hold you Play. 

Dtnmark. 



174 The Royal Game/ten t &c. 

Denmark. I'll nothing bet on either Side ; 
Portugal. Nor I, until I fee them try'd. 
Bavaria. I know on which Side I would bet, 

But will not tell my Mind as yet ; 
Sweden. Nor I, but ftill will Neuter ftand, 

And do them Service under-hand. 
Poland. One fingle Game with Swedes I'll trv, 

I'll make the fmooth-fae'd Yquth comply. 
Venice. Go on and profper all, fay I. 

The Firji Game, 1702. 

Germany held good Cards, and play'd 'em well, 
Got fome by Tricks, and Honours, the firft Deal. 
The fecond Deal, France held the Cards, and then, 
The Game feemed Two to One, for France and Spain, 
But, in a little Time, they turn'd again : 
For Fortune now old Lewis' Side forfakes, 
England won all, and Holland drew the Stakes. 



\ 



} 



The Second Game, 



1703. 



The Second Game, Bavaria took their Parts, 
And, the firft Deal, turn'd up the King of Hearts; 
Got the Court-Cards and Trumps into his Power, 
And put the Slip upon the Emperor. 
And well it was for France he ferv'd him (o, 
For Lewis elfe had quickly been brought low ; 
Germany fretted thus to fee it go. 
England ftill play'd its Part, and won fome Tricks, 
And fairly brought the Game up Eight to Six. 
But Germany had no good Cards to play, 
And by ill Fortune gave the Game away. 
Savoy did now from France and Spain divide, 
And ventur'd all on the contrary Side. 
Lofes fome Stakes, but England lends him more, 
And Portugal does for that fame Side declare. 

The Third Game, 1704. 

But vex'd to fee the Bufinefs done by halves, 
Holland and England took the Cards themfelves. 
Germany laid his laft Stake down at Play, 
While all the Strefs upon the Dealers lay, 
France cut the Cards, and Holland led the Way. 
The firft Deal from the Cards Bavaria loft, 
And fear'd that now his great Defigns were crofs'd. 
Holland dealt next ; France the firft Trick did get, 
But England by the Honours won the Set. 
Bavaria, ruin'd, threw the Cards away, 
And had not left another Crofs to play. 



I 



\ 



The 



The Royal Gamefters, &cc. 175 

The Fourth Game, 1705. 

France to the laft Stake brought, and Spain the fame, 
But Germany revok'd and fpoil'd the Game : 
Which made the other Gamefters fwear, 
He did not play upon the Square. 
England chang'd Sides, and took the Dutch again, 
While Portugal play'd fingle Hand with Spain. 
But after many Deals, and mighty Coft, 
Between them both, there was but little loft. 
Now England deals about, for the laft Stake, 
And had a Hand that made great Moniieur quake : 
But, when the Set to a Conclufion came, 
Holland loft Dealing, and quite baulk'd the Game. 

The Conquering Game, 1706. 

England deals next, and France is fain, 
To lend a lofing Stake to Spain. 
Savoy bets all ; France threatens hard, 
To take from him his leading Card ; 
But England all the reft reftore, 
And tell him, they will lend him more. 
Now on all Sides the Stakes are down, 
And Spain plays brifkly for the Crown : 
And Portugal fome Bets doth lav, 
Which England does, and Holland pay. 
The firft Deal, Spain three Tricks doth lofe, 
Which doth old Lewis much confufe. 
France lhuffles next, more Stakes docs bet, 
And threatens hard to win the Set, 
E're Germany his Cards can fort, 
While Venice laughs, and likes the Sport. 
England fays nothing all the While, 
But plays fuch Cards makes Holland fmile. 
France wins a Stake or two at firft, 
And Swedes wou'd back him, if they durft : 
But Poland holds him to't as yet, 
And hopes to gain his late loft Bet. 
France with his beft Court-Cards begins, 
While Spain lofe rafter than he wins. 
The Set grows warm ; briflc Play is fhewn, 
And Savoy lays his laft Stake down. 
But Germany, with Trumps fupply'd, 
Soon turns the Game o'th' t'other Side. 
France with his Ace of Hearts doth join, 
But England plays the King and Queen. 

Old Lewis vex'd, yet looking grave, -j 

With Speed throws down another Knave, y 

And queftions not the Game to (dve. J 

While Portugal, with Anger then, 
Plays down another fingle Ten : 

At 



176 The Penny lefs Parliament of Thread-bare Poets, 6c c. 

At which the Gamefters feem'd to fmile, 

And flood amaz'd a little While : 

But, when he fome Excufe did make, 

They pafs'd it by, as a Miftake. 

Venice at lafl for Holland bets, 

And holds ten-thoufand Pounds o'th Set. 

France offers now to part the Stakes, 

And Spain the felf-fame Proffer makes : 

But England will to neither ftand, 

For all the Honour's in their Hands. 

France plays a Trump about to try, 

In whofe Hand, all the reft did lie : 

Which he foon finds unto his Coft, 

When Spain, perceiving all was loft, 

Throws down his Cards, and gives the Set for gone, 

Bavaria takes it up, and plays it on. r 

But England trumps about, and fo the Game is won. J 

France feizes on thofe Stakes he'd made from Spain, 

But Germany recovers all again. 

Thus ends the Game which Europe has in View. 

Which by the Stars may happen to be true. 



The Penny lefs Parliament of Thread -bare Poets : Or, All 

Mirth and witty Conceits. 

Printed at London, for William Barley, and are to be fold at his 
Shop in Grace-Church-Jlreet, near Leaden-hall- gate. 1608. 

The witty Conceits of the following TrabJ, feem to carry with them an Air of Rebuke againfl 
the Vices and Felixes of thofe Times, in which they were compofed ; and, fo far as the 
fame Subjecl of Rebuke fubffletb, they may ftill be feriiceable to the fame End : A jocofe 
Reproof is frequently known to take Place of aferious Admonition. 

1 . gard's Purfe fhall fcarce bequeath his Mafter a 

F^IRST of all, for the Increafe of every good Dinner ; and, becaufe Water is like to 
Fool in his Humour, we think it ne- prove fo weak an Element in the World, that 
ceffary and convenient, that all fuch Men and Women will want Tears, to bewail 
as buys this Book, and laughs not at their Sins, we charge and command all Gar- 
it, before he has read it over, fhall be con- deners, to fow more Store of Onions, for fear 
demned of Melancholy, and be adjudged to Widows fhould want Moiflure, to bewail their 
walk over Moor-fields, twice a Week, in a Hufbands Funerals, 
foul Shirt, and a Pair of Boots, but no Stock- 3. 

ings. In like Manner we think it fit, that Red- 

2- wine fhould be drank with Oyfters ; and that 

It is alfo agreed upon, that long-bearded Meu fome Maidens fhall blufh more for Shame, than 

fhall feldom prove the wifeft ; and that a Nig- for Shame-facednefs : But Men mufl have Care, 

left 



The Pemtylefs Parliament 

left, converfing too much with red Petticoats, 
they banifh their Hair from their Heads *, and, 
by that Means, make the poor Barbers Beg- 
gars, for Want of Work. 

4- 
Furthermore, it is lawful for thofe Women, 
that, every Morning, tafte a Pint of Mufcadine 
wilh Egzs, to chide, as well as they that drink 
finall Beer all the Winter ; and thofe that clip, 
that they mould not, fhall have a Horfe Night- 
cap, for their Labour ; Gentlemen, that fell 
Land for Paper, (hall buy Penury with Repen- 
tance ; and thofe, that have moft Gold, fhall 
have leaft Grace ; fome that mean well, fhall 
fare worfe ; and he, that hath no Credit, fhall 
have lefs Commodity. 

5- 

It is alfo ordered and agreed upon, that fuch, 
as are cholerick, fhall never want Woe and 
Sorrow ; and they, that lack Money, may faft 
upon Fridays, by the Statute f ; and it fhall be 
lawful for them, that want Shoes, to wear 
Boots all the Year ; and he, that hath never a 
Cloke, may, without Offence, put on his beft 
Gown at Midfummer ; witnefs old Prime, the 
Keeper of Bethlcm Dicing- houfe. 

6. 

In like Manner, it is agreed upon, that what 
Day foever St. Paul's Church hath not, in the 
middle Ifle of it, either a Broker, Mafterlefs 
Man, or a Pennylefs Companion, the Ufurers 
of London {hall be fworn by Oath, to beftow a 
new Steeple upon it ; and it fhall be lawful, for 
Cony-catchers to fall together by the Ears, 
about the four Knaves at Cards, which of them 
may claim Superiority ; and whether falfe Dice, 
or true, be of the moft Antiquity. 

7- 
Furthermore, we think it neceffary and law- 
ful for the Hufband and Wife to fall at Square, 
for Superiority, in fuch Sort, as the Wife fhall 
fit playing above in the Chamber, while the 
Hufband ftands painting below in the Kitchin : 
Likewife, we mark all Brokers to be Knaves, 
by Letters Patents ; and Ufurers, for five Marks 
a Piece +, fhall lawfully be buried in the Chan- 
cel, though they have bequeathed their Souls 
and Bodies to the Devil in Hell. 

8. 
In like Manner, it is thought good, that it 



of Thread-bare Poets, &c. lyy 

fhall be lawful forMufcadines, in Vintners Cel" 
lars, to indict their Mafters of Commixtion |i 
and Serjeants fhall be, contented to arreft any 
Man for his Fees : Ale-wives fhall fell Fiefh on 
Fridays, without Licenfe, and fuch as fell 1J 
in Half-penny Pot utter Bread and Ci: 

for Money, through the whole Year ; and thofe, 
that are paft Honefty and Shame, fhall fmile at 
Sin; and the}', that care not for God, prefei 
Money before Confidence. 

9* 
Furthermore, it fhall be lawful for Foot-ftools 

(by the Help of Women's Hands) to fly about 
without Wings ; and poor Men fhall be ac- 
counted Knaves without Occaliuns ; thofe, that 
flatter leaft, fhall fpeed worit ; wad Pigs (by the 
Statute) fhall dance the Anticks, with Bells a- 
bout their Necks, to the Wonder and Amaze- 
ment of all Swineherds. 

io. 

In like Manner it is convenient, that many 
Men fhall wear Hoods, that have little Learn- 
ing ; and fome furfeit fo much upon Wit, and 
ftrive fo long againft the Stream, as their 
Necks fhall fail them ; fome fhall build fair 
Houfes by Bribes, gather much Wealth by Con- 
tention, and, before they be aware, heap up 
Riches for another, and Wretchednefs for them- 
felves. 

II. 

Furthermore, it fhall be eftablifhed, for the 
Benefit of Increafe, that fome fhall have a Tym- 
pany in their Bellies, which will eoft them a 
Child-bearing ; and, though the Father bear all 
the Charges, it fhall be a wife Child, that fhall 
know his own Father. 

12. 

It fhall be lawful for fome to have a Palfy 
in their Teeth, in fuch Sort, as they fhall eat 
more than ever they will be able to pay for : 
Some fuch a Megrim in their Eyes, as they fhall 
hardly know another Man's Wife from their 
own ; fome fuch a Stopping in their Hearts, as 
they fhall be utter obftinate, to receive Grace ; 
fome fuch a Buzzing in their Ears, as they fhall 
be Enemies to good Counfel ; fome fuch a Smell 
in their Nofes, as no Feaft fhall efcape, with- 
out their Companies ; and fome fhall be fo 
needy, as neither young Heirs fhall get their 
own, nor poor Orphans their Patrimony. 



* i. e bt poxed. f of Queen Elizabeth, which commands us to faft all the Fridays in the Year, ex- 
cept Chrijlmas Day. % Alluding to the Table of Fees for Burials. |] i.e. Mixing their neat Wines 
with Cyder, Perry, Water, Spirits, tzc, 



A a 



T 3- 



Alfo 



! 7 8 



The Penny lefs Parliament of Thread-bare Poets, &c. 



13- 



Alfo, it is enacted and decreed, that fome 
fhall be fo humorous in their Walks, as they 
cannot ftep one Foot from a Fool ; fome fo 
confumed in Mind, as they fhall keep never a 
eood Thought to blefs themfelves ; fome fo dif- 
guifed in Purfe, as they count it fatal to have 
one Pennv, to buy their Dinners on Sundays ; 
fome fo burdened in Confcience, as they account 
wrongful Dealing the beft Badge of their Oc- 
cupation. 

But, amongft other Laws and Statutes, by us 
here eflablifhed, we think it mofr neceflary and 
convenient, that Poulterers mall kill more in- 
nocent Poultry, by Cuftom, than their Wives 
and Maids can fell, with a good Confcience ; 
alfo it is ordered and agreed upon, that Bakers, 
Woodmongers, Butchers, and Brewers, fhall 
fall to a mighty Confpiracy, fo that no Man 
fhall either have Bread, Fire, Meat, or Drink, 
without Credit, or ready Money. 

15- 

Sycophants by the Statute {hall have great 

Gifts, and good and godly Labours fhall fcarce 
be worth Thanks; it is alfo thought neceflary, 
that Maidens, about Midnight, fhall fee won- 
derous Viiions, to the great Heart-grief of their 
Mothers. 

16. 
Furthermore, it is marked and fetdown, that, 
if Lawyers plead poor Men's Caufes without 
Monev, Tf'cjiminjier-hall fhall grow out of Cuf- 
tom, to the great Impoverifhing of allNimmers, 
Lifters, and Cutpurfes. Thofe, that fing Bafs, 
fhall love good Drink by Authority ; and 
Trumpeters, that found Trebles, fhall ftare by 
Cuftom. Women, that wear long Gowns, 
may lawfully raife Duft in March ; and they, 
that keep a temperate Diet, fhall never die on 
Surfeits. 

T 7- 
In like Manner, it fhall be lawful for Sailors 

and Soldiers to fpend, at their Pleafures, what 
pay they get by their Sword; and if theTreafurer 
pay them any Thing beyond Account and 
Reckoning, if they build not an Hofpital there- 
with, thev may beflow it in Apparel by the Statute. 

18. 
It is farther eftablifhed and agreed upon, that 
they that drink too much Spanijh Sack fhall, a- 



bout July, be ferved with a Fiery -faces* ; but 
oh ! you Ale knights, you that devour the 
Marrow of the Malt, and drink whole Ale- 
tubs into Confumptions ; that fing Queen Dido 
over a Cup, and tell ftrange News over an 
Ale-pot ; how unfortunate are you, who fhall 
pifs out that which you have fwallowed down 
fo fweetly ; you are under the Law, and fhall 
be awarded with this Punifhment, that the Rot 
fhall infect your Purfes, and eat out the Bot- 
toms, before you be aware. 

19. 

It is alfo agreed upon and thought necefTary, 
that fome Women's Lips fhall fwell fo big, as 
they fhall long to kifs other Men befide their 
Hufbands ; others Cheeks fhall be fomonftrouf- 
ly out of Frame, as they cannot fpeak in a juft 
Caufe without large Fees ; fome with long 
Tongues fhall tell all Things which they hear ; 
fome with no Brains fhall meddle much and 
know little ; and thofe, that have no Feet, may 
by the Statute go on Crutches. 

20. 

Furthermore, it is convenient and thought 
meet, that Ale fhall exceed fo far beyond its 
Bounds as many Stomachs fhall be drowned in 
Liquor, and thereupon will follow the Dropfy, 
to the great Benefit of all Phyficians ; it is law- 
ful for fome to take fuch purgative Drugs, that, 
if Nature help not, the Worms, in the Churches 
of London, fhall keep their Chrijlmas at Midfutn- 
mer in their Bellies ; but Taylors, by this Means, 
fhall have more Confcience ; for, where they 
were wont to Ileal but one Quarter of a Cloke, 
they fhall have due Commiffion to nick their 
Cuftomers in the Lace, and, befide their old 
Fee, take more than enough for new Fafhion's 
Sake. But now, touching thefc following Ar- 
ticles, we are to advife old Men to look with 
Spectacles, left, in finding over many wife Lines, 
they wax blind with Reading. 

21. 

But now, touching the Benefit of private 
Houfes, by our rare and exquifite Judgments, 
we think it very commodious, that thofe mar- 
ried Men of weakeft Wit, and worfe Courage, 
fhould provide themfelves with good Weapons, 
to defend themfelves from Affaults, which fhall 
afiail them about Midnight ; and it fhall be 
lawful for all Wives to have a mafculine Cou- 
rage, in fuch Sort, that they, who have had 



* A Burlefque on the Writ Fieri facias ; for Drinking much Wine will not only give a Man a red ay 
Face, but alfo bring him into Poverty, Debt, and fo to be arreited. 

their 



The Pennylefs Parliament 

their Wills to this Hour, (hall have the Matte- 
ry all the Year after ; and thofe Hufbands, 
which do not valiantly refift them, fhall be a- 
warded to pay a Sheep's Head to their next 
Neighbour, in Penance for their Folly. 

22. 

As by our provident Judgments we have (ttn 
into lamentable Miferies, incident in thefe Parts 
of the World ; fo, for the Reformation thereof, 
we do ordain and enact, that the Oil of Holly 
(hall prove a prefent Remedy for a fhrewd 
Houfewife, accounting Socrates for a flat Fool, 
that fuffered his Wife to crown him with a 
Pifs-pot ; ordaining, that all thofe, that give their 
Wives their own Wills, be Fools by Act of 
Parliament. 

2 3- 

Alfo, it is farther eftablifhed and agreed up- 
on, that EJfex Calves fhall indict Butchers 
Knives of wilful Murder ; and whofoever will 
prove a partial Juryman, fhall have a hot 
Sheep's Skin for his Labour. Bow-bell in Cheap' 
Jide, if it break not, fhall be warranted by Let- 
ters Patterns to ring well; and, if the Conduit- 
Heads want no Water, the Tankard -bearers fhall 
have one Cuftard more to their folemn Dinners, 
than their ufual Cuftom. 

24. 

Moreover, it is thought good, that it (hall be 
lawful for all Tripe-wives to be exquifite Phyfi- 
cians, for in one Offal they fhall find more 
Simples, than ever Galen gathered fince he was 
chriftened ; befides, if Dancers keep not Tide 
and Time in their Meafures, they fhall forfeit a 
fat Goofe to their Teacher, for their (lender 
Judgment. The French Morbus *, by Commif- 
fion, (hall be worth three Weeks Diet, and 
they, who have but one Shirt to fhift them with- 
al, may, by the Law, ftrain Courtefy to wear 
a foul one upon the Sunday ; alfo our Com- 
miflion {hall be fent forth for the Increafe of 
Hemp, as not only Upland - ground fhall be 
plentifully ftored therewith, but alfo it fhall fo 
profper in the High-ways f, as the Stalks there- 
of fhall touch the Top of Tyburn. 

2 5- 

In like Manner, we think it neceflary and 

convenient, that there fhall be great Noife of 
Wars in Taverns, and Wine fhall make fome 
fo venturous, as they will deftroy Tyrone % and 
all his Power at one Draught ; alfo we think 
it meet, that there be Craft in all Occupations, 



of ^read-bare Poets, &c. 179 

and thofe, that are penitent in this World, fhall 
have Comfort in a better ; Silk-weavers, by the 
Statute, fhall profper well, if they wafh their 
Hands clean on Failing-days, for othervvife, in 
Soiling their Work, they fhall lofe their Work- 
mafters ; Daws, by Authority, fhall leave Build- 
ing in Steeples, and dwell in Cities ; and fuch, 
as are cunning in Mufick, fhall know a Crotchet 
from a Quaver ; but let fuch Men, as inftrucl 
Youth, be very circumfpect; for, if they learn 
more than their Mafters can teach them, they 
fhall forfeit their Wits to thofe that bring them 



up. 



26. 



Furthermore, we think it moil neceflary and 
convenient, that the Generation of Judas fhould 
walk about the World in thefe our latter Days, 
and fell his Neighbour for Commodity to anv 
Man ; but the Ufurers fhall be otherwife dif- 
pofed, for, having Monthly taken but a Pen- 
ny in the Shilling, ever fince they firfl began 
their Occupation, fhall now, with a good Con- 
fcience, venture upon three Pence with the 
Advantage ; befides, many Men fhall prove 
themfelves apparently knavifh, and yet, in their 
own Opinions, will not be fo ; and many Wo- 
men fhall imagine that there are none fairer 
than themfelves, 

2 7- 
Moreover, for the further Increafe of foolifh 

Humours, we do eftablifh and fet down, that 
fantaftick Devices fhall prove moft excellent; 
and fome fhall fo leng devife for other Men, 
that they will become barren themfelves ; fome 
fhall devife Novelties to their own Shames, and 
fome Snares to inlrap themfelves with. 

28. 
In like Manner, we think it moft neceflary, 
that thofe, who be Fortune-tellers, fhall fhut 
a Knave in a Circle, and, looking about for a 
Devil, fhall find him locked in their own Bo- 
foms ; Atheifb, by the Law, fhall be as odious 
as they are Carles ; and thofe that depend on 
Deftiny, and not on God, may chance look 
through a narrow Lattice at Footmen s- Inn \\ : 
But my dear Friends, the Grocers, are plentiful- 
ly bleffed, for their Figs and Raifins may allure 
fair Lafles by Authority ; yea, many Wen, by 
the Statute, fhall be fo kind-hearted, that a Kifs 
and an Apple fhall ferve to make them Inno- 
cents. 



' Difeafe. f viz. By the Increafe of Highway- men. 

A a 2 



The Irifo Rebel. 



|| Bridewell 

29. It 



iSo 



The Pennylefs Parliament of Thread-bare Poets, &cc. 



29. 



It is further agreed upon and eftablifhed, that 
manv ftrange Events (hall happen in thofe 
Houfes, where the Ma-rd is predominant with 
her Matter, and wants a Miftreb to look nar- 
rowly unto her. 

Alfo, we think it convenient, that fome (hall 
take their Neighbour's Bed for their own ; fome 
Servant for their Mafter ; and if Candles could 
tell Tales, fome will take a Familiar for a Flea. 
Alfo, we th : i: meet, that there fhould be 
manv Fowlers, who, inftead of Larks, will 
catch Lobcocks ; and manv, for Want of Wit, 
fhall fell their Freehold for Tobacco-pipes and 
red Petticoats *. Likewife, we think it con- 
venient, that there fhould be many Takers; 
fome would be taken for wife Men, who, in- 
deed, are very Fools ; for fome will take cracked 
Angels f of your Debtors, and a Quart of 
Malmfv, when they cannot get a Pottle. 

3 1 - . 
But, flay a While, whither are we carried, 

leaving the greuteft. Laws unpublifhed, and efta- 

bl bjng the Lefs ? Therefore, we ena<Et and 

ordain, as a necefTaiy Statute, that there (hall 

great Contentions fall between Soldiers and 

Archers, and, if the Fray be not decided over a 

Pot of Ale and a black Pudding, great Blood- 

{hed is like to enfue ; for fome fhall maintain, 

that a Turk can be hit at twelve fcore Pricks in 

Fimbury Fields, Ergo, the Bow and Shafts won 

Bullcn ; others fhall fay that a Pot-gun is a 

dangerous Weapon againft a Mud- wall, and an 

Enernv to the Painters Work t : amonjft thefe 

Controverfies we will fend forth our Commif- 

fion to God Cupid, being an Archer, who fhall 

decide the Doubt, and prove that Archery is 

Heavenly* for, in Meditation thereof, he hath 

loft h;s Eyes. 

3 2 - 

O gentle tellow-foldiers, then leave your 

Controverfies, if you love a Woman, for I will 
prove it, that a Mince-pie is better than a Mul- 
quet ; and he that dare gainfav me, let him 
meet me at the Dagger in Cheap, with a Cafe 
of pewter Spocns, and I will anfwer it ; and, 
if I prove not that a Mince- pie is the better 
Weapon, let me dine twice a Week at Duke 
Humphry's Table J]. 



T • 33 ' 

It is furthermore eftablifhed, that the four 
Knaves at the Cards fhall fuddenly leap from 
out the Bunch §, and defperately prank about 
the new Play-houfe, to feek out their old Mailer, 
Captain Crop-ear ; alfo it is thought meet, that 
fome Men, in thefe Days, fhall be politick be- 
yond Reafon, and write more in one Line, than 
they can prove in an Age. 

34. 
furthermore, it fhall be lawful for fome to 
fludy which Way they mav walk to get them a 
Stomach to their Meat, whilft others are as care- 
ful to get Meat to put in their Bellies ; likewife 
there (hall be great Perfecution in the Common- 
wealth of Kitchin-fees, {o that fome defperate 
Woman fhall boil, try, and fee the poor Tallow 
to the general Commodity of all the whole Com- 
pany of Tallow-chandlers. 

35- 
Alas ! alas! how are we troubled to think on 
thefe dangerous Times ; for Taylors, by Act of 
Parliament, may lawfully invent new Fafhions ; 
and he that takes Irijh Aquavita by the Pint **, 
may by the Law ftumble without Offence, and 
break his Face ; and it fhall be thought conve- 
nient, that fome be fo defperately bent, as they 
fhall go into my Lord Mayor's Butterv, when 
all the Barrels be full, without either Sword or 
Dagger about them ; manv Men fhall be fo 
venturoufly given, as they fhall go into Petty . 
Lane, and yet come out again as honeftly as 
they went firft in. 

36. 
In like Manner, it fhall be lawful for Thames 
Water to cleanfe as much as ever it did in 
Times part ; and, if the Brewers at London buy 
Store of good Malt, poor Bargemen at ^ueen- 
hithe fhall have a whole Quart for a Penny ; 
St. Thomas's Onions fhall be fold by the Rope at 
Billinfgate bv the Statute, and Sempfters in the 
Exchange fhall become fo confcionable, that a 
Man, without Offence, may buy a Falling f f 
Band for twelve Pence. 

3~\ 
It fhall be lawful for Smiths to love good Ale, 

and, if it be poffible, to have a Froft of three 

Weeks long in July, Men fhall not be afraid of 

a good Fire at Midfummer. Porters Bafkets 

fhall have Authority to hold more than they can 



* i. e. will drink and whore away all their Fftate. -f A Piece of bad Money ; an Angel was half a 
Mark. J O.i S^s. || Or, let n.e go twi^e a "Week without Dinner. $ Pack. ** Inftead of 
Gin, no.v drank by the common People. -ff Long. 

honeftly 



"The Pennylefs Parliament of Tloread-bare Poets, &c. 1 8 1 

honeftly carry away ; and fuch a Drought fhall rather fodden Wits, ftep abroad, that a Flea 

come amongft Cans * at Bartholomew Fair in fhall not frifk forth, unlef, they comment up- 

S/mtb/ield, that they {hall never continue long on her. 

filled. 47- 

38. O what a deteftable Trouble (hall be among 
The Images in the Temple Church, if they rife Women about four-fcore and ten Years old, for 

ao-ain, fhall have a Commiflion to dig down fuch as have more Teeth about them, than they 

Charing- crofs with their Fauchions ; and Mil- can well ufe, fhall die for Age, if they live not 

lers, by Cuftom, fhall have fmall Mind to by Miracle. 

Morning-prayers, if the Wind ferve them in 48. 

any Corner on Sunday. Thofe that go to Wars, Moreover, we think it necefTary, that thofe, 

and can get nothing, may come Home poor by that have two Eyes in their Head, fliall fomc- 

Authority ; and thofe, that play faft and loofe times {tumble ; and they, that can neither write 

with Women's Apron- firings, may chance make nor read, may as boldly forfwear themfelves, as 

a Journey for a JVmcheJltr Pigeon ; for Pre- they that can. 

vention thereof, drink every Morning a Draught 49. 

of Noli me tangere, and, by that Means, thou And it fhall be lawful for Almanack-makers, 

{halt be fure to efcape the Phyfician's Purga- to tell more Lyes than true Tales. 

tory f. 50. 

39. And they that go to Sea, without Victuals, 
Furthermore, it fhall be lawful for Bakers to may fuffer Penury by the Statute. 

thrive by two Things; that is, Scores well 51. 

paid, and Millers that are honeft. In like Manner it fhall be lawful for any Man 

40. to carry about him more Gold than Iron, if he 
Phyficians, by other Men's Harms, and can get it. 

Church-yards by often Burials. 52. 

41 . But they that are given to fullen Complexions, 
Alfo,we think it necefLry for the Common- if they be Females, muff, be more circumfpect ; 

wealth, that the Salmon fhall be better fold for, if they repent their hidden Sins too much, 
in Fijh /Ireet, than the Beer fhall be at Billing/- they may by Chance catch Heaven for their La- 
gate, bour. 

42. 53. 

And Heart's Eafe, among the Company of Therefore, let Maidens take Heed how they 

Herb- wives, fhall be worth as much Money as fall on their Backs, left they catch a forty Weeks 

they can get for it by the Statute. Favour %. 

n 43- 54- 

It is further enacted and agreed upon, that And he that hath once married a Shrew |[, 

thofe that run four-fcore Miles a Foot, on a and, by good Chance, buried her, beware how 

Winter's Day, frnll have a fore Thirft about he come into the Stocks again. 

Seven of the Clock in the Evening. 55. 

44- Further, it fhall be lawful for thofe that be 

And fuch, as are inclined to the Dropfy, may rich, to have many Friends ; and they, that be 

be lawfully cured, if the Phyficians know how. poor, may, by Authority, keep Money, if they 

45. can get it honeftly. 

Alfo, we ordain and appoint, that, if there 56. 

be no great Stu re a pelts, two half-penny Alfo, we command and charge all fuch as 

Loaves {hill.be fold for a Penny in Whitcchappel. have no Confcience, to do their Worft, left they 

46- die in the Devil's Debt. As for the reft, tnev 

Chaucer's Books, by Act of Parliament, fhall that have more Money, than ihev need, ma) help 

in thefe Days prove more witty, than ever they their poor Neighbours, if they will. 
we:, fc -iorei foi there fhall fo many fudden, or 

* Ah "ho.'fe Pots. f viz. a Salivation. % A Woman goes forty Weeks with Child. ]\ A 
Scola or ill bred Woman. 

57. In 



lS2 



77je Penny lefi Parliament of Thread-bare Poets , &c. 



57- 



In like Manner, it {hall be lawful for fuch, as 
are fubjeft to hot Rheums, to drink cold Drink: 
And thofe that have a Mind to inrich Phyfici- 
ans, to be never without Difeafes. 

58. 

Alfo, Soldiers, that have no Means to thrive, 
by plain Dealing, may by the Statute fwallow 
down an Ounce of the Syrup of Subtlety every 
Morning ; and, if they cannot thrive that Way, Wealth than their Honefty. 



65- 

Some, by Statute, fhall love Beef paffing well, 
becaufe they can come by no other Meat ; and 
other fome fimper it with an Egg at Dinner, 
that dare manfully fet upon a Shoulder of Veal 
in the Afcernoon. 

66. 

S:>me fhall be fad, when they want Money, 
and in Love with Widows rather for their' 



we think it neceffary, that, four Times in the 
Year, they go a Fifhing * on Salisbury Plain. 

59- 
Furthermore, for the Benefit and Increafe of 

foolifh Humours, we think it necefTary, that 
thofe our dear Friends, who are fworn true Ser- 
vitors to Women's Pantables, fhould have this 
Order fet down, that you fuit yourfelves hand- 
fomely againft Goofe-feaft f ; and if you meet 



67. 
It is alfo thought necefTary, that fome fhall 
fufpect their Wives at Home, becaufe they them- 
felves play falfe Abroad. 

68. 
And fome love Bowling -allies X better than 
a Sermon. 

69. 
But, above all other Things, Spirits with A- 
not a fair Lafs betwixt St. Paul's and Stratford, prons fhall much difturb your Sleep about Mid- 
that Day, we will beftow a new Suit of Sattin night, 
upon you, fo you will bear all the Charges. 70. 

60. Furthermore, it fhall be lawful for him, that 

But, as for your dear Friends and Scholars, marries without Money, to find four bare Legs 
thus much we favour you, for you fhall dine up- in his Bed ; and he, that is too prodigal in Spend- 



ing, fhall die a Beggar by the Statute. 

7 1 - 
In like Manner we think it neceffary, that he, 

that is plagued with a curfed Wife, have his 



on Wit by Authority ; and, if you pay your 
Hoftefs well, it is no Matter, though you fcore 
it up till it come to a good round Sum. 

61. 

In like Manner, it fhall be lawful for Maid's Pate broke quarterly, as he pays his Rent. 
Milk to be good Phyfick for kibed Heals ; and 
a Cup of Sack to Bed- ward, a prefent Remedy for 
the Rheum. 

62. 

Such as are fick, in the Spring, may take Phy- 
fick by the Statute; and thofe that are cold may 
wear more Clothes without Offence. 

6 3- 

It is beft to ride in long Joumies, left a Man 

be weary with going a- foot ; and more comely 
to go in broken Stockings than bare-legged. 

64. 
Further, it fhall be lawful for fome to be lean, 
becaufe they cannot be fat. 



*■ 
1 . 
Likewife, he, who delights in Subtlety, may 

play the Knave by CuftOm ; and he, who hath 

his Complexion and Courage fpent, may eat 

Mutton on Fafting-days by the Law. 

73- 
And to conclude, fince there are ten Precepts 

to be obferved in the Art of Scolding, we hum- 
bly take our Leave of Duke Humphry's Ordina- 
ry, and betake us to the Chapel of ill Coun- 
fel, where a Quart or two of fine Trimdado 
fhall arm us againft the Gun-fhot of Tongue- 
metal, and keep us fafe from the Affaults of 
Sir John Find-fault. Vale, my dear Friends, till 
my next Return. 



* i.e. Collefting or Thieving. 
Le?idon, QnTburfday in WhitfunWZ^, 



f Or, G ' Far, kept at Stratford Bz~xv, tWO Miles from 

% Nine-pins, or Skittles, at Ale-houfe. 



.yohn 



( '8 3 ) 



John Reynard's Deliverance from the Captivity of the Turks, and 
his Setting free of Two-hundred and Sixty-fix Chriftians that 

were Galley-Slaves. 



OF fuch Honour (amongfl all Nations) 
hath the Trade of Merchandizing 
been ever accounted, that Commerce 
(ever in the hotteft Flames of War 
againft one another) could find no 
better, or fairer Means to unite them in Amity, 
and to join them as it were in Wedlock, than 
by Commerce and Negotiation. This is that Chain 
which binds Kingdoms in Leagues, begets Love 
between Princes far removed afunder, and teach- 
eth Nations, different in Quality, in Colour, in 
Religion, to deal faithfully together as Brethren. 
Traffick (to fpeak of our own Country) hath 
increafed and ftrengthened our Navy, which is 
a fecond Wall (befides that Girdle of the Sea 
that encompafieth her Body) to defend our Ifland. 
It is the Breeder, and only Bringer-up of good 
Mariners, skilful Pilots, and cunning Naviga- 
tors, who, to a State, are as neceflary in Peace 
as Husbandmen for the Tillage ; and in War, as 
ferviceable as fo many Captains in the Field. 
Traffick is the Carrier- Abroad of our own Home- 
fpun Commodities, and aBringer-in of the Fruits 
of foreign Kingdoms, by which Means the Mer- 
chant and Citizen grow up to Wealth, and the 
Tradefman, that lives by -the Hardnefs of his 
Hand, is ftill kept and maintained in good Do- 
ings.- There is no Coaft, be it never To dange- 
rous, left unfought ; no Language, be it never fo 
barbarous, or hard to learn, left unfhidied ; no 
People, never fo wild, left unventured upon, 
nor any Treafure of the Earth, or curious Work 
of Man, left unpurchafed, only for this End, to 
do Honour to our Country, and to heap Riches 
to ourfelves ; both which Benefits do only fpring 
out of our Trading to foreign Shores. 

For this Caufe, therefore (a Peace being con- 
cluded between the two great and opulent King- 
doms of England and Spain) an Englifl) Ship, 
called the Three Half Moons, being manned with 



thirty-eight Mariners, and bravely armed with 
Amunition, was rigged, victualled, and ready fur- 
nifhed to take her Voyage to Spain. The Gods 
of the Sea, the Winds, knowing her Intent, 
prepared themfelves to go along with her, and, 
making the Waves ready, it became this Ship 
to hoift up Sails and come on ; fo that with a 
merry Gale fhe took her Leave at Port/mouthy 
bending her Courfe towards Sevil, the greateft 
City in Spain. Gallantly did fhe, for many 
Days, hold up her Head, and danced even on the 
Top of the Billows ; her Marts flood up ftifly, 
and went away like fo many Trees moved by 
Enchantment, whilft the big - bellied Sails 
made hafte to fly after, bluftering and puffing ei- 
ther in Scorn, or in Anger, yet could never 
overtake them ; or rather, as Lovers roaming 
after young Damfcls at Barlibreak *, they took 
Delight to fee them make away before, and of 
Purpofe fuffered them to ufe that Advantage. 
But, alas ! how foon dees the Happinefs of this 
W T orld alter? In this Bravery had fhe not car- 
ried herfelf long, but, entering into the Straight?, 
Neptune + grew angry with her, or elfe, envying 
her Glory, fent eight Gallies of the Turks to 
befet her round. Now, or never, was both the 
Courage, and the Cunning of the Mariner, to 
be fhewed ; for either he muft, by the Wings of 
his Sails, fly away, and fo fave himfelf, or man- 
fully ftand to it, and preferve all from Danger, 
or glorioufly to fuiFer all to perifh. Of Flight 
was there no Hope, for the Winds and Waves, 
that before wete their Friends, and tempted them 
to fet forth, grew now treacherous, and con- 
fpired their Deftruclion. Nothing, therefore, 
but the miraculous Power of Heaven, and their 
own Refolutions, is on their Side ; everv Man 
hereupon calls up his Spirits, and, as the Suddcn- 
nefs of the deadly Storm would allow them, did 
comfort one another. It was a goodly Sight to 



* A Sort of Play, ufed by joung People, in the Country. + The Poetical God of the Sea. 



Id , 



1 84 The Deliverance of certain 

behold, how, to the very Face of Danger, they 
did defy Danger , and how in the Midft of an 
Overthrow, which had round befet them, they 
wifely and ftoutly laboured to work out Safe- 
ty ; nothing; could be heard but Noife and Con- 
fufion, and yet even in thac wild Diforder was 
there to be feen an excellent Method of Policy. 
Their Roaming up and down (hewed as if they 
had been all hantick, yet, like fo many Dancers, 
that fometimes are here, and anon antickly leap 
thither, fetching; Turnings and Windings, with 
fliange and bufy Action, they clofed up every 
Work with a fweet and mufical Preparation. 

For after the clofe Fights were made ready 
above, and that the devilifh Mouths of their 
Ordnance were opening to fpit Hell fire out of 
the Beily of the Ship : Up comes the Mafter, 
whofe Name was Grove, armed with Sword and 
Target, waving his bright Blade about his Head 
in Defiance of his barbarous and bloody Enemies ; 
his very Looks were able to fright Death from 
his Company ; and fo well did his Courage be- 
come him, that ic ferved better than all their 
warlike Mufick to hearten up the reft : Clofe 
by his Side, as avowed Partners in all Fortune, 
good or bad, whatfoever, flood the Owner, 
the Mafter's Mate, Boatfwain, Purfer, and 
the reft of the Mariners. All of them arm- 
ed, all of them full of Valour, all of them 
full of Bravery ; they (hewed on the Top of the 
Hatches, like (o many well-guarded Battle- 
ments on the Walls of a befieged City, eve- 
ry Man encouraging his next Neighbour, to 
fight valiantly, becaufe they were Englijhrnen ; 
and to die honourably, becaufe they were Chrijii- 
ans ; rather than ftoop to the bafe Captivity of 
thofe, that were Cbri/fs profefled and open Ene- 
mies. 

As the EigUJhmen were thus bufy to defend 
themfelves, on the one Side, fo were the Turks 
active in their Gallies, on the other Side ; their 
Scy meters glittered in the Sun, their fteel Targets 
received the Fire of his Beams upon them, and 
beat it bjck to dazzle the Eyes of them whom 
they aflailed : Showers of Mufquets, with Bullets 
charged, flood ready to be poured down ; fome 
were preparing to tofs Balls of wild Fire, as if 
the Sea had been their Tennis-court ; others, 
with Bull's Fizzles in their Hands, walk up and 
down between the Rowers, fometimes encou- 
raging, fometimes threatening, fometimes ftrik- 
ing the miferable Galley-Slaves, becaufe they 
(hould be nimble at the Oar, who, for Fear of 
Blows, more than of prefent Death, tugged 



Chriftiansynjw the Turks. 

with their Arms, till the Sinews of them were 
ready to crack with Swelling, and till their Eye- 
balls, inftead of Bullets, did almoft fly out of 
their Heads. 

At length, the Drums, Trumpets, and Fifes, 
ftruck up their deadly Concert on either Side ; 
prefently does the demy Canon, and Culverin, 
ftrive to drown that Noife, whilft the Sea roars 
on Purpofe, to drown the Noife of both. In 
this Conflict, of three Elements, Air, Water, 
and Fire, John Reynard, the Gunner, fo lively, 
and fo ftoutly behaved himfelf, in difcharging 
his Ordnance of their great Bellies, that, at 
length, Fire feemed to have the Maftery ; for 
fo thickly did his Billets fly abroad, and were 
wrapped up in fuch Clouds of Lightning, that the 
Sea fhewed as if it had been all in Flames, whilft 
the Gallies of the Turks, as well as the Engli/h 
Ship, could hardly, but by the Groans and 
Shouts of Men, be found out whereabout in 
the Sea they hovered. Many Turks and many 
Galley-Slaves did, in this Battle, lofe theirLives, 
and end their Captivity ; but thofe who furviv- 
ed, doubling their Spirits at the Horror of the 
Danger, with which they were environed, fell 
upon the Engli/h Ship in fuch Storms of Hail- 
fhot, which ftill (like Hammers on an Anvil) 
lay beating on the Ribs of it, that, at length, the 
Sea offered, in many Places, to break into her, 
and to get the Conqueft, of which Glory the 
Turks, being envious, came flying with the Force 
of all thofe wooden Wings that bore them up, 
and on Purpofe to board her. But, at this ftir- 
ring Feaft, Neptune was made drunk with the 
Blood, both of Chrijiians and Turks , mingled 
together. Here came the Gallies, and the Ship, to 
Grappling : Look, how a Company of Hounds, 
hang upon a goodly Stag, when, with their 
Noife, they ring out his Death, fo hung thefe 
Gallies upon the Body of her ; nothing of her 
could be feen for Smoke and Fire ; (he was half 
choaked with the Flames, and half ftifled in the 
Waters. Yet, as you (hall often fee a Bull, when 
his Strength feemeth to be all fpent, and that he 
is ready to faint, and fall on his Knees, cafts up 
on a fudden his furly Head, and bravely renews a 
frefh and more fierce Encounter : So did this 
Ship break from the Gallies, like a lufty Bear 
from fo many Dogs, or rather like an invinci- 
ble Lion from fo many Bears. The Turks leap- 
ed out of their Veffels, and, like Rats, nimbly 
climbed up to the Tacklings of the Ship. But 
the Engli/h Mariners (o laid about them with 
Swords, brown Bills, Halberts, and Morrice-pikes, 

that 



The Deliverance of certain 

that, in fo tragical an Act, it was half a Come- 
dy, to behold what tumbling Tricks the Turks 
made into the Sea, backwards. Some of them, 
catching hold of the upper Decks, had their 
Hands (truck oft", and fo for ever loft their Feel- 
ing; others, clafping their Arms about a Cable, 
to fling their Bodies into the Ship, loft their 
Heads, and fo knew not which Way to go, 
though it lay before them. In this terrible In- 
furrecStion in Neptune's Kingdom *, it was hard 
to tell, for a great While, who fhculd be the 
Winners, albeit, howfoever they fped, both were 
certain to be Lofers ; for the Turks would not 
give over, and the Enghjh fcorned to yield ; the 
Owner, Mafter, and Boatfwain cried out brave- 
ly, and with loud lufty Spirits, Let us all refolve 
to die, but not a Man be jo bafe as to yield to a 
Turk; efpecially did the Boatfwain (hew the no- 
ble Courage of a Mariner, both in directing 
•without Fear, and in beftowing Blows in Scorn 
of Danger ; which hard Alms, whilft he was 
-dealing among the Mijcreants, a Shot was fent 
from a Galley as a Meflenger of his Death, and 
thereby a Spoiler, though not a Conqueror, of 
his Valour, for it brake, with the violent Stroke 
it gave, his Whiftle in funder, and left him on 
the Hatches with thefe laft Words in his Mouth, 
Fight it out, as you are Chriftians, and win Honour 
by Death. 

His Fall did not abate, but whetted their Sto- 
machs to a fharper Revenge ; only the Matter's 
Mate (hewed himfelf not worthy of that Name, 
or to be Mate to fo noble a Mafter as he was, 
for, cowardly, he cried, Yield, yield, pulling in 
his Arm from ftriking in the hotteft of the Skir- 



mi 



fh. 



What City is not overcome by the Tyranny 
of Time, or the Oppreflion of Aflaults ? What 
Shores, though never fo high, can beat back the 
Sea, when he fwells up in Fury ? B What Caftles 
of Flint or Marble are not fhaken with the con- 
tinual Thunder of the Cannon ? So was this poor 
Enghjh Ship ; whilft her Ribs held out, and 
were unbroken, her Mariners held out, and had 
their Hearts found : But when they felt her 
flirink under them, that fhould bear them up in 
all Storms, and that fuch Numbers of Turks did 
io opprefs them with thronging in, and with 
beating them down, when they had fcarce Feet 
able to ftand, then, even then, did they not 
yield, but yet then were they taken. 

Glad was the Turk that (though in this Storm 



ChrllUans from the Turks." 185 

it rained down Blood fo faft) he was wet no far- 
ther ; he looked upon this ill-gotten Commodi- 
ty, with a dull and heavy Eye, fcr the Foot 
of his Account fhewed him, that his Gains of 
this Voyage would net anfwer the treble Part 
of his LofTes : Enraged at which, emptying the 
weather-beaten and the mangled Ship, both of 
Men, and of fuch Things as were worth the 
Carriage ; the one he took Home with him, to 
inrich the Number of his Spoils, the other were 
condemned to theGallies. 

Near to the City of Alexandria (being a Haven- 
Town) and under the Turk's Dominion) is a 
a Road, defended by ftrong Walls, where the 
Gallies are drawn up on Shore, every Year, in 
the Winter Seafon, and are there trimmed and 
laid up againft the Spring. In this Road ftands 
a Prifon, where all thofe, that ferve in thofe Gal- 
lies of Alexandria, are kept as Captives, fo long 
as the Seas be rough, and not paffable for their 
Turkijh VelTels : Hither were thefe Chrijiians 
brought ; the firft Villainy and Indignity, that 
was done unto them, was the Shaving off all the 
Hair both Head and Beard, thereby to rob them 
of thofe Ornaments, which all Chrijiians make 
much of, becaufe they beft become them. 

It is well known to all Nations in Chrijlendom 
(by the woful Experience of thofe Wretches that 
have felt it) what Mifery Men endure in this 
Thraldom under the Turk. Their Lodging is 
the cold Earth ; their Diet, coarfe Bread, and 
(fometimes) ftinking Water ; for, if they mould 
tafte of the clear Spring, their Drink were ?s 
good as the Turks, who never tafte Wine ; 
their Apparel, thin and coarfe Canvas ; their 
Stockins and Shoes, heavy Bolts, and cold I- 
rons ; the Exercife, to put Life into them, or 
to catch them a Heat, is at the Pleafure of a 
proud and dogged Turk, for the leaft Fault, nay, 
for none at all, but only to feed his Humour, 
to receive a hundred Baftinadoes, on the Rim of 
the Belly, with a Bull's dried Pizzle, at one 
Time, and within a Day after, two hundred 
Stripes on the Back. 

In this moft lamentable Eftate, did thefe 
Chrijiians continue, but it was not long before 
the Mafter and Owner, by the good Means of 
Friends, were redeemed from this Slavery ; the 
reft, lying by it, foon were ftarved to Death j 
others with Cold, and Blows, breathed out their 
laft. 

But John Reynard, (the Gunner) being ena- 



V4Z. The Sea. 
Bb 



bled 



1 86 ^th'e Deliverance of certain 

bled, by the Providence and Will of God, to 
endure this Affliction, with a ftronger Heart, 
than others could, outlived moft of his Fel- 
lows, only to be (as it after fell out) a Prefer- 
vation of his own Life, with many other Chrif- 
tians. For having fome Skill in tbe Trade of a 
Barber, he did by that Means, fhift now and 
then for Victuals, and mended his hard Diet ; 
whereupon growing (after a long Imprifonment) 
into Favour with the Keeper of the Chrijiians, 
that were Galley-flaves, he fo behaved hirrifelf, 
that, at length, he got Liberty to go in and 
out to the Road, at his Pleafure, paying a cer- 
tain Stipend to the Keeper, and wearing a Lock 
about his Leg ; and this Liberty did fix more 
likewife purchafe, upon like Sufferance, who by 
Reafon of long Imprifonment, were never fuf- 
pe£ted to ftart afide, or that they had in their 
Bofoms ever any Thought, to work the Turks 
any Mifchief, with whom they had ftaid Co 
long, that in a Manner they were as Brothers, 
familiar together. 

But the Wrath of Winter driving all the Gal- 
lies into Harbour, by which Means they lay 
there unrigged and disfurnifhed of all their Pro- 
perties, which fet them forth ; the Mafters, 
Captains, and Officers of the Gallies, retiring 
likewife either to their private Affairs, or to 
fome other Employment of the State ; behold 
there remained (at this Seafon, and Part of the 
Year) in this Prifon of the Road, two-hundred 
and fixty-fix Chrijlian Prifoners, who were of 
fifteen feveral Nations, and all of them taken 
and made Slaves to the Turk. 

Amongft which there were (at this Time) 
but only three Englijhmen, and of them was 
this John Reynard one ; who having worn out 
the Mifery of thirteen or fourteen Years Servi- 
tude under fo barbarous a Tyrant, began (as he 
full often had done before) to call to Mind the 
Happinefs and Freedom of his own Country, 
which comparing to his prefent State, he wept 
to remember the one, and got up his manly 
Courage, and caft in his Thoughts, how to 
fhake off the other. 

Not far from the Road, fomewhat near to 
one Side of the City, was a Viitualling-houfe, 
which one Peter Unticaro had hired, paying al- 
fo a certain Fee for his Liberty, to the Keeper 
of the Road ; this Peter Unticaro, being a Spa- 
niard born, and a Chrijiian, had been Prifoner, 
under the Turks, by the Space of thirty Years, 
yet never (though many Times the Forelock of 
Occafion was thruft into his Hands) did he 
practife any Means for his Inlargement, but 
lived fo quietly, and fo contentedly, in outward 



Chriftians from the Turks. 

Appearance, as if he had forgotten that he was 
born amongft Chrijiians, or that he ever defired to 
be buried amongft them. Notwithftanding which, 
did John Reynard open his Intent to this Spa- 
niard, who confented to put it in Act, and 
within a few Days after, a third Perfon (of their 
Fellow-prifoners) was drawn into the Confpi- 
racy ; which there, fo often as they could with- 
out Sufpicion, held Conference together, laid 
feveral Plots for their Efcape, and at the End of 
feven Weeks, or thereabouts, their Councils had 
fully begot the Means of their prefent Delivery. 
Five more therefore are made acquainted with 
the Bufinefs, to all whom Liberty being fweet, 
(efpecially out of fo bafe and infamous a Slaver}-) 
thefe eight refolved (in three Nights following) 
to free not only themfelves, buf all the reft of 
the Chrijiians, that were in Prifon. In the 
Prifon do thefe eight meet (at a Time conve- 
nient) and there did Reynard and Unticaro de- 
liver to all the reft what was intended ; every 
Man was glad of the News, every Man vowed 
to aifift them, and in the Action to win Free- 
dom, or to end their Lives. Upon this confi- 
dent Truft put each upon other, Reynard and 
Peter fecretly furnifhed them with Files, which 
they had as fecretly provided for the Purpofe, 
charging every Perfon to beftir himfelf nimbly, 
and to have his Heels at Liberty from Shackles, 
by fuch an Hour of the following Evening. 

The Night approaching, Reynard and Unti- 
caro, with the other fix, being at the Spaniard's 
Houfe, fpent their Time merrily, to blind the 
Eyes of Sufpicion, till Darknefs had taken hold 
of the World ; at which Time, Peter Unticaro 
was fent to the Mafter of the Road, in the Name 
of one of the Mafters of the City, with whom 
the Keeper of the Road was acquainted, and at 
whofe Requeft he would gladly come: Who 
defired him to meet the other at Peter's Houfe 
prefently, promifing to bring him back again to 
the Road. 

The Keeper, upon Delivery of this Meffage, 
agreed to go with Unticaro, commanding the 
Warders not to bar* the Gate, becaufe his Re- 
turn ihould be fpeedy. 

In the mean Seafon, had the other feven, who 
ftaid in Peter's Houfe, furnifhed themfelves with 
fuch Weapons, as the Time and Place did afford 
them ; amongft whom, John Reynard had gotten 
an old rufty Sword blade, without either Hilt 
or Pommel, which, notwithftanding, by bend- 
ing the Hand-end of the Sword, inftead of a 
Pommel, ferved his Turn \ the other had Spits, 
G laves, &c. 

The 



The Deliverance of certain 

The Keeper of the Road, being with Unti- 
caro, entered into the Houfe ; the Lights were of 
Purpofe put out, and no Noife of any living 
Creature to be heard : At which, the Keeper of 
the Road being aftonifhed, and.fufpec~ti.ng fome 
Villainy, Hepped back ; but John Reynard, hav- 
ing hid himfelf in a Corner next to the Door, 
ftepped forth unto him, and flopped his PafTage ; 
who, perceiving it to be John Reynard, and that 
he was armed (as he might well fear) for Mif- 
chief, laid thus: O Reynard, xvhat have I de- 
ferved at thy Hands, that thou feekeft my Death ? 
Marry, this haji thou deferved (quoth Reynard) 
and ftruck him on the Head, that he clove his 
Scull : Thou haji been a Sucker of much Chriftian 
Blood, and therefore die like a Villain. No fooner 
were his Hands lifted up to give his fatal Blow, 
but the reft (being at his Elbow) came forward, 
and quickly difpatched him, cutting off his 
Head, and fo mangled him, that he could 
not be known. 

This Prologue to the Tragedy going off fo 
well, Heaven was by this Time hung all over 
with Black, to add a Grace to that which was 
to be acted ; no Time, therefore, do they lofe, 
but fteal foftly, and yet refolutely to the Road, 
where entering, they found fix Warders only, 
who afked, Who is there? All Friends, replied 
the other, and were let in, but inftead of Wel- 
comes, Blows were given, and the fix War- 
ders, in a fhort Time, left dead on the Floor. 

Upon this (taking their Enemies Weapons, 
to defend themfelves) were the Gates prefent- 
lv barred up ftrongly, and the Mouth of a Can- 
non planted full upon it, ready charged, and 
one appointed with a Linftock, to give Fire, if 
any Affault were made upon them. Then en- 
tered they into the Jailor's Lodge, where they 
found the Keys both of the Fortrefs, and of the 
Prifon, by his Bed-fide, and in his Chamber, 
where they armed with better Weapons. In 
this Lodge of the Keepers, found they like- 
wife a Cheft, which Unticaro, and one or two 
more opening, found well lined with Duckets ; 
the Spaniard, and fome others, neglecting the 
Bufinefs in Hand, fluffed their Bofoms and Poc- 
kets with this Gold ; but Reynard diffuaded them 
from that Covetoufnefs, which was likely to be 
the Overthrow of them all, wifhing them to 
provide for their Liberty, which fhould return 
to the Honour of God, and of their Countries, 
rather than to fell their Lives, yea, perhaps their 
Souls, for the Treafure of Infidels. But the 
Spaniard, and his Companions, liked the Co- 



Chriftiansyhw* the Turks. 1S7 

lour of the Duckets, better than John Rey- 
nard's Doctrine, and therefore they haftened 
away to the Prifon, whofe Doors being opened, 
it appeared, that they with their Files had plied 
their Work as well within, ds the other had 
with their Weapons abroad, for every Man's 
Legs were delivered from his Irons ; where- 
upon, having firft put certain Warders (that 
were to look to the Prifon) to Silence for ever 
Speaking more, they all fell roundly to Labour ; 
fome to ramming up the Gates, fome to launch 
out a certain Gaily, which was the beft in all 
the Road, and was called the Captain of Alex- 
andria ; fome carried Mafts, others fetched Sails, 
others laid in Oars, all of them were bufy, all 
of them fweat hard, yet none of them were 
weary. 

In killing thofe Turks, that were Warders 
about the Prifon, eight other Turks, hearing a 
Noife, and fufpecting Mifchief, got up to the 
Top of the Prifon, between whom and the Pri- 
foners (who could not come near them but by 
Ladders) was a hot Skirmifh. Some were wound- 
ed on both Sides, fome flain outright. John 
Reynard was thrice (hot through his Apparel, 
but not hurt ; Peter Unticaro, and the reft, that 
fhared in the Duckets, being not able to carry 
their Bodies in this Danger, by Reafon of the 
Gold about them, which wearied them with the 
Weight, were there firft mortally wounded, and 
after were ftricken down dead. 

Amongft the Turks, was one thruft through, 
who falling from the Top of the Prifon-wall, 
made fo horrible a Noife, that the Turks, who 
dwelt within, hearing (for here and there flood 
a Houfe or two fcattering) came to take him 
up, before he was full dead, and by him under- 
ftood, how the Gally-flaves were reckoning 
with the Turks about their Ranfom, without 
paying any Thing, but cracked Crowns to- 
wards it ; hereupon, they raifed both that Part 
of Alexandria, which lay on the Weft Side of 
the Road, and a Caftle, which was at the End 
of the City, next to the Road, alio another 
Fortrefs which lay on the other Side of the 
Road. 

The Alarum thus, on every Side, being gi- 
ven, Danger and Death did round about befet 
the poor Chrijiians ; there was but one only 
PafTage to efcape forth, and that lay between 
the very Jaws of Deftruction ; yet notwith- 
ftanding, no Man's Heart failed him; the nearer 
Death came towards this Company of Wretches, 
the lefs feemed they to care for his Threatenings, 

B b 2 for 



1 8 8 The Deliverance of certain 

for the Road is ftill replenifhed with lufty Sol- 
diers, with ftout Labourers, and with tough 
Manners, all whofe Hands are full of helping 
one another in this sjeat Work of Life and 
Death ; fome to victual the Galley, that muft 
fave them ; others to hang up the Tacklings, 
others to line it with Shot, for Defence againft 
Enemies, but the moft Part were bufy in keep- 
ing the Turks from the Wall of the Road. In 
the End, all Things being in a Readinefs, every 
Man leaped into the Galley joyfully, hoiftcd up 
Sails luftily, and launched into the Seas merrilv, 
fubmitting their Lives and Fortunes, to the 
Mercy of him, that commands both Sea and 
Land. 

The VefTel floats on the Waves, like a good- 
ly Pageant ; fhe flies away by the Help of 
Oars, as if fhe had borrowed fo many Wings ; 
and in a Moment, is fhe gotten fafe out of the 
Road', but, having efcaped one Danger, fhe 
encounters a greater, for now, on both Sides of 
her, do the two Caftles fend out their Ven- 
geance j the Cannons roar, and fhoot to fink 
them ; the Waves watch that Advantage, and 
gape to devour them ; forty and five Bullets, 
(dreadful as Thunder) fell about thefe Chrijlians 
Ears, yet not one of them bruifed their Heads ; 
they came out of the Road fafely, and went 
from the Danger of the Caftles fecurely ; for 
Joy whereof, they gave a lufty Shout, that ec- 
choed and rebounded back again between the 
Clouds and the Shore. 

On they went, and though the Winds be- 
gan to grow angry, and to threaten Storms, 
yet with chearful Hearts, did they choofe ra- 
ther to perifh in the Eye of Heaven, and by the 
Hand of God, than to be fetched back again, 
and bear the Yoke of Infidels. For cafting their 
Eyes back, they might behold the Turks (for 
by this Time the Sun was a good Way on his 
Forenoon's Journev) coming down to the Sea- 
fide in Swarms like Locufts to devour a Ccun- 
trv ; all of them laying their Hands, to launch 
out Gallies, and foliow the Chrijlians. But 
fuch a Spirit of Rage, Madnefs, Diforder, and 
Fear fell upon them, that what one fet for- 
ward, three hindered. And as in a City fired, in 
the Night-time, Men are fo aftonifhed, that they 
fcarce can find the common Ways, by which 
they may fave themfelves, no more could the 
Turks, in this wild and giddy Tumult, know 
how to further themfelves. After much La- 
bour, therefore, and nothing profpering, after 
much Crying out upon Mahomet, and more Curf- 



Chriftians from the Turks. 

ing the Chrijlians, they quieted their Spleens, 
and looked about them, how to make good 
what was in this Battle and Battery of the 
Chrijlians defaced ; whilft in the mean Time, 
the poor Captives, were both out of their Sight, 
and out of their Jurifdiction. 

For away went they roundly, one Compa- 
ny ftill and anon leaping to the Oar, as another 
felt themfelves weary : All their Prayers being 
poured out, that the Hand of Heaven would 
fo guide them, that they might land upon fome 
Cbrijiian Shore. A long Time did they thus 
wander in thofe uncertain Paths of the Sea, the 
Winds fometimes blowing gently en their Faces, 
and fometimes angerly : Lifomuch that, at 
length, Victuals began to fail them, and then 
Famine (a more curfed Enemy than him from 
whom they efcaped, yea, than Death itfelf ) o- 
pened her unwholfome Jaws, and, with her 
ftinking Breath, blafted their Cheeks ; by which 
Means, in twenty-eight Davs (wherein they 
were tofled up and down from Billow to Billow) 
there died, for Want of Bread, eight Perfons, 
to the Aftonifhment of all the reft, that look- 
ed ftill for their Turn, and to be flung over- 
board after their Fellows. 

But, with a more merciful Eye (when he be- 
held how patiently they endured his Trials N 
did God look down .upon them. And, on the 
twenty-ninth Day after thev fet from Alexan- 
dria, they fell upon the Ifland of Candy, and 
fo put in at Gallipoli, where the Abbot and 
Monks of the Place gave them good Entertain- 
ment, warmed them, and gave them Food, not 
fuffering them to depart, till they had refrefhed 
their Bodies, and had gathered Strength to pro- 
ceed on their Journev. The Sword, with which 
John Reynard had flain the Turkijh Jailor, did 
they hang up for a Monument, in Remem- 
brance, that by fo weak an Inftrument, fo ma- 
nv Chrijlians were delivered from fo barbarous a 
Thraldom. 

From hence, they failed along the Coaft, till 
they arrived at Tarenio, where they fold their 
Galley, divided the Money amongit themfelves, 
every Man having a Part of it to relieve them : 
For fo hardly were they purfued by the Turkijb 
Gallies, that oftentimes they came to that Place 
at Night, from whence the Chrijlians went a- 
way but the Morning before. So that it be- 
hoved them to ufe all the diligent Speed thev 
could, and not to tarry long in one Country. 
From Tarento, therefore, do they travel bv 
Land to Naples, and there did they feparate 

them- 



The Deliverance of certain 

themfelves, and break Company, every Man 
fhaping his beft Courfe, to get to his own 
Home. 

"John Reynard, took his Journey to Rome, 
where he found good and friendly Entertain- 
ment, at the Hands of an Englijhman, by whofe 
Means, the Pope gave him a liberal Reward, 



Chriftians from the Turks. 1 89 

and fent him, with Commendatory Letters, to 
the King of Spain, who, for that worthy Ex- 
ploit upon the Turks, gave him in Fee twenty 
Pence by the Day. But the Love of his own 
Country calling him from thence, he forfook 
Spain, and his Preferment there, and returned 
to England. 



The Copy of the Certificate for John Reynard, and his Company, made by the 
Prior and Brethren of Gallipoli, where theyfirft landed. 



WE the Prior and Fathers of the Convent 
of the Amerciates, of the City of Gal- 
lipoli, of the Order of Preachers, do 
teftify, that, upon the Nineteeth of January, 
there came into the faid City a certain Galley 
from Alexandria, taken from the Turks, with 
two-hundred fifty and eight Chrijlians, where- 
of was Principal, Mafter John Reynard, an 
Englijhman, a Gunner, and one of the chiefeft 
that did accomplifh that great Work, whereby 
fo many Chrijlians have recovered their Liberty. 
In Token and Remembrance whereof, upon 
our earneft Requeft to the fame John Reynard, 
he hath left here an old Sword, wherewith he 
flew the Keeper of the Prifon : Which Sword 
we do, as a Monument and Memorial of fo 
worthy a Deed, hang up in the chief Place of 
our Convent-houfe. And, for becaufe all Things 
aforefaid are fuch as we will teftify to be true, 



as they are orderly pafled, and have therefore 
good Credit, that fo much as is above expreffed 
is true, and, for the more Faith thereof, we, 
the Prior and Fathers aforefaid, have ratified 
and fubferibed thefe Prefents. Given in Gal- 
lipoli. 

I Friar Vincent Barba, Prior of the fame 
Place, confirm the Premifes, as they are abovt 
written. 

I Friar Albert Damaro, of Gallipoli, Sub- 
Prior, confirm as much. 

I Friar Anthony Celleler, of Gallipoli, con- 
firm as aforefaid. 

I Friar Bartholomew, of Gallipoli, confirm 
as abovefaid. 

I Friar Francis, of Gallipoli, confirm as 
much. 



The Bi/lop of Rome'; Letters in Behalf of John Reynard. 



BE it known unto all Men, to whom this 
Writing fhall come, that the Bringer 
hereof, John Reynard, Englijhman, a 
Gunner, after he had ferved Captive in the 
Turks Gallies, by the Space of fourteen Years, 
at length, through God's Help, taking good 
Opportunity, the Third of January, flew the 
Keeper of the Prifon, whom he firft ftruck on 
the Face, together with four and twenty other 
Turks, by the Afiiftance of his Fellow-prifoners, 
and with two-hundred llxty-fix Chrijlians (of 
whofe Liberty he was the Author) launched 
from Alexandria, and from thence arrived firft 
at Gallipoli, in Candy, and afterwards at Taren- 
to in Apulia : The written Teftimony and Cre- 



dit of thefe Things, as alfo of others, the fame 
John Reynard hath, in publick Tables, from Na- 
ples. 

Some few Days fince, he came to Rome, and 
is now determined to take his Journey to the 
Spanifh Court, hoping there to obtain fome Re- 
lief toward his Living : Wherefore, the poor 
diftrefled Man humbly befeecheth, and we, in 
his Behalf, do, in the Bowels of ChriJl, defire 
you, that taking Companion of his former Cap- 
tivity, and prefent Penury, you do not only 
freely fuffer him to pafs throughout all your Ci- 
ties and Towns, but alfo fuccour him with your 
charitable Alms ; the Reward whereof you 
flaall, hereafter, moft afiuredly receive ; which, 

we 



190 

we hope, you will afford to him, whom, with 
tender Affection of Pity, we commend unto 
you. At Rome. 



Thomas Grolos, Englifhman, Bijhop 0/Aftra 
phan. 

Richard Silleun, Prior Angliae. 



The Prefent State of Europe, &c, 

Andreas Ludovicus, Regijler to our Sovereign 
Lord the Pope ; which, for the great Credit of 
the Premifes, have fet my Seal to thefe Prefents, 
at Rome, the Day and Tear above written. 

Mauricius Clenotus, the Governor and Keeper 
of the Englifh Hofpital in the City. 



The prefent State of Europe briefly examined, and found lan- 
guifhing ; occafioned by the Greatnefs of the French Monar- 
chy : For Cure whereof, a Remedy (from former Examples) 
is humbly propofed. Wrote upon Occafion of the Houfe of 
Commons's Vote to raife 800000 /. to equip a Fleet for the 
Year 1671, moved thereunto by the pretended March of the 
French Army, towards the Marine Parts of Flanders. By 
Thomas Manley^ Efq; 1689* 



TH E prefent Defigns and Puiflance 
of France, both by Sea and Land, be- 
ing, at once, both the Wonder and 
Dread of Europe, hath poflefled me 
with fo many fad Reflexions on that 
Subject, that I, who am but Duft and Afhes, 
and dwell in the Shades of Obfcurity, cannot re- 
frain to form and meditate, how Bars may be 
put to fuch approaching Dangers, efpecially, 
fince the Honour, Safety, and Welfare of our 
Prince and Country ought to be the Bent and 
Study of the moft retired Subject. 

The prefent State of Europe I might fitly re- 
femble to the Body of a Man, wherein all the 
Members either languifh, or are vicioufly affect- 
ed ; fome through Self-mifchiefs, others op- 
prefTed by their Fellow-members. Spain (here- 
tofore the great Pretender to the Weftern Mo- 
narchy *) droops through her own Follies f, 
whereof, if fhe expire, a Jury will undoubtedly 
find her a Felo defe, while her Neighbour Por- 
tugal, inftead of holding her fick Head, and 
pitying her Cafe, is ready, on all Occafions, to 
knock out her Brains. Italy and Germany are 



troubled with one Difeafe, through the windy 
Humours of her many and ambitious Princes, 
whofe continual Jealoufles fill them with Gri- 
pings and Difquiets : England and Holland are 
defperately bruifed through mutual Buffetings, 
to which France cunningly looed them on $, in- 
tending, like Simeon and Levi, to fupprefs thefe 
Sechemites ||, when fore and unable to refift ; 
all which Miflakes and Calamities have been to 
France, as fo many indulgent Nurfes to feed 
and pamper her ; who, like unruly Cattle, tref- 
pafs moft on that Neighbour, whofe Fence is 
loweft, and quarry beft without Fear of im- 
pounding, whereby (like the Head in a Body 
rickety) fhe grows to an unproportionable and 
dangerous Bignefs, whilft her erring Neigh- 
bours (like the Members) wafte and languifh ; 
of whofe fudden and prodigious Growth, I will 
not now infift on (which yet is none of the leaft 
dreadful Confiderations) nor tell how our Crom- 
well feemed a Didtator there ; nor record how 
fix-thoufand Englijh Red-coats were, at that 
Time, more effential than Humanity and Pro- 
tection to an oppreffed King ** of the Blood of 



* Till Oliver Cromwell enabled France to raife the fame ambitious Views upon the Ruins of Spain. 

-f- Seethe Rights of the Houfe of Auftria to the Spanijh Succeffion, in the Sequel of this Colle&ion. 

X Alluding to the unnatural War proclaimed by King Charles the Second, againft Holland, by the Infliga- 
tioo of France. || England and Holland, when wafted in their Strength and Wealth, by a long and bloody 
War. ** Chailes the Second. 

France 



'The Prefent State of Europe, &c, 1 9 1 

France * ; for now the Scene being altered by then alarmed Europe^ as France docs now) as 
the admirable Conduct of a Prince, whom, if they themfelves had made new Conquefts j 
therefore, his Subjects ought to reverence, I hence it was, that Philip the Second, by Way 
cannot but obferve how Chriftendom, inftead of of Requital, and our EUfabeth (to whofe Pru- 
a generous Refentment, and Defence of the Op- dence, and Memory, we owe our remaining 
pre/Ted, fhrinks and faints at every undue Sei- Glories) threw Oil, and not Water, into the 
zure made by that haughty Monarch, as if they long Troubles of France ; with which Council, 
fancied fuch Softnefs could fecure their own the fame Philip was fo tranfported (judging it 
Peace, or charm an ambitious Conqueror into the beft Expedient to improve his grand Defign 
Modefty, or put a Stop to his Career, whofe ut- of the Weftern Monarchy) that to carry the 
moft End is the Weftern Monarchy, whereun- War into France, he apparently (but not wifc- 
to, with fpread Sails, he now apparently haften- ly) neglected his own Affairs in the Low-Coun- 
eth ; whereas they ought rather to be power- tries ; thereby fpoiling a moft fovereign Anti- 
full V perfuaded, that fuch Tamenefs muft at dote, by an unfeafonable Application. Nor 
once enable, and encourage him to devour them was the coftly Attempt of 1588 any Thing, but 
2 lfo. carrying Fire into f an Enemy's Kingdom, the 
What Prudence can juftify fuch Procedure ? better to extinguifh the Flame made by that Foe, 
Can Time and Patience repair the Miftakes ? in his Country ; Kingdoms (like Houfes in a 
Or may fuch eafy Conquefts glut his Appetite, dreadful Fire) being beft fecured by blowing up 
or poflefs him with Companion, to fpare the the next dangerous Neighbour : Hence, the 
reft ? Or does not rather one Conqueft beget a French are fuppofed (by no Fools) to have been' 
Stomach and Ability to more and greater ? Who both the Midwife and Nurfe to our late Scotijb 
can fuppofe the Seizure of Lorrain will immerge and Englijh Wars % ; begot the feveral coftly 
him in Eafe and Voluptuoufnefs ? Or his Sue- Wars between us and Holland || ; continued and 
cefles in Flanders- ferve as an Atonement to foftered the Revolts both in Catalonia and Por- 
fecure the reft ? Muft not thefe unrevenged tugal, and of late aflifted that King, both with 
Conquefts rather be as fo many profperous Gales Men and Money. 

to tranfport him to greater Achievements ? Cromwell, indeed, was an unparalleled Sin- 
Seeing the like Droufinefs, in Relation to Chrif- ner againft this antient King-craft, when, poft- 
tian Princes, gave Occafion, formerly, to the poning the general Tranquility, to his own 
Growth of the Ottoman Greatnefs, and is like wretched Humour and Intereft, he aflifted France, 
ftill to add to his Triumphs ; and, as an Hifto- at fuch a Time, that all the World judged hec 
rian obferves in the like Cafe of the antient Bri- too powerful for her Rival, Spain, who then 
tons, Dum Jinguli pugnant, univerji vincuntur. lay drooping under her own Wounds and Fol- 
Remarkable, then, was the former Policy of lies, in Relation, principally, to the ill Conduct 
thefe Weftern Princes, when, with the Ha- of her Treafure, which, alone, will founder the 
zard of their Eafe and Lives, they maintained ftrongeft Empire ; and had this Nation no other 
the Power of Chrijlendom in an equal Balance, Crime to charge on that ill Man (who, like 
dexteroufly throwing their Arms into that Scale the greateft Mortals, muft, living or dead, be 
which appeared lighted, knowing they fecured expofed to the fevereft Cenfure of the People) it 
thereby their own Peace and Government : On were alone fufficient to render him an impoli- 
this Account, England and France are thought tick and hateful Perfon, to all Generations : 
to have wifely fomented the Revolt of the Low- Whereas, on the contrary, we owe great Reve- 
Countries, and were, in EffecT:, as fond, by that rence to the Wifdom of his Majefty, in ef- 
Means, to leffen the Grandure of Spain (who poufing the Triple Alliance, and entering ge- 

* Crowwel', being folemnly inaugurated Protestor, on the 26th of June 1657, immediately confent- 
ed to a League with France againft Spain 5 thereby ftipulating, that all the Children of King Charles the 
Fir/i, and their Adherents, {hould be intirely forfaken by the French King, and drove out of his Domini- 
ons ; and that, . in Confideration thereof, Cromwell fent fix-thoufand of his beft Troops into France, 
under the Command of Reynolds ; by which Means, the Balance of Europe was transferred, from Spain, 
to the Power of France. -f- England. See this whole Expedition in Numbers III and IV, beginning in 

Page 115* J Between King Charles the Second and his Parliament. || In the Reign of King Charles 

the Second. 

neroufly 



192 The Prefent State of Europe, &c. 

neroufly into other Leagues, in order to fecure Chrijlendom, from Subjection to that Crown ? 

the Peace of Chrijhndom ; But, yet, I hum- Since we already fee the very Clappings of his 

bly conceive, it is not enough for a cheap, fure, Wings beget Amazement : Join the Power 

and lafting Peace, fo long as the Balance re- and Riches of Holland to him, and all the known 

mains fo unequal between the two great Pre- World muft bow to his Scepter. 

tenders ; and Franc t, through her military Again, fhould France attempt, and reduce us 

Grandure, continues fo armed, able, and da- to fevere Terms, whilft our Neighbours ftand 

ring, to give perpetual Frights and Alarums to with their Arms a-crofs, it would only expedite 

the whole Neighbourhood ; whereby, a Peace, their Confufion, and draw on them a more 

through a juft and neceflary Jealoufy, becomes certain Conqueft. 

as coftly as War itfelf, confuming thofe that I will not, therefore, doubt, but as the Safe- 
are fufpicious of her ; and the daily Motions ties of us, and our Allies, are floating in one 
and Buzzings of her Armies oblige the Neigh- common Bottom, and fortified by mutual In- 
bours, with Sword in Hand, to an eternal terefts (the only true Cement of Leagues) fo 
Watchfulnefs, left, unawares, the Blow be our joint Defigns, when once put into*Action, 
given ; which continual Bendings inevitably will be vigoroufly pufhed on, till the Balance 
muft draw fo many dreadful Weakneffes on the of Chrijhndom be reduced to its proper Standard. 
Parties concerned, as muft, at length, without And, whereas it muft be granted, that no 
a Miracle, improve both the Defigns and Glo- Conqueft can fatiate, Bonds tye, nor Leagues 
rics of that Prince ; which is fo obvious to all charm this great Pretender +, wherebv the Mil- 
confidering Men, that fome of his own Subjects ky Ways of Peace may felicitate Europe, with- 
havehad the Vanity, of late, to boaft, even in out the coftly and terrible Guards of Armies, 
this Kingdom, what Charge their King would fo long as the Odds remain fo unequal, and 
put us unto, by marching his Army (mighty, this mighty Hero (armed and victorious) is 
and in perpetual Pay) yearly near our Coafts, able thus to affright the World, Heeler his 
before really he would attack us : And certain- Neighbours, impofe upon the Weak, and, on 
ly, great muft the Advantage be, which France every feeble Pretence, ranfack their Countries, 
hath now over us (whereby an Eftimate may be without Revenge ; nothing remains juftifiable 
taken of our Decay, even in the midft of Peace) by the juft Rules of Policy, but with the joint 
if, when the Humour poflefleth that daring Arms of all Parties concerned (which, indeed, 
Monarch (whofe Armies, like Birds of Prey, is all Europe) to attack this illuftrious Man, up- 
are always on the Wing) to move towards us, on the very firft juft Provocation, and by Dint 
either in Pretence, or Reality (which, by the of Sword, carry the War into his own Bofom ; 
Event, is only determinable) we muft equip, at and from the Example of wife Princes, make 
leaft, our Fleet, at fix or feven-hundred-thou- his Country, at once, both the Seat of War and 
fand Pounds Charge, to prevent the mere Fear Defolation ; whereof the Romans, in the War 
of an Invafion ; and when we are wearied, and of Carthage, are a puilTant Inftance ; whereas, 
confumed by fo many fruitlefs, yet neceflary on the contrary, the States, and Princes of Eu- 
j\rmings, and laid to Slumber after fo many rope, Italy efpecially, neglecting of late to af- 
Alarums, who can but eafily forefee what dread- fault the Turk powerfully before Candia, are 
ful Effects may enfue ? Wherefore, I conclude, now juftly expecting him, with Horror and 
with that great Statefman, Cicero, Pace fufpec- Amazement, at their own Doors : He that fights 
ta tutius Bellum *. in his Enemy's Country, does in Effect, fight 
But fuppofe, that, whilft the United Provinces at his Enemy's Coft, and when Peace is clapped 
and Spain maintain their Pofts, we were able up, leaves his Enemy, for that Age, poor, and 
both to refift his Attempts, and bear the Ex- miferable, as we have, not long fince, beheld 
pence, vet, it is fcarce deniable, but, if he de- in poor Germany ; The French King, therefore, 
vour thofe Countries, by Piece-meals, and pluck commonly makes himfelf the Affailant, main- 
up that glorious Commonwealth, by the Roots taining half his Wars, at his Adverfaries Charge, 
(which, without effectual Affiftance, infallibly by fighting in their Countries ; where, if he re- 
he will) we muft alfo receive a Law from him ; ceive a Blow, he has his own unharrafled King- 
for what can then keep us, with the reft of dom, either to receive, or recruit him ; and 

* A War is fafer than a fufpe&ed Peace. f To univerfal Monarchy. 

our 






The Vrefent State 

our heroick Ellfabeth (who, knowing that Vir- 
tue and Juftice were the only Ligaments of her 
People's Love, governed her Affairs with mira- 
culous Wifdom and Houfewifery, made her Pay- 
ments fure to a Proverb, and was accordingly 
adored) ftudied by all Arts imaginable to fight 
her Enemies on their own Soil, whereby at 
once fhe imprinted thereon the terrible Marks 
of Defolation, and preferved her Country as 
proper Fuel, wherewith, on all Occafions, to 
confume her Adverfaries. Nor was her Sifter 
Mary intentionally her Inferior in this Particu- 
lar, when the Lofs of Calais (which, in her 
Hand, was fo ready an Inlet to aflail either of 
the great Pretenders, as common Intereft direct- 
ed) was fuppofed either to have occafioned, or 
haftened her Death. For this Reafon, .all our 
Kings, from the glorious Edward the Thirds to 
Queen Mary, being two-hundred and ten 
Years, with infinite Care and Coft, preferved 
Calais againft all Comers, as a facred Jewel of 
the Crown ; however, a Sort of new Policy 
feems of late to have been introduced. He that 
fights out of his Country, feldom ventures any 
Thing befides an Army ; but he that is aflault- 
ed, and beat upon his own Dunghil, common- 
ly lofeth that with the Victory, or at lead fuf- 
fereth ten-thoufand Calamities, befides the ufual 
Terrors of Invafion : Whereof the Swedes De- 
fcent into Germany, by Virtue of their King's 
Courage and Alliances (fuch as I drive at) is a 
wonderful Example; wherein, a puiflant Empe- 
ror (armed and victorious as France is now) was 
courageoufly fet upon, and after a fierce War 
of fixteen Years, and the Death (as is fuppofed) 
of three-hundred Thoufand Germans, torn to 
Pieces by fo many eager Confederates (whereof 
France was none of the fmall ones) who by the 
deep Counfels of thofe mighty Oracles, Riche- 
lieu and Gxenjlern (guided peradventure by a 
Divine Hint) purfued this Method, as the like- 
lieft Way to chaftife and humble that haughty 
Family, who otherwife, poflibly, would by Piece- 
meals, or drowfy Peace, have fvvaggered, if not 
fubdued Europe. Let brave Piinces, for the com- 
mon Safety of Chrijlendom, repeat this Ccunfel, 
on another Theatre, the Scale may foon be 
turned, and France moft juftiy be chaftifed with 
her own 'terrible Scourge forty Years after ; 
otherwife it muft be a long and unlucky War, 
managed by France, on the Soil of other Princes, 
to make her miferable, fo long as (lie enjoys 
Peace at Home ; allow her that, and die may 
tug hard with Chr'ifl^ndom 3 like Spain, who, by 



of Europe, Qpc. 193 

Virtue of the domeftick Peace, contended, in 
Effect, with all Europe, for eighty Years, and 
put them fhrewdly to their Trumps : Nothing 
more, than Peace at Home, enables a Prince to 
manage Wars Abroad ; he then that will hum- 
ble his Enemy, muft throw Wild-fire into his 
Bofom, carry the War into his Country, and 
ftrike home, at the Head and Heart. 

Nor are the ill Humours, which, peradven- 
ture, may be found, in every Country, the 
meaneft Argument to excite an Invafire War ; 
fmce poor Ger?)iany received the deepeft Wounds, 
from his own Weapons, and France by her ar- 
bitrary Government, and intolerable Impofitions 
(to omit the natural Ficklenefs of her People, 
the opprefTed Huguenots, and the lofty and ne- 
ver-dying Pretences of the Houfe of Conde) hath 
probably prepared combuftible Matter, where- 
with at any Time to confume herfelf, when 
once, efpecially her Neighbours, with powerful 
Arm, bring Flames unto it, which otherwife 
(as we have there often ken within this thirty 
Years) is, in Effect, as foon extinguifhed as be- 
gun. 

Why then does Europe (lumber, and meekly 
fufFer fuch dangerous Clouds to increafe, and 
impend, till of themfelves they break about their 
Ears ? Our common Safeties invocate our com- 
mon Arms to aflail this Lion in his Den, pare 
his Claws at leaft, and abate his Fiercenefs, 
and inftead of expecting him in ours, attack him 
vigoroufly in his own Country on the next juft 
Provocation, fmce nothing is more certain than 
that Delays and Softnefs fortify the Danger, and 
improve that, which, in Prudence, is now re- 
fiftiblc, into a Follv to withftand : Slight Diftem- 
pers, at firft defpifed, prove oftentimes deadly ; 
whereas to meet with a Difeafe, before it come 
to the Crifis, is a probable Means to afcertain 
the Cure, and Vementi occurrite Morbo, may 
be as choice a Maxim in Government, as Apho- 
rifm in Phyfick. Pax queritur hello, was a 
(hrewd Motto of a bad Man, and ought, more 
juftiy, en this Occafion, to be wrote in Capital 
Letters, on all the Confederate Standards of Eu- 
rope : In Fine, he that fees not an abfolute Nc- 
ceflity of embracing fpeedily a Confederate War, 
to abate the Edg* of this illuftrious Pretender, 
hath either not duly weighed the Danger, has 
fome vile, and By-ends, Betblem mad to intro- 
duce fome Herefy, or is refolved to truckle. 
Tarti Religio potuit fuadere malon . 

[ mould tremble to found a Trumpet to War 

(which is always accompanied with fearful Cir- 

C c cumftanees) 



194 The Prefint State of Europe, &c. 

cumftanees) did I not from my Soul believe that Nation, by upholding great Armaments by Sea 
a fupreme Peace, like an incurable Gangrene, and Land, to watch a feeming Friend, that he 
would create greater Calamities, and introduce become not a real Enemy, and yet not be able to 
both a certain War, and the Hazard of a total prevent it at laft. Nor needs any Treafure be 
Subverfion ; for, if whilft we become meer exported in Specie (which, by all imaginable 
Spectators of our Neighbour's LofTes, and Ca- Ways, ought to be avoided as Part of our Life- 
lamities, this Prince, either by Force or Subtle- Blood) but the Value thereof tranfported in the 
ty, improve his Dominions, we can expect no Growths and Manufactures of England (be- 
other Favour, but the miferable Satisfaction, ei- fides Clothes for the Soldiery) which either his 
ther to be laft devoured, or fhamefully impofed Majefty's Minifters may there expofe to Sale, or 
upon ; which founds fo dolefully in every free- our Confederates be obliged to anfwer quarter- 
born Ear, that, to prevent it, nothing can be ly at a certain Rate ; being allured, the Swedes 
efteemed too dear ; whereas a fpeedy Arming maintained that long War in Germany, without 
of all the Confederates may not only repel, drawing any Silver out of their Dominions ; but, 
but force the Infection into his own Bowels, contrariwife, inriched their Country with the 
and make him experimentally feel thofe Mife- choiceft Spoils of their Enemies, as bv woful 
ries, which, rneerly to aggrandife his Name, Experience we have found the Scots wifely to 
and Kingdom, he has incompaSTionately brought practife upon us *. 

on others ; whereof I may not doubt, when I I know it will be objected, that we are in an 

confider how one of his Majefty's three King- untoward Pickle to begin a War, after fo many 

doms by the proper Virtue of her Kings (which hideous Calamities, grievous Impofitions, and 

were truly heroick) and the flender Help of univerfal Fall of our Rents, occafioned by a 

of fome one Confederate, hith more than once thoufand Follies ; and Why fhall we throw off 

made terrible Impreffions in France, and turned Peace a Moment fooner than we muft needs 

up even the Foundations of her Government ; lofe her ; feeing, with the Lofs of her, our 

for which thofe brave Princes will be eternally Trade muft be miferably interrupted ? 

celebrated, whilft the Memory of the Slothful To which, I anfwer, That were the Conti- 

and Voluptuous periih, who by forgetting their nuance of Peace and Trade to be always at our 

own, and their Nation's Honour, have taught Option, and that probably, the Power of no 

their own, and future Ages, to forget and dif- Neighbour could ever part us, he were bevoncl 

honour them ; fo true is it, that that Prince, the Cure of Hellebore f, that would propofe War 

who reigns without Honour, lives in Contempt, in their Stead ; but feeing the Cafe is quite con- 

and Danger, and has his Tomb, at laft, be- trary, Peace and Trade were better fufpended 

fmeared with Reproaches. for fome Years, with probable Hopes to enioy 

Men cannot be wanting for fo honourable them plentifully afterwards, than after a fhort 
and neceflary a War, whilft thefe three King- Enjoyment, to humour an unreafonable Fcnd- 
doms enjoy Peace at Home ; nor Money (the nefs, lofe them and Freedom eternally. Not, 
Soul of War) if prudently managed, fince the but that I am powerfully perfuaded, that the ve- 
Muc of fuch a War muft, with the Divine Blef- ry Commencement of fuch a War may be fo 
fing, fecure the Subjects in their Beds, and efta- far from interrupting our Trade a Moment, that 
blifh fuch a Peace as may be a lafting Happi- it may be, at once, the only Means to enlarge 
nefs to the Cbrijlian World ; they will there- ours, and beat the French out of hers : "Where- 
fore certainly tear open their Breaits, and give as, we now plainly fee, how, during this pre- 
the King their Hearts, and with them their fent uncertain Peace, fhe dilates her Commerce, 
Hands and Purfes, whilft, with Cato, thev efteem and thrives on the Ocean ; which, with th. 
nothing too dear for the Peace of the Common- ry firft Approaches of a Confederate War, muft, 
wealth, according to the Dutch Motto, Defend in all Probability, vaniih ; whilft the Dutch and 
us, and fpend us. we have thereby fo many Advantages, both to 

And, although we muft not expect a cheap beat her out of Sea, and increafe our own 

War, yet certainly it cannot be dearer than a Navigation and TrafHck. This is certain, fuch 

watchful, fufpected, and languifhing Peace, in a War cannot prejudice us, by hindering our 

which we muft confume the Treafure of our Trade with her ; it being notoriously known, 

* In Times paft, before the two Kingdoms were united. f i. e. uncurably mad. 

that 



The Prefent State of Europe, &c. 



that our Commerce thereis, at once, mifchievous 
to us, and ftrangely advantageous to her, whe- 
ther you refpect the open or clandestine Traffick : 
Fir/}, in the Quantity, by the vaft Over-balance 
of her Commodities. And, Secondly, in the Qua- 
lity of them ; thole which fhe receives from us, 
being fuch as are neceffary, and ufeful to her, 
and infinitely difadvantageous to us, as our Wool, 
EsV. whilft we import nothing from thence, 
but what we were a thoufand Times better 
to be without ; and fuch as if we confume them 
not, muft, in Effect, perifh on their Hands, 
to the infinite Prejudice of her King, and Peo- 
ple, as we know they now fuffer by the Dutch 
late Prohibition of Brandy, Salt, &c. and which, 
to gratify our ill-tutored' Humours, and Appe- 
tites, fubdue cur Rents, corrupt and impovc- ' 
riih our Nobility and Gentry, deftroy our Ma- 
nufactures, and fnatch the Bread out of the 
Mouths of our Artificers, and, by Confequence, 
increafe our Poor, and render us the mcft 
vain and luxurious Creatures in Europe. 

And, although I cannot magnify our prefent 
Condition, and Fitnefs for War ; yet certainly, 
it is fafer Enterprifing her Abroad (as fhaken as 
we are) with the Help of powerful Confederates 
(whofe Shoulders may bear Part of the Burthen) 
whilft there remain frefh Hopes of Victory, 
than {lumber in a dangerous Peace, till invinci- 
ble Mifchiefs awake us, our Neighbours fubdu- 
ed, our Trade expired, War brought to our 
Doors by a triumphant Enemy heightened by 
Conduct and Succeffes, and Cock-pit Law a- 
gainft us ; hoping, now, by a reasonable Ar- 
rav (fuch as the Nation may maintain in Pay 
and Courage) and the joint Force of Confede- 
rates, to reduce the Scale, and confirm that 
Peace, which thrice their Numbers, and treble 
Charg-e at another Time, cannotprocure ; and, 
of all Evils, the leaft is always to be chofen. 

If I be afked, What Affurance can Princes 
have of Alliances, fince all Ages afford unto- 
ward Inftances of foul Play therein, to the Ruin, 
commonlv, of the moft Sincere and Daring;? 

Not to diftincruifh between the Diflimulation 
of the South (where, under the Name of Pru- 
dence and Circumfpection, Falfhood and Frauds 
are daily reverenced) and the Sincerity of the 
North (where moft of our Alliances are) nor 
■debate the Difference between Leagues com- 
menced by Revenge, Paflion, or fome frivolous 
Capricio (which are no fooner patched together, 
than rent afunder) and thofe led on by the ex- 
act Rules of common Safety and Government 



*95 

(whofe Refults are immortal) I anfwer, That 
honourable Leagues hold commonly inviolable, 
until the feveral fundamental Interefts of the 
Confederates are fecured : Now it is almoft im- 
poffible, that any Prince's true Intereft can be 
fecured, whilft France remains fo mighty and 
rampant : Let the League hold, till her fwag- 
gering Fit be over, her Nails pared, and fhe re- 
duced to Terms of Modefty and gocd Neigh- 
bourhood, and then let the Allies fall off as thty 
pleafe : I know, in all Leagues of this Nature, 
Differences from feveral little Interefts have rifen, 
how far it has been fafe, or necefiarv, to weak- 
en the common Enemy ; wherein fome have al- 
wavs been fiercer for a total Subverfion than o- 
thers, as in the miferable Cafe of Germany, 
wherein nothing would fatisfy the Swede and 
French, but dividing the very Carcafs of the 
Imperial Eagle, whilft the reft of the Confede- 
rates were contented to cut off her Peak and 
Talons; vet they all agreed in this, that 
was to be reduced and weakened : But luppoie 
that Allies fhould prove falfe, when once a War 
is commenced, What would it do elfe, but at 
once to haften the Ruin of them all ? And, 
in the mean Time, inftrudt the deferted Prince 
to yield to larger Terms, out-bid the Apoftates, 
ftoop to the Pretender (who, as a generous 
Conqueror, muft pity fuch) and with him, in 
Revenge, fet upon the Perfidious, and make 
them eternally repent fuch Unworthinefs, unlets 
fafe Counfels in the mean Time prefent. 

Again, it may be objected, that Peace ought 
to be preferred as long as may be, in Hopes that 
this bufy and dangerous Prince may expire, be- 
fore his haughty Defigns are accomplifhed, and 
the Affairs of France fall thereby into the Hands 
of an Infant, or a lazv and effeminate Prince 
(that is worfe than a Child) accompanied (as 
commonly) with corrupt, faithlefs, or factious 
Counfellors and Flatterers, the Vermin of 
Courts, and Plague and Ruin of Crowns and 
Scepters, whereby (without the Hazard of a 
War) her huffling, and profperous Condition 
(as frequent Examples tell us) may be rendered 
lansnifhing- enough. 

I anfwer, That that, which may be, may not 
be, and either this active Prince, who is now 
but Thirty-two, may live (without a powerful 
Confederacy) to give Europe a woful Conviction 
of the Folly of fuch lazy Counfel, or leave a 
Succeffor to tread in his glorious Steps, till that 
be accomplifhed, which all but Frenchmen ought 
to. abhor, whatever their religious Perfuafions 
C c 2 are ; 



196 



The Prefent State of Europe, &c. 



are ; and what wife Man will expofe, even his 
little private Affairs, to fuch a Rifque, when 
fafer Remedies arc at Hand. 

If it be faid, That, in Cafe our Neighbours 
think fit to invade us, we have Store of Samp- 
fons to give them warlike Entertainment, where- 
by we may defend our own, without concern- 
ing ourfelves in Affairs abroad. 

f anfwer, Firji, This is clearly againft the 
Practice of our renowned Anceftors, and of all 
wife States in all Ages, who have chofen to 
right their Enemies on an Enemy's Soil, "at any 
Rate, rather than fuffer the Terrors and Defo- 
lations of an Invalion, though the Enemv fhould 
have perifhed all on the Spot. Secondly, There 
is a moral Impossibility to maintain England, 
btherwife than in a languid and frightful 
Condition, were her Sampfons twice as many, 
fhould France (whilft we flumber) reduce the 
Spjnijh, and United Provinces, and annex the 
greater Part of Germany to his flourifhing and 
mighty Kingdom ; Acquifitions whereof he has 
too fairaProfpect. Thirdly, I dare afnrm, that 
nothing but invincible Neceflity, or ill Counfel, 
ever diipofed a Prince to receive an Enemy into 
his own Bowels, inflead of feeking him abroad, 
for which I humbly offer thefe Reafons. 

1. The Affailants both in their own, and 
their Enemies Opinion (which, in War, works 
mightv Effects) have commonly the Reputation 
of being the better Men, merely becaufe k they 
have the Courage, to feek the Enemy, at his 
own Door. 

1. The Invador feldom ventures any Thing 
befides an Army, which, ten to one, is exceed- 
ingly ftrengthened (efpecially if his Ufage, or 
Pay, be good) by either Male-contents in Church, 
or State, or neceflitous Perfons, to whom No- 
velty is welcome, and all Governments alike ; 
a Reafon which made Lycurgus fear to fee a 
Beggar, or a voluptuous Perfon, who rides 
Poft to Poverty, dwell in Sparta. 

3. The affailed Prince, in Cafe he has not 
a ftanding Armv, and mighty Treafure,- is, by 
an Invafion, caft into ten-thoufand Straits, in 
procuring Monies, and railing Men, when he 
fhould be fighting the Enemy, or fecuring the 
Country ; whilft the People, inftead of taking 
Sword in Hand, fly with their amazed Families, 
before the Enemy, they know not where, cur- 
fing the Follies of the Government, which have 
undone them, whilft Invafions feldom leave o- 
ther Counfellors, but Fear and Revilings, whofe 
Refults are always wild and prepofterous. 



4. If a Prince, has not a Treafure of his own, 
he fhall fcarce command the Purfes of his Sub- 
jects upon an Invafion, when they are bufier in 
concealing their Money to fupply their own 
Wants, in the Bay of Calamity, than expend 
it in Defence of the Publick, which their fond 
Hopes infinuate may either be faved without it, 
or Fears fuggeft is pail Recovery with it, as was 
clearly feen in the Ly^ of Conjlantinofle, when 
taken by Mahomet the Great ; unlefs the Sub- 
ject has an egregious Reverence for the Go- 
vernment, and Counfels of the Prince, as the 
Refults of his Juffice, and Virtue, whereof the 
great Queen Elifabeth, in the Attempt of 88, 
is a glorious Inflance. 

5. Soldiers are generally obferved to be moft 
warlike, and manageable, farther! from Home, 
when freed from the Cares and Addrefiis of 
Wives and Families. 

6. The Prince affailed had need ftand right 
in the Opinion of his People, in Relation to his 
Religion, Treafure, and Government ; for if 
they (who in all Difafters will be Judges in 
fpite of Fate) have once loft all Sentiments of 
Veneration, and Confidence of him, through 
Mif-government, they foon grow to defpife and 
naufeate all his Actions, diftruft and preindicate 
his Counfels, invocate the Ghoft of fome glo- 
rious Anceftor, and are eafily won by the next 
Comer. 

7. The Prince affailed doth not onlv, on a 
Battle or two, venture his Country, wherein, if 
he be beaten, he is^ certainly conquered, but,, 
if he fubdue the Aggreffbrs, he has only their 
Carcafes to atone, for the Devaluation of his 
Country (the certain Effect of Invafion, and, 
next to a Conqueft, the Bufinefs of an Enemy) 
which haftens Barbarity, and a certain Carelef- 
nefs, and opens an eafy Way to the next 
Comer ; as it fared with this Ifland in Relation 
to the Danes, Saxons, and Normans, whofe 
Conquefts and Preffures made Way one for ano- 
ther ; fo true is it, that Poverty weakens the 
Hands, and intimidates the Hearts of Mankind, 
and alfo renders Countries not worth keeping. 

8. It is the fundamental Intereft of Princes 
to keep the Ballance even, which is not to be 
done without Confederacies, and Warring upon 
the growing and dangerous Monarch, it being 
certain that Armies, Fleets, and Fortreffes (tbo' 
highly valuable in their Kind, and without 
which Kingdoms are defective) fecure a Coun- 
try not half fo fafe or cheap, as Parity of Strength 



among neighbouring Princes. 



9. A Prince,. 



The Prefent State 

^. A Prince, who with his Sampfons intends 
onlv his own Defence, without Regard had of 
his Neighbours Peace and Safety, may one Day 
fall without the Help or Pity of his Neighbours, 
as the excellent. Sir Phi'ip Sidney obferves, he 
that only (lands on his own Defence, ftands on 
no Defence. 

For thtfe Reafons, a Kingdom, abounding 
. Sa-r.pfcr.s, ought therefore to encounter the 
Philijiints, in the Pbiliji ines Country, to pre- 
vent their Marching into Canaan ; fince every 
Frince, by the plain Rules of Difcretion, ought 
rather to humble the thriving Monarch, by 
making his Country the Theatre of War, 
(whereon is acted nothing, but Horrors, and 
fearful Reprefentations) than fee his own, even 
with Victory, a Field of Blood and Defolation. 

La/ify, If from the doubtful Event of War, 
it be alledged, that Peace, even on any Terms, 
ought to be maintained. 

I anfvver, That from the Uncertainty of War, 
there remains to us as much Hopes of Succefs, 
as Fear of Mifcarriage, but from a fupine Peace, 
we have only a certain AfTurance to be fub- 
dued at laft, without the leaft rational Hopes to ef- 
cape ; for let France extend her Conquefts and 
Triumphs, whilft we baik and wantonife in 
Peace, and no imaginable Softnefs and Com- 
pliance of ours can oblige her, till fhe has juftly 
branded us with fome hateful Marks of Sub- 
jection ; this Sort of Peace being like a merce- 
nary Woman, enchanting at firfr, but ready 
enough at laft to betray us to a thoufand Mif- 
chiefs, when once her vile Ends are accomplifh- 
ed : And the better to reprefent this Danger, 
we rauft confider what Inclinations France has 
to us, when during the late Dutch inglorious 
Attempt at Chatham (whereunto by our own 
Nakednefs and Proftitution they were invited, 
and by what elfe, I know not) fhe was upon the 
Point of invading us, with a Royal Army, tho' 
Affairs feemed not then ripe for fo high an At- 
tack j which if fhe had neverthelefs performed. 



of Europe, &c. 197 

what dreadful Effccis muit have enfued, I leave 
them to judge, who (with myfelf ) either faw 
our Arrange Conflernation upon the Attempt of 
a weak, yea, and modeft Enemy, in "June 
1667, or ever beheld a powerful Army in an 
Enemies Country ; and although peradventure 
we might have defrroyed them, yet if they had 
flood, but two Months to an End, and harraf- 
fed four or five Counties, it had been far lefs 
Charge to the Nation (befides our Difhoncur 
and Hazard of our Navy, and Naval Stores) to 
have borne the Expence of an Offenlive War, 
fo many Years together : Ncr muff we imagine 
this haughty Defign of France (where the eafy 
Conquer! of L , and her drooping Con- 

dition, is lately exhibited in Print) is otherwife 
than wifely deferred, till fhe is become our Ri- 
val at Sea, and Flanders fubdued ; for both 
which, fhe now bids fairly, unlefs, by fome po- 
tent Confederacv, fhe be happily prevented : 
And when, in cur weekly Audiences, I read of 
the French Growth, and Marine Preparations 
efpecially (which our glorious Queen, though 
Friend enough to Henry the Fourth, abhorred 
to fuffer, knowing the Confluence to be fuch, 
which by Experience we now find) and yet fee 
the World inclined to {lumber ; I cannot dif- 
cern whether we are warned to a generous Re- 
fiffance, or to prepare our Necks for the Yoke : 
In the mean Time the Ghofr. of that renowned 
Woman (who yet loves her Country, even in 
Shades of Death) reproves us for fuffering thefe 
French thus to increafe at Sea ; and from her 
profound Experience, recommends to us Juftice, 
and Thrift in publick Treafure (as the main 
Pillar of the Government) and War, in the 
great Pretender's Country ; (as the beft Expe- 
dient to keep Peace at Home) from which Rules 
the Prince that fwerves muft end ingloricufly, 
and be content to be hard cenfured by Pofteritv ; 
however, cut of Fear, he may efcape his own 
Generation. 



The 



( 193 ) 



The Rights of the Houfe of Auftria to the Spanifh Succeffion. 

Published, by Order of his Imperial Majefty Leopold \ and tranf- 
lated from the Original, printed at Vienna. MDCCI. 



rn 



JL 



PI E mod illuftrious and potent 
Prince, Charles the Second, King 
of Spain, had . fcarce given up his 
laft Breath, when all Europe, which 
was already very attentive on this 
fad Event, found that Spain, for the Future, was 
to embrace the Ways and Cuftoms of France. 
And that, by an uncommon Trick of State, a 
forged Will was produced, which invited to the 
Succeflion of all the Kingdoms, Dutchies, and 
Principalities of Spain, not an indifputable Re- 
lation, and withal the Eldeft of the Family, 
but an Ally of Sixteen Year?, defcended from 
a Woman excluded from all Manner of Pre- 
tenfion to thofe Dominions, and this contrary 
to Oaths and Treaties ; contrary to a former 
Difpofition of the Father and Grandfather, and 
to the Rights of Birth in fuch a Degree, as, ac- 
cording to the Laws of Spain, was to fucceed 
whenever the Line-Male was extinct; contrary 
to the neareft Affinity by the Female Side ; and, 
which feems to be moil confiderable, contrary 
to the Quiet and Happinefs of all Europe : 
Which proves, as well in general as particular, 
that the Crown of Spain mould not have fallen 
to Philip of Bourbon, Duke of Anjou *, but to 
Leopold f oi Auftria, Emperor of the Romans. 
To make this clear, let us take a View of 
Affairs as they have paft. Philip the Firft, as 
every one knows, lived above two Ages ago, 
and was the Son of the Emperor Maximilian, 
the happy Off-fpring of the Family of Aujlria. 
He had two Sons, viz. Charles, who was the 
elder, born at Ghent in Flanders ; and Ferdi- 
nand, who was the younger, born at Medina 
in Spain : The latter was the firft Emperor of his 
Name ; and the former was the fifth of his 
Name as Emperor, but the firft as King of 



Spain. The Partition, which was made of thofe 
Dominion? between the two Brothers •axlVorms, 
in the Year 1521, was fuch, that Charles, who 
was the eldeft, was to have Spain, together with 
Burgundy 2nd all Flanders; and that Ferdinand, 
who was the younger, and almoft a Child, 
mould have the Territories that are in Germany. 
Ferdinand refted content with his Brother's hap- 
py Lot, who was already become Emperor ; 
and he was the more eafily inclined fo to do at 
that Time, becaufe that, though his Share was 
but fmall, there was noReafon or Power which 
could do any Thing in Prejudice of his other 
Rights, which he was willing to fufpend for a 
Time out of pure Refpe£t to his elder Brother : 
That is to fay, that he always referved to him- 
felf and Succefibrs • a Power to take PoiTefSon 
of that large Inheritance, if the elder Branch 
mould happen to fail. 

Under the favourable Influences of this folid 
Rule of Life and Death, Ferdinand has tranf- 
mitted his Posterity, by his Son who was like- 
wife called Charles, and by his Grandfon, and 
Great Grandfon, viz. Ferdinand the Second and 
the Third, in a right Line down to Leopold the 
prefent Emperor : And to the End he migat 
maintain the Union of the Family, and follow 
the Senfe of the Agreement of Worms, he ap- 
pointed that the Branch of Spain, excluding the 
Females, mould fucceed to his Sons. To 
Charles the Fifth, or Firft, according to the Spa- 
niards, and, after Philips the Firft, the Second, the 
Third, and the Fourth, fucceeded the lately de- 
ceafed Charles of happy Memory. 

He had for his Mother Mary- Anna of Auftria, 
Daughter to the faid Ferdinand the Third, and 
Sifter to Leopold, fo that he was doubly related to 
the Emperor, as well by the Mother's Side, and 



* The prefent King of Spain, a Frenchman. 
Hungary and Bohemia. 



f Grandfather to the prefent Queen of 

by 



The Rights of the Houfe of A 

by the Line of his Predeceflbrs of the Houfe of 
Aujlria. 

Thefe Reafons, and feveral others, which re- 
gard the common Conftitutions of Kingdoms, 
and particularly that of Spain, did incline Philip 
IV, Father of the lately- deceafed Charles, not to 
fuffer that Maria Terefa his eldeft Daughter, 
married to Lezvis the XIV. King of France *, 
mould be admitted direclly or indirectly to fuc- 
cced to the Kingdoms and Provinces of Spain, 
but that both (he and her Pofterity, of what 
Sex or Quality foever, fhould- be for ever exclu- 
ded. Befides, he made a Will f, in the Year 
1665, by which he exprefly invites the Collate- 
ral Branch of Aujlria to the Succeffion of Spain, 
upon the Failing of the Spanijh Line. 

The Peace of Wejlphalia, which was figned in 
1648, did not hinder, but that a cruel War did 
break out between Spain and France, attended 
with feveral Calamities, which continued for 
fome Years, and feemed to have been in a Way 
to continue much longer, to the great Prejudice 
of both Nations, as well by Reafcn of the Pre- 
parations, as of the Alliances, which were made 
on both Sides. Wherefore all Pains was taken 
to put a Stop to the Violence of fo implacable 
a Hatred, by fettling a good Understanding 
between them; and, nothing feeming fo much 
to contribute to this as a Marriage, the chief 
Endeavours were directed this Way. 

The French King at firft had an Eye upon 
Margaret of Savoy ; and it was thought that 
he had fo much Love for her, as to incline him 
to marry her ; but it was no hard Matter to 
make this Prince's firft Flames abate, by pro- 
pofing to him a much more advantageous Alli- 
ance in the Ferfon of the Infanta of Spain. 

Some Reafons of Importance made the French 
very much defire this Marriage ; and Chriftina, 
the King's own Aunt, a Lady of great Solidity 
and Judgment, having gone from Turin with 
Margaret her Daughter, (he came to Lyons, 
where (he met the King her Nephew ; and ge- 
neroufly exhorted him not to think of marrying 
her Daughter, but rather to make choice of the 
Infanta of Spam, as well for the common Good 
cl Chriftcndom, as for the Advantage cf fo many 



uftria to the Spaniih Succejjion. 199 

States, which were brought to Ruin, by fo long 
a War. 

What this prudent Lady would have perfua- 
ded the King her Nephew to, generally pre- 
ferring the publick Good to her own private In- 
tereft, was a Bufinefs full of very confiderable 
Difficulties. The Spaniards had, a long Time 
before, teftified an infuperable Averfion to this 
Alliance, efpecially when they reflected on the 
fatal Confuhons that Perfons of a Temper very 
contrary to theirs would caufe in a Govern- 
ment, if the Iflue of this Marriage mould hap- 
pen to afpire to the Succeffion of the Kingdoms 
of Spain, under the fpecious Pretext of Relation 
by the Mother's Side. This Difficulty feemed, 
and that too upon good Grounds, of fuch Con- 
fequence, that it was firmly refolved not to 
give Way to it, unlefs that the Infanta would 
prefer the Friendship of fo confiderable a Huf- 
band to Confiderations, which otherwife per- 
haps might be of Weight. Maria Terefa then 
muft renounce not only for herfelf, in Cafe of 
Widowhood with Off-fpring, but alfo for her 
Children of both Sexes, that fo the Pofterity 
of France might not have the leaft Hopes of fha- 
ring in the Succeffion of Spain %. 

This did not in the leaft trouble the Infanta, 
who, according to the Way of the World, did 
look to the prefent, without vexing her Head 
with the uneafy Thoughts of uncertain Futuri- 
ty ; fhe eafily renounced, both for herfelf and 
Pofterity for ever, all Hopes of the Spanijh In- 
heritance, that fhe might have a prefent Share in 
the flourishing Crown of France ; confidering 
that, if fhe fhould have Children, they might be 
abundantly happy, though they were as far from 
the Crown of Spain, as from the Humour of 
the Spaniards. King Philip her Father, and 
Lewis her Hufband, were not averfe from this 
free Confent of the Infanta. 

It is true, that King Philip was under a pru- 
dent Fear, that, if the Renunciation was not 
made in plain and clear Terms, the Minifters 
of France, who were always inclined to captious 
Interpretations, would take Occafion to do the 
fame in this Juncture, to attain to their De- 
figns, which then prevailed by Force j and that 



* From whom Philip of Bc.-irhon, the prefent King of Span:, is defcended. 

-f- Which it becomes every honeft Man to have by him, when Difputes arife about Spain, and the Hotife 
of Ait jl fie. 

% It was from this Marriage, that the prefent French King of Spain laid his Claim, and in Defiance to 
this Renunciation, which was a Condition of the Marriage, and articled therein, fuppcrts the fame by 
Force of Arms, under the Protection of France. 

his 



200 The Rights of the Houfe of Au 

his Fear was not groundlefs, Experience has but 
too much (hewn : For, though the Matter and 
Sanfe of Trea'.ies be never fo clear, yet, the 
Luttcr being more obfeure, they wreft it into 
a wrong Scnfe by Force of Arms, as far as 
their Intercft and Power will allow. 

For which Reafon, Cardinal Mazarine and 
Dm Lt wis MlkIsz dc Haro, both chief Mini 
fters of two Kings, and their Plenipotentiaries, 
after they had endeavoured very much, at the 
Pjreiuan Treaty, to agree about the Peace ; 
^nd after they had, with extraordinary Care, 
treated of the Form of the Renunciation, they 
agreed at length with Joy upon a moft ample 
one, containing moft exprefs Claufes, which 
was to ferve as a Law, for the Future * . 

The moft Chriftian King had cloathed his 
Ambaffador with a full Power to agree to this 
Renunciation * : The fame having likewife 
been done by the Emperor, with Refpect to 
his Ambaflador. And fince, as Titus Livius 
favs, That the Law of Nations prevails in Tilings 
which are tranfacled by Faith, by Alliance, by 
Treaties and Oaths ; and that there is a great Dif- 
ference between the public k Faith and the private 
Faith ; that the publick Faith owes its Force to the 
Dignity, and the private to the Form of the Agree- 
ment ; Nobody doubted but that what was done, 
with Refpect to the Renunciation, fhould have 
been more religioufly obferved, fmce both its 
Dignity and Form, in the Treaty made about 
it, did equally contribute to give it Power and 
Force. 

It was upon this Foundation truly worthy of 
the Majefty- Royal, that fo folemn an Agree- 
ment, and the firft and moft noble Part of the 
Pyrenean Peace, was built. 

It was impoffible to find out Words more 
ftrong, or more effectual, than thole the Infanta 
and the King her Hufband made Ufe of; the 
one to exprefs her Renunciation, the other to 
exprefs his Confent *. There, in the moft am- 
ple Manner, vou find a Renunciation of all and 
every one of the Rights, Titles, Laws, Cuftoms, 
Conftitutions, Difpofitions, Remedies and Pre- 
texts by which the Infanta (unlefs (he happened 
to be a Widow without any Oft" -fpring) or her 
Children of either Sex, born of that Marriage, 
could at any Time pretend to the Succeffion of 



ftria to the Spanifh Succefion. 

the Spanifh Dominions. Thus, the Off-fpring of 
France were altogether excluded from the Crown 
of Spain : Nay, the Pope too was intreated to 
give his Apoftolick Benediction to an Agreement 
made with fo much Deliberation, and fo una- 
nimoufly, for the Quiet of both Kingdoms, 
and for the Peace of all Chrijendom, fubferibed 
with the Pyrenean Treaty, November 7, 1659 ; 
and figned in a numerous AfTembly of the Mi- 
nifters of both Princes with mutual Applaufes, 
and eftablifhed on both Sides, with a moft pru- 
dent Forefight. 

Let any one who is difinterefted, and free 
from Paffion, but read the Fourth, Fifth, and 
Sixth Paragraphs of the Contra fi of Marriage, 
and without much Enquiry he (hall clearly fee, 
that no Difpofition or Order could be made, 
nor any Pretext found, by which a Male- Child 
of France could afpire to the Crown of Spain, 
fince he is excluded from all Hopes thereto, by 
Sentences fo clear, Words fo exprefs, and Clau- 
fes fo derogatory and declaratory. There is here 
no Need of School-fhifts and Subterfuges to ob- 
fcure the cleareft Terms. God, who is the 
Searcher of Hearts, and who was called upon as 
a Witnefs in thefe Conventions, does not allow 
of ambiguous Explications : The Crofs of Chrift ; 
The Holinefs of the Gofpel ; The Canon of the 
Mafs, and the Royal Honour ; by all which, 
both Parties were to fwear in the Furm of the 
Pyrenean Peace, cannot admit or fuffer that the 
Words fhould fay one Tr.ing, and the Senfe 
another. 

The Meaning and Intention of thofe that 
contracted, and the perpetual Exclufion of 
Line of France, are clearly to be feen by the 
publick Reafons, and by the Treaty confirmed 
and ratified by the French King. 

The fame Catholick King, Philip IV, * ho 
muft be allowed to have underftood the Senfe of 
this Agreement, repeats it plainly in his Will, 
made the Fourteenth of December, 1665. 

That King appoints feveral and different 
Things in his Will concerning the SuccefEon 
of Spain ; he alfo relates feveral Things about 
the Danger that threatened Spain and all Cbrif- 

dom, bv Reafon of the Marriages made with 
the royal Family of France, unlefs there was 
a Bar put to hinder the Acceffion of any, that was 



* Viz. The Form of die L.fantas Renunciation, whi:h has never been r ~ Suc- 

cefTors, though the French King pretended to agree to it in due Form, as v. ell .. 1 concern- 

ing the fame. 



or 



The Rights of the Houfe of Au 

or fhould be born of them, to the Crown of 
Spain *. He gives a full Account of all the 
Care and Precautions which he was obliged to 
ufe with his Sifter Anna, with Mafia Tereja his 
Daughter, and with his own Wife Elifabeth of 
B our ben, to the End that no Child of France, 
whether Male or Female, fhould by any Man- 
ner of Way, or on any Gccalion, come to en- 
joy the States and Dominions of Spain. He 
mentions Word by Word the Articles that had 
been lately made to avoid all Occafions, which 
might give even the ir.cft remote Grounds to 
fear, that the Crown of Spain fhould be united 
to that of France. He particularifes fome Lines 
of Succeflion + ; and though he knew very well 
that his Daughter could not fail to have a nume- 
rous IfTue by King Lewis, his Son-in-Law, 
fince (he was fruitful, and had already brought 
forth the Dauphin and two Daughters ; yet, not 
forgetting the Pyrenean Peace and Agreements J, 
he excludes the Pofterity of France from coming, 
in any Manner of JVay, to the Poffeffion of the 
Spanijh Dominions ; not only the Males, in 
whofe Perfons both Kingdoms might be united, 
but alfo the Females, who, by Rcafon of the 
Salique Law could not be allowed to reign in 
France, and confequently could not unite Spain 
to it, though they were admitted to that Suc- 
ceflion. But he rather turns himfelf to his own 
Family of Aujlria, and invites the Children of 
his Sifter Mary, who had died in 1646, after 
having had feveral Children by the Emperor 
Ferdinand the Third ; and among others, the 
moft auguft Leopold \\. Nay, he goes farther, 
and, that the French Line might be abfoluiely ex- 
cluded from the Kingdoms and Dominions of 
Spain, he appoints, that, in Cafe the Houfe of 
Aujlria came to be extincl, the Succeflion fhould 
fall to the Pofterity of Catharine of Savoy, his 
Aunt, who had died in 1 597. 

All which is a clear and certain Proof of the 
Exclufion of the French Line, and of the un- 
doubted Right of the Houfe of Aujlria. 

The lately deceafed King Charles § was not 
a Stranger to fo authentick Teftimonies of the 



ftria to the Spanifh Succeflion. 201 

Truth ; the perpetual Renunciation of his Sifter, 
and of her Pofterity, was notorious. The Will 
of his Father Philip dij particularly nominate a 
Succefibr of the Houfe of Aujlria, Charles him- 
felf honoured theEmperor Leopold,$nd conficer- 
ed him as his Relation by the Father's Side, as 
his Uncle by the Mother's Side, as the Eldeft 
of the Houfe of Aujlria as to both Branches, and 
2s apparent Succeflbr, by Virtue of the Will of 
his Father j as bountiful and kind by Reafon of 
the Part he had lately given him in the King- 
dom of Hungary ; not to mention feveral other 
Reafons that he had to honour and efteem him ; 
yea, being yet alive, he gave him a very ample 
Power over the Forces of Spain. 

Neverthekfs, according to the Revolutions 
and Turns of the World, fome of the Spanijh 
Minifters, won by the Brightnefs of a certain 
Neighbour's ** GoJd, ufed all Means to incline 
the weak and languifhing King ff another 
Way, to take him off from his own Family, and 
wheedle him over to the French Side, which he 
formerly looked upon with great Averfion. 
They %\ themfelves acknowledged and fuppofed 
tjie Validity of the Infanta Maria Terefa's Re- 
nunciation, and of King Philip's Will," with all 
Things which had been done for excluding of 
the Heirs of France ; but the Reafon of 2II they 
make to be this, viz. The Fear of the Union 
of both Crowns ; which Fear now ceafing, and 
the Union being hindered, there fhould be Way 
made for the Acceflion of the Children of France 
to the Crown of Spain. 

Then they forge a Will, which, by the Help 
of fome Lawyers, they put into Form, in Fa- 
vour of the Duke of Anjou |||| ; and prcfs the dy- 
ing King to fign it, when his Heart was parch- 
ed and confumed, and his Brain diffolved into 
Phlegm; a fine Piece ofWork this ; which will 
raife the Wonder of future Ages, both in Schoc's 
and Courts; efpecially if one would but ccnf:- 
der the Sequel and Coherence of the whole Af- 
fair, which is in other Places fufficiently noto- 
rious, as well as thofe Circumftances already re- 
lated. 



Spain ? : 



* Is not this truly verified by the prefent Intrigues between France and the French King of 
not France managed all the Councils of Spain, fince Philip's Reign, to t..e Service of Frt 
her in the Ruin of all neighbouring States, and the Acquiring Univerfal Monarchy. 

f See the Will. 

X Viz. The Renunciation of the Infanta Maria Terefa, and the Treaty that confirmed the farce 

|| Grandfather to the prefent Queen of Hungary, &c. § T,\ Second of Sf t it. 

** French. j-f Charles the Second of Spain. ++ To.e French Mini ft 

prefent King of Spain. 

Dd 



The 



202 The Rights of tbe Houfe of Au 

By the former Will of Philip IV, the Cafe 
is clear, certain, and without Limitation for 
an Heir of the Houfe of Aujlria ; in the late 
Will of Charles the Second, they feign a Limi- 
tation, which is inconfiftent with it both in 
Words and Senfe. The Son claims in the Laft 
a Power to make a Will, which they, that 
forged the Second, endeavour to take away from 
the Father. 

The Renouncing of the Sifter and the Aunt 
contains an univerfal, unlimited, and direct Ex- 
clufion ; but the pretended Will of Charles will 
needs fay, That it has an oblique Reftriction in 
it, directly contrary to thofe Terms and Inten- 
tions above alledged. The former folemn Acts 
declare for the Houfe of Aujlria, and, in order 
to their greater Force and Certainty, they are 
eitabliihed as fundamental Laws. But is it to 
love the Houfe of Aujlria, and to ftrengthen its 
Security, the Depriving it of the Kingdoms al- 
ready fo renowned for the Name of Aujlria, in 
the Grandfather's Time, and the Nominating 
French Succefibrs ? Reafon therefore thoroughly 
concurs with the Letter, for a total Exclufion of 
the French Pofterity ; and it is not true, that' 
in the Treaties of Contracts between Spain and 
France, no more than in the Teftament of Phi- 
lip, the Union of Crowns was the fole and on- 
ly Reafon. 

Foi why fhould it elfe have been neceffary to 
give it away to the Females or younger Fami- 
ly ? When in France it goes to the Eldeft, and 
the Females are for ever excluded the Crown of 
France ; this would be in vain to fear the Union 
of the two Crowns, in a Perfon which is abfo- 
lutely uncapable of either. 

The Duke of Orleans, one of the Sons of 
Anne of Aujlria, was heretofore pafTed by in Si- 
lence, and, by Virtue of his Mother's Con- 
tract of Marriage, has always been neglected ; 
which, in the mean Time, would be contrary 
to all this, if Regard was had only to the Fear 
of Uniting the two Crowns. 

And, in the laft Place, the crafty Inventor of 
the late Will has been fo bold, as to do a ma- 
nifeft Injury to the moft ferene Daughters of 
the Emperor Leopold ; inafmuch as he endea- 
vours to exclude all and every of them from the 
pretended Will, although he has not the leaft 



flria to the Spanifh Succejpon. 

Ground to fear in them the Throne of France 
and Spain uniting by Inheritance. 

It is, therefore, evident, that the Predeceflors 
of the late King of Spain have had fome other 
Motive, than that of the fole Fear of the Union ; 
they having bent their whoh Care to prevent any 
Prince of France from Coming to the Throne of 
Spain, upon the Account of the publick Tranquilli' 
ty, and for the particular Benefit of the Houfe of 
Auftria. 

And, if we examine the Danger of the faid 
Union, what is there to aflure the prc-fent Spa- 
niards again ft the Union, which they never ceafe 
exclaiming againft ? Is it the Faith of France 
fo often given, and fo often broken ? Is it the 
Gravity of the Spaniards, which by the Arts of 
its Enemies is grown as fickle and as variable as a 
Weathercock, tolled by frequent and fudden 
Whirlwinds ? Is it the Trouble or the Con- 
tempt of a Crown, in the Vacancy of a neigh- 
bouring one, which lies perpetually at Catch a- 
gainft the neighbouring States, till they are re- 
duced into Provinces ? 

But" thefe laft Things are of a private Con- 
cern, whereas the other Things mentioned be- 
fore are of a publick, and may be of pernicious 
Confequence for the Future, whatever Way we 
confider them here. The Force of Peace, 
Treaties, Religion, and the very Laws of Spain 
lie at the Stake, and are called in Queftion. 

The French Writers tbemfelves cannot deny 
this, not even the Archbiihop of Ambrun, who 
has made himfelf famous among them, by a Li- 
bel heretofore published, under the Title of A 
Defence of the Right * of the mojl Chrijlian 
tQueen. 

That Author writing in tbe faid Work with 
great Care againft the Spaniards, in Favour of 
the French Army, which then invaded Flanders, 
and not thinking it fit that he ihould be thought 
to reflect upon the Pragmatick + Sanction of 
Spain, he endeavours to elude it by all poffible 
Means, and magiiterially to inftruct the Spa- 
niards in what was hurtful or profitable to them. 
The faid Sanction, with the other Laws of Spain, 
are in a Book, intituled, Nueva Rccepilation, or 
A new Colleclion printed at Madrid, 1640. This 
Sanction, in moft exprefs Terms, excludes the 
French from the Succelhon of Spain, fo that it 



Of Maria Tercfa, which fhe, with the Confent and Approbation of her intended Confort, had re- 



nounced befjre Marriage. 



f You fee that the Houfe of Aufria has been deluded before now by a Pragmatick Sa>;c7io>:, thro' 
the Policy and Power of France. 

leave? 



¥be Rights of the Houfe of Auflria to the Spanifh Succejion. 203 



leaves no Power to Lewis the Fourteenth, and 
his Brother, nor to any of their Children, to 
fucceed to the Kingdom of Spain, or any of the 
States depending thereon. 

The faid Archbifhop acknowledges very well 
the exprefs Terms of that Law, and puts him- 
felfto a deal of Pains to overthrow fo ftrong 



In the fir ft Family of the Kings of Francis 
the younger Brothers had alfo their Part in the 
Crown fo far, that even Baftards were not ex- 
cluded. Thus Clevis, who was the iiric 
tian King, being dead, his four Sons d the 

Kingdom in as many Parts. Cbildebcrt had that 
of Paris ; dodomer that of Orleans \ Clstariut 



ther had that of Metz. 
Kingdoms being united 



At length, thefe four 
in Clotarius, by tic 



a Bulwark. He repeats the Quirks and Shifts that of Soifon ; and Theodarick :heir natural Bto- 

of fome Lawyers, which the Flemijh * and Spa- 

niards had already anfwered fo fully, that the 

French might be alhamed to mention them a- 

gain ; and, that he might feem to fay fomething 

of his own, he endeavours, in whole Chapters, 

and at the End of his Libel, to difprove the 

Reafons of the Ufefulnefs of that Law drawn 

from the publick Intereft of Europe ; faying, 

That it wanted the Authority of a Legiflator, 

and the Solemnity of a Publication ; as if the 

Publick was only concerned in increafing the 

Power of France, without any Regard to the 

Houfe of Auflria, and the Quiet of" Europe ; 

whence it would follow, that no Monarch could 



Death of the reft, his four Sons made a I 
Divifion of it, each of them retaining the Title 
of Kin? of France. 

This Way of Divifion continued likewife in 
the fecond Family of the Kings of France almoft 
to its End, and all the Children of the Kings of 
France were called Kings. Yet none can fav, 
that thofe Things have been unjuftlv changed af- 
terwards, and that they ought not to have been 
altered. 

Hugh Capet, who brought the Sceptre to the 
third Family, was the firft that made the Law, 
ejlablljh any Conjlitutions without the Approbation and gave Place to Appenages, as may be feen by 
of France, though they were never fo conform an Act of 1282, pronounced onlv in the Prefence 
to the moft ancient Cuftoms of former Ages, of thirty Nobles ; yet the Female Heirs did not 
It is enough that, in that Sanction of Spain, the think themfelves excluded bv the Ac}, until the 
Friendship and Honour of the Houfe of Auflria Reign of Philip le Bel, who exprefly declared 
did prevail, after they had before been confirm- againft their Succeflion. 

ed by Agreements, which the French had made It were eafv to remark feveral like Changes 
and fwore to. It is enough that the faid Prag- touching the Form of Laws in ancient Times, 
matick Sanction has been made and published in the Hiftory of France. Now, what French- 
by a wife and prudent King, on the Requeft and man dare accufe thefe Changes of Injuftice, or 
by the Advice of the States of the Kingdom, declare them null ? Or, who will accufe their 
according to the Cuftom of their Anceftors, as Kings of Want of natural Affection in exclud- 
alfo according to other Laws of a later Date. ing their Daughters, even againft their Will, 
This Author forgets himfelf, and condemns and without having renounced their Right to it? 
the Salique Law, and the Authority of his own Who dare declare the prefent Laws of no Force, 
Kings, if he denies the Force of this Sanction, becaufe they differ from the ancient ones ? Not 
in the Form and Matter of which, all the former to fpeak of thofe Shadnvs of Power in Modern 
Cuftoms have wholly ceafed. Parliaments, which make it clearly appear, that 

The Averfion of the French to the Female Sex 
has not always been fo ftrong, as to exclude 
them with their Children and Relations from 
the Succeffion ; and neverthelefs what the Sa- 
lique Law, brought in by Procefs of Time, has empty Stile, againft the aforefaid Sanction j pr#- 
forbid, is as clear as the Sun. ftituting, by that Means, the Royal Sincerity, 

The Frenc h Authors are not ignorant of the and the Sacrednefs of Oaths, in the Opinion of 
folemn Act which has been made not many all thofe who are not blinded with Partiality : 
Ages fince, which forbids to admit the Daugh- But the Evidence and the Reafonablenefs of that 
ters of France, who are in the Appenage of a Law appears to all the World. 
Royal Brother, to the Succeffion after his Death, Kings fhould have but one tongue, and one Pen^ 
though till then they had fome Part in it. and there is nothing that Jhines more brightly in a 



it were ridiculous in France to make the ancient 
Laws the Standard of the prefent ones. 

Wherefore the Archbifhop of Ambrun does but 
beat the Air, when he fpeaks in a florid, but 



* Under the Spanifb Yoke. 
Dd2 



Prince 



204 Tue Right i of tic Thufe of Aw 

P. ince than Honeftv and Sincerity. Things that 
are promifed, agreed upon, and /worn to, if ever 
they ought to be obferved, they fhould be fo, 
vviihout Doubt, by thofe whom we reverence, 
and efteem, as Gods on Earth. It is not lawful 
that wh.:t proceeds out of their Lips fhould not 
take Efflci. The Centralis of Kings are not 
liable to School Difputes, they defpife the Sophifms 
of the Rabble ; and they require an Obfervation 
fo much the more fincere, by how much they 
are agreeable to the Matter of Renunciation", to 
the Laws of Nations, to the Decrees of the Com- 
mon Law, and to the Statutes of Ecclefiaftical 
Canons. 

The French, Flenvjh, and Spanijh Lawyers, 
and fome of other Nations, do teach, " That 
*' Stipulations made of the Inheritance of a Per- 
" I'm in Life, particularly with Refpect to a 
" Marriage that is concluded, are approved by 
" univerfal Cuftom. That the Example of al- 
" moft all the World is for the Validity of Re- 
" nunciations ; and that too, though no Oath 
" mould intervene, even notwithstanding the 
" Minority of the Perfon, when they are made 
" by a general Confent, and for the publick 
" Good : That, in the Oaths made by Heirs, 
" there is implied a folemn Confent of their Fa- 
t{ thers, and an Imprecation againft them ; fo 
" that they are as much obliged in Confcience to 
" fee the Thing performed, as thofe who for- 
** merly fwore and promifed it. That Succef- 
w fion is conveighed to Children by a certain In- 
*' ftintSt of Nature, and not by any Law of Na- 
" ture. That fome Things are founded on 
" fome Natural Reafons, yet not fo as that they 
" cannot be changed, altered, or revoked. That 
" one Civil Law may be abolifhed by another. 
" That Laws are arbitrary to thofe, in Favour 
*' of whom they were made, &c. 

Should one be at the Pains to read all the 
Books that have been writ thefe thirty Years *, 
he fhall find that the French have been fickle and 
inconflant, and that they have no Regard to Trea- 
ties, Laws, or Latter Wills, when they find it 
r Advantage to break or oppofe them. And 
this certainly fhould excite all the Powers of Eu- 
rope, who have any Regard to their own JVelfare, 
in the prefent Junilure of Affairs, to take ju/l 
Meafures in Favour of the Houfe of Aultria, againji 
the Power an I Avarice of France. 

The French put a malicious Glofs upon the 
prudent and wife Constitution, which is to be 



flru to the Spanifh SucceJJion. 

fcen in the Canon Law, touching Renunciations 
confirmed by Oath, Cap. Ghiamvis de Pailis ; as 
if the Author of the faid Constitution, either out 
of Vain-glory, or out of a Defign to Strengthen 
the Papal Authority, had made that exorbitant 
Decretal, and had endeavoured, by a new Law, 
to confirm that Dignity to which the See of 
Rome has attained, by Cunning and Deceit. 

The Pyrenean Treaty, which was fo prod 
of the Spanijh Dominions to the French, and the 
Sacrednefs of repeated Oaths, by which France 
has more than once renounced all Claim to the Suc- 
ceflion of Spain, now complain of being maltreat- 
ed and trampled under Foot, and of being quite al- 
tered and deformed by Law Quirks and School 
Quibbles. 

The prefent Pope ought to refent the Con- 
tempt that is thrown on his Predeceffor, and on 
the See of Rome ; fince the Contract of Marri- 
age, which is now thought null, had the Apo- 
ltolical Benediction to give it the more Force, 
and make it more folemn and facred. 

The French violate Treaties, deny Kings the 
Power of making Laws, fight IVills and Tejla- 
ments, and, in a Word, overturn all thofe Things 
upon which the Peace and Security of Society 
and Government is founded. They have no 
Regard to the publick G/iod of Europe, and, provided 
they can but raife the Glory and Power of France, 
they do not care if the whole Univerfe befides 
fhould perifh. 

The Way to the Univerfal Monarchy is now 
more open to the King of France than ever, and 
it cannot be thought he will ftop in his Career 
which he has begun with fo much Craft and Suc- 
cefs, unlefs all the reft of Europe, fenfible of the 
Injuries done them by France, do ltir up them- 
felves, and, without lofingTime, examine what 
they are obliged to do in Favour of the Houfe of 
Anflria, left it fhould be deprived of its ancient 
Patrimony, and left Italy, England, Portugal, 
the United Provinces, and the reft of Germany, be 
robbed of their beloved Liberties, and of their 
Riches and Glory. 

We heartily condole the Fate of Spain, that it 
has been fo villainoufly feduced to act after fuch 
a mean and fordid Way, as it has done of late. 
That Spain, which has fo long difcovered the 
Snares, and refifted the cruel Dcfigns of France, 
fhould now bafely fubmit to it, yield herfelf a 
Slave, and quite lofe her former Greatnefs and 
Glory ; which fhe muft certainly do, if fhe do not 



Anno 1 70 1. 



fuddenly 



A Trip to Dunkirk. 



fuddenly and vigoroufly afiift the Houfe of Au* 
Jlria. 

We do not in the leaft doubt, but that the 
evident Danger, which the Dominions andTrade 
of other Nations are in, will perfuade them to act 
with all their Might, in Favour of the juft Caufe 
of the Houfe of Auflria, and make them join to- 
gether for their own Safety and Tranquillity. 

Neither can we doubt, but that hisHolinefs, 
according to his great Prudence, does perceive 
the little Regard the French have for keeping of 
Peace,or obferving of Covenants and Caths ; how 
much they profane the Name of God and the 
Holy Gofpel ; how haughty they are in their 
Threats ; how infupportable their Government 
is; how treacheroufly active they are in foreign 
Courts ; and what they are capable to undertake, 
if the Spaniards, who fo long nobly refilled them, 
continue inglorioufly to fubmit to them, and 
keep their Neck under that intolerable Yoke. 

We deplore the Scandal that muft follow there- 
upon ; we forefee the approaching Danger of 
our Neighbours, and fevere Calamities, which 
threaten fome remote Nations. 



205 

The Emperor Leopold, who was always peace- 
able, and a Lover of Juftice, is Enemy to none 
but the Turks, and that too only when they pro- 
voke him. He is the Avenger of the Chrijlian 
Dignity, and a religious Obferver of Laws, 
Treaties, and Oaths. But what mould he do 
now, when he is robbed of his Patrimonial 
Right, which, upon many Accounts, belongs to 
the Houfe of Auflria, and fo infolently invade the 
Fiefs of the Empire ? The other Princes of Eu- 
rope, who have been injured by France, muft 
certainly fee that there is no more effectual Way 
to fecure their Peace and Profperity, than by 
bringing France down, and oppofing of it with 
all their Force. 

For my Part I flop here, and advife them only 
upon theAccount of the Dangers with which they 
are threatened, and upon Account of their Safe- 
ty, which is now in a very tottering Condition, 
to remember what has been faid of old, To make 
Ufe of the prefent Time. Time runs away with 
Rapidity and Swiftnefs, and when Men neglect 
the firft Opportunity, they fcarce ever find fuch 
a one again. 



A Trip to Dunkirk : Or, a Hue-and-Cry after the pretended 
Prince of Wales. Being a Panegyrick on the DESCENT. 
Said to be written by Dr. Swift. Printed, and fold by the Book- 
fellers of London and Weftminjler. MDCCVIII. 



WH Y, hark ye me, Sirs, — if this Rumour holds true, 
Ware like here, Egad, to have fomewhat to do: 
The French, as they fay (he'll believe it that fees it) 
Are coming, Gadfookers, to pay us a Yiftt ; 
With fuch a vaft Fleet — (L — d have Mercy upon's, 
And keep us from Popery, Swords, and great Guns) 
That, as Pm alive, — tho' I ne'er was afraid yet, 
It almoft had frighten'd me — firft when I heard it. 
Nay, more than all this, it is certainly faid 
There's a little Welch Monarch to come at their Head ; 
And he (Shame the Devil, and let us fpeak the Truth) 
You know, in your Hearts, is a very fmart Youth, 
And doubtlefi will prove, when he's pleas'd to beftir him,. 
As valiant as e'er was his Father before him, 
Who, bent on fome great Expedition in View, 
Now glitters in Arms with an Equipage too, 
Which, poiitively, you may fwear is, all new. 



> 

J 

For. 



206 A 'Trip to Dunkirk. 

For, as I have heard (if fome People fpeak right) 

He ne'er maich'd before, — unlefs 'twere to fh — te j 

But now at the Head of ten-thoufand brave Fellows, 

(That is, ts Accounts thence arepleas'd for to tell us) 

He's goir y on fome ftrange Advantage or other, 

(Perhaps v is to feelc out his Father or Mother) \ 

In Ireland, or Scotland, or fome Land or another ; 

I can't ell you where, but to fome Place no Doubt, 

Which you'll hear Time enough, if he e'er does fet out, 

With an Army of French, Popifh Bridles and Knives, 

To cut all our Throats, and to ride all our Wives. 

Then ftand to your Arms, all good People, I'd wifh ye, 

You loyal Train'd-bands, and the valiant Militia, 

Brum up your Buff Doublets, and Scotch Bafket-hilt, 

(By which, to your Honour, no Blood was e'er fpih ;) 

The Nation will now your Afliftance want fore, -i 

Which, as I remember, they ne'er had before, 

Nor will 



> 



} 



I hope in kind Heav'n, e'er want any more. -* 

Altho', for your Zeal, it is not to be queftion'd, 

You've always been ready, when aught has occafion'd : 

At ev'ry Rejoicing you've made a fine Show, 

(And that is one Part of a Soldier we know) 

Been drunk, and done all that became you to do. 

And as for your Valour we cannot deny it, 

'Tis known you can fright — tho' you'd rather be quiet. 

Nor has the French Threats, or their Menaces fcar'd us, 

Becaufe we knew well we'd fuch a Hero to guard us. 

Then, fince they're fo hot on't, 'gad e'en let 'em come, 

I'll warrant they'll be maul'd — tho' I don't fay by whom. 

We've Rods here in Pifs that will firk off their Tails, 

For all their brave Alls — and their Monarch of Wales. 

Adlheart the young Hero had beft take a Care, 

That he ben't in Conclufion drawn into a Snare : 

For, as it is faid, his old Godfire intends 

(Or at leaft wou'd be glad, as the Matter now Hands) 

To get (hut of him handfomely off of his Hands ; 

And therefore e'en tells him in Words very plain, 

Tljat he hopes (which is true) ne'er to fee him again. 

So, e'en fink or fwim, Fleet, Forces, and all, 

He'll venture this Caft, tho' it coft him a Fall. 

To Ireland fome think this Welch Hero is bound, 
Tho' Pox that's a Jeft, one may venture Five Pound ; 
For there's an old Debt ftill on Lewis's Score, 
He was bit in aflifting his Father before, 
And therefore he'll hardly come there any more. J 

No, Scotland's the Place, they fay, he's defign'd to, 

Where 'tis thought 

H'as a great many Fnends — which, perhaps, he'll fcarce find foj 

But let him take Care what may follow hereafter, 

If he trufts to the Scots, he may chance catch a Tartar : 

And, if he fhou'd fall in our Clutches ye know, 

He'd be damnably mumo'd, I can tell him but fo ; 

Were 



} 



\ 



Memoirs of Queen Mary'j Days. 207 

Were I in his Cafe, I'd not truft my own Brother ; 

They fold us one K — , fhou'd they fell us another ; 

For our Jacks here at Home — as brave Fellows as may be, 

They prick up their Ears at the News on't already ; 

And, out of their Zeal, they expect him at leaft 

To be here, French and all, when the Wind's next at Eajl : 

But fome are more cautious, and queftion it much, 

And doubt th' Invafion's defign'd on the Dutch ; 

For the Noife of his Landing they fwear 'tis a Bite all, 

They'll truft to't no more — till they fee him at White- Hall. 

But this is but Talk all, and fo let it reft, 
Some are ftill of Opinion 'twill all prove a Jeft : 
This Hero at Dunkirk will make his Campaign, 
And fo gallop back to St. Germains again. 




Memoirs * of Queen Marys Days ; wherein the Church of Eng- 
gland, and all the Inhabitants may plainly fee (if God hath 
not fuffered them to be infatuated) as in a Glafs, the fad Ef- 
fects which follow a Popijh SucceJJbr enjoying the Crown of 
England. 

Humbly tendered to the Conjtderation of Sec. 

--*£ H E firft remarkable Paffagc in Suffex, Lord Wentworth, John Mordaunt, and 

Queen Mary's (Popifh) Reign, was Thomas Wl)ar ton , Barons, eldeft Sons, and feve- 

her wicked DifTimulation with the ral Knights, and many others of Norfolk and 

Men of Suffolk, to get herfelf into Suffolk, with whom fhe conditioned and agreed, 

the Throne, and Breach of her That Jhe zvould not attempt, in any Wife, the leaji 

Faith and Word, after fhe had obtained it, Alteration of Religion ejlablijhed by her Brother, 

thus : King Edward VI. She, by this Trick, being 

As foon as fhe heard of her Brother King thus affifted, wrote her Letter to the Lords of 

Edward's Death, and that he had by his Will, the Council, wherein fhe claimed the Crown, 

with the Confent of his Council, excluded her, and required them to proclaim her Queen of 

and nominated the Lady Jane to fucceed (the England, in the City of London, which in a 

faid Queen Mary having been before baftardifed fhort Time was done. 

by her Father King Henry VIII.) fhe, under As foon as fhe got into the Throne, her fair 

Pretence of fearing Infection, rode forty Miles Promifes proved falfe Deceits ; for fhe immc- 

in one Day, and removed from Norfolk to her diately (the very next Day) broke her Word 

Caftle of Frummingham in Suffolk, where taking with them, and, in a fhort Time, thofe of the 

upon her the Title of Queen, fhe pretended to Diocefe in Suffolk, whom fhe thus wheedled to 

all the Nobility and Gentry of thofe Countries, affift her, tafted the fharpeft Perfecution under 

That, if they would give her their Affijlance, fhe her Reign ; for fhe was fo far from keeping 

would make no Alteration in Religion ; thereupon her Promifes and Conditions, made either with 

came to her the Earls of Oxford, Bath, and them, or any others, in Matters of Religion,. 

* Printed in the Year 1681. 

that 



20 8 Memoirs of Queen Mary'* Days. 

that (he aclcd quite contrary, as appears by the Mafs commanded 



bequel of her fad and bloody Reign. 

1. It was on the Third of Augujl," Anno 155^, 
that Queen Mary rode through London to the 
Tower, and, the very next Day, ihe fet up 
Stephen Gardner, the bloody Perfecutor of the 
Proteftants, in the BifJioprick of Winchejier^ 
and a few Days after made him High-Chan- 
cellor of England; this was that cruel Man that 
the Duke of Norfolk came to dine with, who 
would not go to Dinn